When all the materials were in readiness, the army began its march for Cotabamba, at which place it was determined to pass the river. In this march the army had to encounter very considerable difficulties in passing through mountains covered with snow. Several of the captains were of opinion that this was an improper route, and proposed another place almost fifty[37], leagues higher up; but Lope Martin, who guarded the pass of Cotabamba, always insisted that the securest passage was to be had at that place. In consequence of this difference of opinion, the president sent Valdivia and three other captains to examine the different places; and on their report that Cotabamba was attended by the least difficulty and danger, that place was fixed upon. When Lope Martin got information that the army approached to Cotabamba, he set to work with the Spaniards and Indians of his detachment, to extend and tighten the cables and ropes across the river, of which the main support of the bridge was to be composed. Three of the cables were already fixed, when the spies employed by Gonzalo came to the place, and cut two of them without resistance. On this intelligence being communicated to the army, it gave much concern to the president and his officers, lest Gonzalo might bring up his forces to dispute the passage before the army could be able to get over. The president, therefore, accompanied by his principal officers, Hinojosa Alvarado and Valdivia, hastened to the scite of the bridge, where he immediately gave orders for some companies of infantry to pass the river on Peruvian flat boats or rafts, which was deemed a very hazardous enterprize, both on account of the rapidity of the current, and because it was believed the enemy might be in some force on the other side. Among the first who got over was Hondegardo with a few soldiers, after whom several other captains of infantry got across with their men, so that before night above four hundred men were got over, some of whom swam over their horses along with the flat boats, holding them by the bridles, and having their musquets and other arms tied to the saddles. Yet so rapid was the current, that above sixty horses were lost on this occasion, either drowned or dashed against the rocks.
[Footnote 37: This may probably be an error of the press in the original for fifteen leagues. Fifty leagues even from Abancay would have carried the army almost to Arequipa, to turn the head of the Apurimac, and among the highest mountains of Peru.--E.]
On receiving notice from his spies that a part of the royalists had got across the river, Gonzalo sent off Juan d'Acosta with two hundred mounted musqueteers, with orders to give no quarter to any of those who had passed the river, excepting such as had newly come from Spain. On the approach of Acosta, as the royalists then on that side of the river were not numerous, they mounted a considerable number of Indians and negroes on the horses which had been got over, arming them with lances, and by that means presented the appearance of a formidable squadron drawn up on a height, the few Spanish troops who were on that side of the river being placed in the front rank; insomuch that, when Acosta went to reconnoitre, they appeared so numerous that he did not venture to attack; and returned for a reinforcement. In the mean time, the bridge being got ready with the utmost possible diligence, most of the royalists passed the river, every one expressing the utmost astonishment at the negligence of Gonzalo in not being at hand to dispute the passage, as a hundred men at each of the three places where preparations had been made for passing, might have rendered the attempt exceedingly hazardous.
Next day, when all the army with its stores and followers had passed the river, Don Juan de Sandoval was sent out upon discovery, who reported on his return that he had advanced three leagues into the country without seeing any thing of the insurgents. Hinojosa and Valdivia were then ordered to advance with several companies of infantry to occupy the passes in the neighbouring mountain, as Gonzalo might have given them much trouble if he had taken possession of these heights, which were above a league and a half in ascent; and this order was happily executed without meeting with any resistance. When Acosta retreated from the river, in consequence of believing himself too weak to attack those who had passed, he sent to demand a reinforcement from Gonzalo of a hundred musqueteers, with the aid of whom he alleged he would be enabled to defeat the royalist party which had crossed. At this time one Juan Nunnez de Prado deserted from him to the president, and gave him notice of the succours which were expected by Acosta. Believing therefore that Gonzalo would advance with all his forces, the president took post on the ridge of the mountain with above nine hundred men, both cavalry and infantry, and remained under arms all night. Next morning, Acosta advanced with the reinforcement he had demanded, and the scouts of the president brought notice of his approach. On this intelligence, believing the whole army of the insurgents at hand, the president sent his major-general Alfonzo de Alvarado back to the river, to bring up the artillery and the rest of the army: And as the colours of Pizarro came in sight, before the return of Alvarado, the president drew up his nine hundred men in order of battle, giving all the necessary orders in case of being attacked. But in a short time, it was discovered that these precautions were unnecessary, as Acosta soon retreated with his three hundred men, on seeing the greatly superior force of the royalists.
The president remained two or three days in the position he had taken on the summit of the mountain, waiting for his artillery and the rest of his army. While at that place, Gonzalo sent him a message by a priest, demanding that he should dismiss his army, and refrain from making war against him till he should receive new orders from his majesty. On this occasion, the bishop of Cuzco, who was along with the president, ordered the priest into confinement. A little time before this, Gonzalo had dispatched another priest, to endeavour to gain over Hinojosa and Alvarado to his party, But that messenger, being resolved to desert the party of the insurgents, had taken measures in concert with his brother to go off in company with all their effects, in which they succeeded. At this time likewise the president wrote to Gonzalo, as he had repeatedly done during his march, earnestly entreating him to submit to the orders of his majesty, and sending him at the same time a copy of the amnesty. The usual manner in which these dispatches was forwarded to Gonzalo, was by means of the scouts of the army, who had orders to give them to those belonging to Gonzalo when they chanced to meet.
When it was known at Cuzco that the president had crossed the river Apurimac with all his army, and had taken possession of the pass in the high mountain, Gonzalo Pizarro immediately marched out from that city with his army and encamped at Xaquixaguana, about five leagues from Cuzco, in a plain through which the road passed by which the royalists would have to march on their way from the mountain towards Cuzco. His army at this time consisted of five hundred and fifty musqueteers, with six pieces of cannon, and three hundred and fifty cavalry and pikemen. Gonzalo established his camp in a very strong position, as it was only accessible in front by means of a very narrow defile, one flank being secured by a river and morass, the other flank by the mountain, and the rear by precipitous rocks. During two or three days, that the two armies remained near each other before the battle, Gonzalo sometimes detached a hundred and sometimes two hundred men to skirmish with similar parties of the enemy. As the royalist army was now encamped only at a short distance from the insurgents, Gonzalo was afraid his troops might lose courage by noticing the vast superiority of the enemy in number, and that many of his men might abandon him; for which reason he always drew up his men under cover of a rising ground near his camp, pretending that he did so to induce the president to attack him in his present advantageous post, confiding in his numbers and believing the insurgents much fewer than they really were.
After the president had passed the mountains and pitched his camp on the descent towards the plain, within view of the insurgents, Gonzalo drew up his army in order of battle, and caused some discharges to be made from his cannon and musquetry. On that day there arose so thick a mist, that the scouts and spies of the two armies often came against each other unexpectedly. Seeing that the insurgents were disposed to await his attack, or even to give battle, the president was inclined to defer bringing matters to that extremity for some time, in the hope that a considerable number of the enemy might come over to him if they could find an opportunity. Yet, as the season was exceedingly cold, even accompanied with strong frost, and as wood could not be procured for making fires, and provisions were scarce, it was impossible to remain long in a state of inaction. The army of Gonzalo was not subject to any of these inconveniencies, having plenty of provisions brought regularly from Cuzco, and being encamped in a comfortable and temperate situation in comparison with the position of the president, whose camp was on the slope of the mountain, while that of the insurgents was in the plain or valley below. Such is the difference in the temperature of Peru at very inconsiderable distances, that on the mountains a severe cold is experienced, accompanied by frost and snow, while only at eight or ten miles distance in the valley the inhabitants are obliged to use precautions to relieve them from excessive heat.
Gonzalo and his lieutenant-general, Carvajal, had formed an arrangement for a night attack upon the president, intending to have assailed his camp in three points at the same time; but they were induced to abandon this project, in consequence of the desertion of one of their soldiers named Nava, who communicated their intentions to the president. By this person and some others who had joined him from the army of Gonzalo, the president was advised to delay coming to battle as long as possible; as they were certain that many of the followers of Gonzalo would take the first favourable opportunity of returning to their duty, more especially those soldiers who had served under Centeno, and who had been constrained after his defeat to enter into the ranks of the insurgents to save their lives. In expectation of the proposed attack, the president kept his army the whole of that night under arms, by which they suffered, much distress from the extreme coldness of the weather on the mountain, so that many of the soldiers were hardly able to keep hold of their arms, and waited impatiently for day. At daylight, a party of musqueteers belonging to Gonzalo was observed in march to gain possession of a height in the neighbourhood of the royal camp. Mexia and Palomino were immediately detached, with three hundred musqueteers, to dislodge them, and Valdivia and Alvarado advanced in the same direction, so that the enemy were soon forced to retire. During this skirmish, the president marched down from the mountain with the main body of his army, in the direction of Cuzco, under cover of the hill on which the skirmish had taken place; and, to distract the attention of the enemy, a small detachment of cavalry and infantry was ordered to advance in view of the insurgent camp from that hill. On the arrival of Valdivia and Alvarado at the top of the hill, observing that it was possible to cannonade the camp of the enemy from that place, they sent orders to Gabriel de Royas to bring up the artillery. On this occasion, De Royas promised a reward of five hundred crowns for each ball that should reach the enemy: In fact he paid that sum about a year afterwards to one of his gunners, who sent a ball through the tent of Gonzalo, which was exceedingly conspicuous, by which one of his pages was slain. In consequence of this incident, Gonzalo ordered all the tents to be struck, that they might not serve as marks for the cannoneers of the president. He likewise ordered his own artillery to commence firing, and drew up his army in order of battle, taking his own station at the head of his cavalry, which was commanded by the licentiate Cepeda and Juan d'Acosta. Carvajal was at the head of the infantry, having under him the captains Juan de la Torre, Diego Guillen, Juan Velasquez de Guevara, Francisco Maldonado, and Sebastian de Vergara. Pedro de Soria commanded his artillery. When the insurgent army was drawn up in order of battle, the numerous Indians that were attached to it quitted the camp, and posted themselves in view of both armies on the slope of a neighbouring hill.
While the artillery on both sides kept up a constant fire, the royalist army descended from the mountain without keeping any regular order, and in all possible haste, the cavalry all on foot leading their horses, both on account of the ruggedness of the ground and the better to avoid the cannonade from the enemy, as they had no shelter from the balls. Immediately on getting down to the plain, the troops were drawn up in order of battle; the infantry in two battalions in the centre, and the cavalry on the two wings. The cavalry of the left wing was commanded by the captains Juan Saavedra, Diego de Mora, Rodrigo Salazar, and Francisco Hernandez de Aldana. The royal standard was displayed by the licentiate Carvajal in the right wing, in which likewise were posted the captains Don Pedro de Cabrera, Alfonso Mercadillo, and Gomez de Alvarado. The infantry marched between the wings of horse, but a little farther in advance, under the captains Ramirez, De Castro, De Solis, Cardenas, Menezes, Mosquera, De la Cerna, Urbina, Aliaga, De Robles, De Arias, and De Olmos. A little in advance of the infantry, Alfonso de Mendoza marched with his troop of horse to commence the attack, accompanied by Centeno, who was determined to exert himself on this occasion in revenge for his defeat at Guarina. Pedro de Villavicentio acted as serjeant-major or adjutant-general of the army. The president, accompanied by the archbishop of Lima, was a little on one side, on the slope of the mountain, by which the major-general Alvarado and Valdivia brought down the artillery and the three hundred musqueteers commanded by Mexia and Palomino. On getting into the plain, this body of musqueteers divided in two, Mexia marching to the right along the river, and Palomino keeping to the left along the skirts of the mountain.
While the royalist artillery was coming down the mountain, the licentiate Cepeda, Garcilasso de la Vega, and Alfonso de Piedra, with several other persons of rank and some private soldiers, abandoned Gonzalo to surrender themselves to the president. They were closely pursued by Pedro Martin de Cicilia and some others of the insurgents, who wounded several of these deserters. The horse of Cepeda was killed under him by the thrust of a lance, and himself wounded, and he had assuredly been either taken or killed unless promptly succoured by order of the president. In the mean time Gonzalo kept his troops in firm array, waiting for the enemy, and in expectation that they might attack him in confusion and be easily defeated, as had happened in the battle of Guarina. Hinojosa on his side, advanced with the royalists in the best order and at a slow pace, to within musquet-shot of the insurgents, where he halted in some low ground, in such a situation that his men were secure from the cannon-balls of the enemy, which all flew over their heads, although the gunners used every effort to depress their guns so as to fire low. At this time the platoons of musquetry on the wings of both armies kept up a close fire, Alvarado and Valdivia using every effort to cause their men take good aim, while the president and archbishop encouraged their gunners to fire quickly and to purpose; making them often change the direction of their guns, as circumstances appeared to require.
Observing that several of the soldiers of Gonzalo were endeavouring to abandon him and were hotly pursued, Centeno and Mendoza advanced with the cavalry under their command, on purpose to protect all who wished to come over. All those who quitted the insurgents, urged the commanders of the royal army not to advance to the charge, as they were certain the far greater part of the army of Gonzalo would abandon him, so that he would be easily defeated without any danger to the royalists, and with little effusion of blood. At this time, a platoon of thirty musqueteers, finding themselves near the royal army, came over in a body and surrendered themselves. Gonzalo wished to have these men pursued and brought back; but the attempt threw his troops into confusion, and his whole army began instantly to break up, some fleeing towards Cuzco, while others went over to the president and surrendered themselves. Some of the insurgent officers were so confounded by this sudden and universal derout, that they neither had presence of mind to flee or to fight. On seeing this hopeless turn of his affairs, Gonzalo lost all courage, and exclaimed in despair, "Since all surrender to the king, so must I also." It is reported, that Juan d'Acosta endeavoured to encourage him, saying, "let us rush upon the thickest of the enemy, and die like Romans;" to which Gonzalo is reported to have answered, "It is better to die like Christians."
At this time, Gonzalo observing the serjeant-major of the royalists near him, surrendered to him, giving up a long small sword which he had used instead of a lance, as he had previously broken his lance upon some of his own men who were running away. He was immediately conducted to the president, to whom he used some very imprudent expressions, and by whom he was committed to the custody of Centeno. About the same time with Gonzalo, most of his officers were made prisoners. The lieutenant-general Carvajal endeavoured to save himself by flight, meaning to hide himself among some tall reeds in a marsh during the night; but his horse stuck fast in the morass, and he was brought prisoner to the president by some of his own men. In the pursuit, some of the insurgents were killed, but most of their officers were made prisoners.
After the entire derout of the enemy, the soldiers of the royal army pillaged the camp of the insurgents, where they made a prodigious plunder in gold, silver, horses, mules, and rich baggage, by which many of them acquired considerable riches, some individuals having acquired so much as five or six thousand ducats. One of the soldiers happened to fall in with a fine mule having a load on his back, which seemed to consist only of clothes, he therefore cut the cords and threw off the load, carrying off the mule alone; immediately after which three other soldiers, more experienced in such matters, opened up the pack, which they found to contain a considerable quantity of gold and silver wrapped up in Indian cloaks for better concealment, worth five or six thousand ducats.
As the army was much fatigued by the operations of that day; besides being under arms all night, the president allowed the men to rest one day, yet thought it necessary to dispatch the two Captains Mexia and De Robles with their companies to Cuzco, to prevent those soldiers who had pursued the fugitives towards that place from entering and plundering the city and killing a number of the inhabitants; more especially as many might now feel inclined to act from particular enmity towards such as had given them offence during the late troubles, under pretence of following up the victory. Those captains were likewise directed to secure such of the officers and soldiers of the defeated army as had fled in that direction. Next day, the president gave orders to the licentiate Cianca, one of the new oydors, and Alfonzo de Alvarado, his major-general, to bring the prisoners to trial. No other proof was requisite against Gonzalo Pizarro than his own acknowledgment and the notoriety of his having been in open rebellion against the sovereign. He was condemned to be beheaded, and that his head should be fixed in a niche or recess on the gibbet at Lima, secured by a trellis or net-work of iron through which it might be visible, with this inscription above. "The head of Gonzalo Pizarro, a traitor and rebel, who revolted against the royal authority in Peru, and presumed to give battle to the army under the royal standard in the valley of Xaquixaguana." His whole estates and property of every kind were confiscated; and his house in Cuzco was ordered to be rased, and salt sown upon its scite, on which a pillar or monument was to be erected with a suitable inscription to perpetuate the remembrance of his crime and condign punishment. Gonzalo was executed on the day of his trial, dying like a good Christian.
While in prison and till his death, Centeno, to whose custody he had been committed, treated him with much civility, and would not allow any one to insult his fallen greatness. When about to be put to death, Gonzalo made a gift of the magnificent dress which he then wore to the executioner; but Centeno paid its full value to the executioner, that the body might not be stripped and exposed till carried away for interment; and next day he had it carried to Cuzco and respectfully buried. But the head, pursuant to the sentence, was carried to Lima.
On the same day in which Pizarro was beheaded, his lieutenant-general Carvajal was drawn and quartered, and eight or nine of the insurgent captains were hanged; and in the sequel several others of the principal persons concerned in the revolt were punished when taken[38]. On the day following the president went to Cuzco with all his army, whence he sent Alfonzo de Mendoza with a detachment into Las Charcas, to make prisoners of those who had been sent into that district by Gonzalo in quest of silver, and such as might have fled thither from the battle. On account of the rich mines in the province of Las Charcas, especially Potosi, it was supposed that many of the fugitives had taken refuge in that place, to which Hondegardo was sent as lieutenant-governor and captain-general, with orders to chastise all those of the inhabitants who had been guilty either of favouring Gonzalo, or of neglecting to repair to the royal standard on the summons of the president. Along with Hondegardo, Gabriel de Royas was sent as receiver of the royal fifth and other tributes belonging to the king, and of the fines which the governor might inflict on the disaffected and recusants. As De Royas soon died, Hondegardo had to discharge the united functions of governor and receiver of the province, and in a short space of time he amassed treasure to the amount of 3,600,000 livres[39], which he transmitted to the president.
[Footnote 38: Yet the Historian of American, II. 392., says that "Gasca, happy in his bloodless victory, did not stain it with cruelty; Pizarro, Carvajal, and a small number of the most distinguished or notorious offenders being punished capitally." The executions seem however to have been sufficiently numerous, considering that the whole rebel army before the battle was only nine hundred strong, many of whom went over to the victor, and all the rest disbanded without fighting.--E.]
[Footnote 39: L.157,000, if French livres are to be understood, and worth near a million sterling at the present value of money compared with that period,--E.]
The president remained for some time at Guzco, occupied in punishing the insurgents according to the greatness of their crimes. Those whom he deemed most guilty, he condemned to be drawn in pieces by four horses, others he ordered to be hanged; some to be whipt, and others were sent to the galleys. He applied himself likewise with much attention to restore the kingdom to good order. In virtue of the authority confided to him by the king, he granted pardons to all who, having been in arms in the valley of Xaquixaguana, had abandoned Gonzalo and joined the royal standard. These pardons referred to all public crimes of which they had been guilty during the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro, yet leaving them liable to answer in civil actions for every thing respecting their conduct to individuals. This battle of Xaquixaguana, which will be long famous in Peru, was fought on Monday the 9th of April 1548.
When the president had dispatched the most urgent affairs connected with the suppression of the rebellion, there yet remained an object of great importance for the quiet of the kingdom, which was surrounded with many difficulties. This was with regard to the dismissal of the army, in such a manner that so great a number of soldiers set free from the restraints of discipline might not occasion troubles similar to those now put an end to. On purpose to succeed in this delicate affair, the utmost prudence was requisite, as almost every soldier in the army considered himself entitled to one of the best of the vacant repartimientos, and as the number of the troops exceeded 2500 men, while there were only 150 repartimientos to distribute. Hence it was quite obvious, that instead of being able to gratify every claimant, far the greater part must be dissatisfied. After a serious deliberation on this important subject, the president went to a place in the province of Apurimac, about twelve leagues from Cuzco, accompanied only by the archbishop and one secretary, on purpose to have leisure for mature reflection at a distance from the perpetual importunities of the claimants. In this place, they made the best distribution in their power of the vacant repartitions, giving sufficient means of living in a respectable manner to the captains and other persons of consideration, each in proportion to their respective merits and the services they had been of in suppressing the late rebellion, giving new repartitions to those who had none, and increasing those of others. On this occasion it was found that they had vacant repartitions to distribute to the value of a million of gold crowns in yearly rent. The greater number of the most valuable and extensive repartitions had become vacant during the troubles, partly from their former possessors having been put to death by Gonzalo, either under pretence of guilt in opposing his rebellion, or in the various engagements during the troubles. The president had likewise capitally punished several to whom Gonzalo had given repartitions. It must however be remarked, that several of these most valuable repartimientos had been retained by Gonzalo for his own benefit, under pretence of providing for the expences of the war.
In making the new grants, the president retained the power of granting pensions upon some of the most extensive repartitions, of three or four thousand ducats from each, more or less according to their respective values, on purpose to have the power of dividing the money among such soldiers as he could not otherwise reward, to enable them to procure arms, horses, and other necessaries, meaning to send them off in various directions to discover and subdue the country which was hitherto unoccupied. Having thus regulated every thing to the best of his power, the president thought proper to retire to Lima, and sent the archbishop to Cuzco to publish the regulations and distribution of repartimientos, and to make payment of the several rewards in money which had been agreed upon. The arrangement of this affair occasioned much dissatisfaction among the soldiers, every one believing himself better entitled to some allotments of lands and Indians than several of those who had acquired such grants. All the fair speeches and promises of the archbishop and the principal officers were insufficient to quiet the murmurs and discontents of the troops, which even produced some commotions and seditious conspiracies, in which it was proposed to seize upon the archbishop and the chief officers of the army and government, and to send the licentiate Cienca with a remonstrance to the president, demanding of him to recal the repartition which he had decreed, and to make a new one more favourable to their wishes. They even threatened to revolt, and to take possession by force of what they considered due to their services. The licentiate Cienca, who had been appointed chief justice at Cuzco, had established so excellent a system of police that he had immediate notice of all these plots and commotions, and was soon enabled to restore order and tranquillity by arresting and punishing the principal agitators of these threatened troubles, by which he effectually checked the spirit of mutiny and insubordination, and averted at least for the present the danger of a new civil war in the kingdom.
Before leaving Cuzco, the president had renewed the commission of Valdivia as governor of Chili, as a reward for the services he had rendered in the late war against Gonzalo. On purpose to provide the reinforcements of men, horses, and arms, which were necessary for defending and extending his conquests in that province, Valdivia went to Lima as the most convenient situation for procuring what he wanted. Having completed all his preparations, he embarked all his men and military stores at the port of Callao, and sent them off for Chili; but chose to go himself by land to Arequipa, where he proposed to take shipping in his way back to his government. A report was made to the president, that Valdivia had engaged some officers and soldiers from among those who had been sentenced to banishment from Peru, and even some of those who had been condemned to the galleys, on account of the share they had taken in the late rebellion. In consequence of this information, the president sent his lieutenant-general Hinojosa with orders to bring Valdivia before him to answer for his conduct in these things which were laid to his charge. As Valdivia was accompanied by a considerable number of men he believed himself in condition to resist this mandate, and refused the earnest solicitations of Hinojosa to go back along with him to the president. But, as Hinojosa observed that Valdivia took no precautions to prevent his arrest, and had no suspicions that any force would be used against him, he resolved to attempt to make him prisoner with the assistance only of six musqueteers, in which he succeeded without opposition. In this situation, Valdivia very properly determined to submit with a good grace, and so satisfactorily explained his conduct to the president, that he was allowed to resume his voyage, and to take all those people along with him whom he had engaged.
Every thing in Peru being now reduced to good order, the president gave permission to all the citizens and other inhabitants of the country, who had hitherto served in his army, to retire to their homes, to look after the re-establishment of their private affairs, which had, suffered great injury from the unavoidable losses experienced during the rebellion, and their own necessary expences in the field. He likewise sent off several officers with detachments upon new discoveries, and appointed the licentiate Carvajal lieutenant-governor of Cuzco, taking up his own residence at Lima, which was the seat of government. About this time an hundred and fifty Spaniards arrived at the city of La Plata, having travelled all the way from the mouth of the Rio Plata under the command of Domingo de Yrala to that part of the country which had formerly been discovered by Diego de Royas, and were now come into Peru to solicit the president to appoint some one to act as governor of the country on the Rio Plata which they proposed to settle. He accordingly nominated Diego de Centeno to that new government, with authority to raise as many more men as he could procure, to enable him to complete the discovery and conquest of that country. When all their preparations were completed, and they were on the point of setting out on the march, Centeno died, and the president appointed another captain in his place.
The Rio Plata, or River of Silver, derives its source from the high mountains continually covered with snow which lie between the cities of Lima and Cuzco[40]. From these mountains four principal rivers flow, which derive their names from the provinces through which they pass. The Apurimac, Vilcas, Abancay, and Jauja. This last derives its source from a lake in the province of Bombon[41], the most level and yet the highest plain in all Peru, where accordingly it snows or hails almost continually. This lake is quite crowded with small islands, which are covered with reeds, flags, and other aquatic plants, and the borders of the lake are inhabited by many Indians.
[Footnote 40: Zarate is extremely erroneous in his account of the sources of the Rio Plata. All the streams which rise from the Peruvian mountains in the situation indicated, and for seven or eight degrees farther south, and which run to the eastwards, contribute towards the mighty Maranon or River of the Amazons.--E.]
[Footnote 41: This is an egregious mistake; the Rio Jauja rises from the lake of Chinchay Cocha in the province of Tarma, and runs south to join the Apurimac. The river Guanuco rises in the elevated plain of Bombon, and runs north to form the Gualagua, which joins the Lauricocha or Tanguragua.--E.]
In the late war against Gonzalo Pizarro, the president incurred enormous expences for the pay and equipment of his troops, for the purchase of horses, arms, and warlike stores, and the fitting out and provisioning of the ships which he employed. From his landing in the Tierra Firma to the day of his final victory over Gonzalo, he had expended on these necessary affairs more than nine hundred thousand dollars, most of which he had borrowed from the merchants and other private individuals, as all the royal revenues had been appropriated and dissipated by Gonzalo. After the re-establishment of tranquillity, he applied himself to amass treasure with the utmost diligence, both from the fifths belonging to the king, and by means of fines and confiscations; insomuch that after payment of his debts, he had a surplus of above a million and a half of ducats, chiefly derived from the province of Las Charcas.
In his arrangements for the future government of the country, in conformity with the royal ordinance, he took much care to prevent the Indians from being oppressed. In consequence of the fatigues which they underwent, in the carriage of immense loads, and by numbers of the Spaniards wandering continually about the country attended by a train of Indians to carry their baggage, vast numbers of them had perished. Having re-established the royal audience, or supreme court of justice, in Lima, he applied earnestly to regulate the tributes which were to be paid by the Indians to the Spaniards upon fixed principles, which had not been hitherto done on account of the wars and revolutions which had distracted the country ever since its discovery and conquest. Before this new arrangement, every Spaniard who possessed a repartimiento or allotment of lands and Indians, used to receive from the curaca or cacique of his district such tribute as he was able or willing to pay, and many of the Spaniards often exacted larger sums from their Indians than they were well able to afford, frequently plundering them of their hard-earned property with lawless violence. Some even went so far as to inflict tortures on their Indians, to compel them to give up every thing they possessed, often carrying their cruelty to such a pitch as to put them to death in the most wanton and unjustifiable manner. To put a stop to these violent proceedings, the taxes of each province and district were regulated in proportion to the number of Indian and Spanish inhabitants which they respectively contained; and, in forming their arrangements, the president and judges carefully inquired into the productions of each province; such as its mines of gold and silver, the quantity of its cattle, and other things of a similar nature, the taxes on which were all regulated according to circumstances in the most reasonable and equitable manner.
Having thus reduced the affairs of the kingdom to good order, all the unemployed soldiers being sent off to different places, some to Chili, others to the new province on the Rio Plata, and others to various new discoveries under different commanders, and all who remained in Peru being established in various occupations by which they might maintain themselves, according to their inclinations and capacities, mostly in the concerns of the mines, the president resolved to return, into Spain, pursuant to the authority he had received from his majesty to do so when he might see proper. One of his most powerful motives for returning to Spain proceeded from his anxiety to preserve the large treasure he had amassed for the king: as, having no military force for its protection, he was afraid such great riches might excite fresh troubles and commotions in the country. Having made all the necessary preparations for his voyage, and embarked his treasure, without communicating his intentions hitherto to any one, he assembled the magistrates of Lima, and informed them of his intended voyage. They started many objections to this measure; representing the inconveniencies which might arise from his departure, before his majesty had sent out some other person to replace him, either in the capacity of viceroy or president. He answered all their objections, stating that the court of royal audience, and the governors of the different provinces which they were authorized to nominate, were sufficient to dispense justice and to regulate all affairs, they at last consented; and immediately embarking, he set sail for Panama.
Just before he sailed and while on board ship, the president made a new partition of such lands and Indians as had become vacant since the former distribution which he made at Cuzco. The number of vacant repartimientos was considerable, in consequence of the death of Centeno, De Royas, the licentiate Carvajal, and several other persons of rank; and as there were many candidates who demanded loudly to be preferred, he chose to defer the repartition till after he had embarked, as he was unable to satisfy all the claimants, and was unwilling to expose himself to the clamours of those whom he was unable to gratify. Having settled all these distributions, he left the different deeds signed and sealed with the secretary of the royal audience, with strict injunctions that they should not be opened until eight days after his departure. Every thing being finally concluded, he set sail from the port of Callao in December 1549, accompanied by the Provincial of the Dominicans and Jerom de Aliaga, who were appointed agents for the affairs of Peru at the court of Spain. He was likewise accompanied by several gentlemen and other considerable persons, who meant to return to Spain, carrying with them all the wealth they had been able to acquire.
The voyage to Panama was prosperous. The president and all who were along with him immediately landed at that place, and used the utmost diligence to transport all the wealth belonging to his majesty and to individuals, to Nombre de Dios, to which place they all went, and made proper preparations for returning to Spain. Every one treated the president with the same respect as when he resided in Peru, and he behaved towards them with much civility and attention, keeping open table for all who chose to visit him. This was at the royal expence; as the president had stipulated for all his expences being defrayed by his majesty, before leaving Spain on his mission to Peru. In this he acted with much and prudent precaution; considering that the former governors had been accused of living penuriously in proportion to their rich appointments, and being satisfied that the administration in Spain would not allow him a sufficient income to defray the great expences he must incur in a country where every thing was enormously dear, he declined accepting any specified salary, but demanded and obtained authority to take from the royal funds all that was necessary for his personal expence and the support of his household. He even used the precaution to have this arrangement formally reduced to writing; and in the exercise of this permission he employed a person expressly for the purpose of keeping an exact account of all his expences, and of every thing that was purchased for his table or otherwise, which were all accordingly paid for from the royal coffers.
SECTION VII.
Insurrection of Ferdinand and Pedro de Contreras in Nicaragua, and their unsuccessful attempt upon the Royal Treasure in the Tierra Firma.
At this period an extraordinary attempt was made to intercept the president in his passage through the Tierra Firma, and to gain possession of the royal treasure under his charge, which will require some elucidation for its distinct explanation. When Pedro Arias de Avilla discovered the province of Nicaragua, of which he was appointed governor, he married his daughter Donna Maria de Penalosa to Rodrigo de Contreras, a respectable gentleman of Segovia. Some time afterwards, Pedro Arias died, after having appointed his son-in-law to succeed him in the government, and this appointment was confirmed by the court in consideration of the merits and services of Contreras, who accordingly continued governor of Nicaragua for several years. On the appointment of a royal audience on the confines of Nicaragua and Guatimala, Contreras was displaced from his government; and, in pursuance of the ordinance which had occasioned so much commotion in Peru, both he and his wife were deprived of their repartitions of lands and Indians, and the grants which had been made to their children were likewise recalled. Contreras went in consequence to Spain, to solicit a reparation of the injury he had sustained, representing the services which had been performed to the crown by the discovery, conquest, and settlement of Nicaragua, by his father-in-law and himself; but his majesty and the council of the Indies confirmed the decision of the royal audience, as conformable with the regulations.
On receiving information of the bad success of their father, Ferdinand and Pedro de Contreras were much chagrined, and rashly determined to revolt and seize the government of the province. They persuaded themselves with being joined by a sufficient force for this purpose, confiding in the advice and assistance of a person named Juan de Bermejo, and some other soldiers his companions, who had quitted Peru in much discontent against the president, for not having sufficiently rewarded them, in their own opinions, for their services in the war against Gonzalo. Besides these men, several of those who had fought under Gonzalo had taken refuge in Nicaragua, having been banished by the president from Peru, all of whom joined themselves to the Contreras on this occasion. By these people the young men were encouraged to erect the standard of rebellion, assuring them, if they, could pass over into Peru with two or three hundred men, sufficiently armed, that almost the whole population of the kingdom would join their standards, as all were exceedingly dissatisfied with the president for not rewarding their services sufficiently. The Contreras accordingly began secretly to collect soldiers, and to provide arms for this enterprize; and deeming themselves sufficiently powerful to set justice at defiance, they resolved to commence their revolt. As they considered the bishop of Nicaragua among the most determined enemies of their father, they began their operations by taking vengeance on him; for which purpose they sent some soldiers to his house, who assassinated him while playing chess. After this, they openly collected their followers and displayed their standard, assuming the title of the Army of Liberty; and seizing a sufficient number of vessels, they embarked on the Pacific Ocean with the intention of intercepting the viceroy on his voyage from Lima to Panama, intending to plunder him of all the treasure he was conveying to Spain. For this purpose they steered in the first place for Panama, both to gain intelligence of the proceedings of the president, and because the navigation from thence to Peru was easier than from Nicaragua.
Embarking therefore with about three hundred men, they made sail for Panama, and on their arrival at that place they learnt that the president had already disembarked with all his treasure and attendants. They now believed that every thing was favourable to their intentions, and that by good fortune their desired prey had fallen into their hands. Waiting therefore till night, they entered the port as quietly as possible, believing that the president was still in Panama, and that they might easily execute their enterprize without danger or resistance. Their intelligence however was exceedingly defective, and their hopes ill founded; for the president had left Panama with all his people three days before, having previously sent off all his treasure to Nombre de Dios, to which place he was likewise gone. In fact, by this diligence, the president avoided the impending danger, without having the slightest suspicion that any such might befal. Immediately on landing, the brothers were informed that the president had already left the place; on which they went to the house of Martin Ruiz de Marchena, treasurer of the province, where they took possession of the money in the royal coffers, amounting to 400,000 pesos in base silver, which had been left there by the president in consequence of not having sufficient means of transporting it to Nombre de Dios along with the rest. After this they dragged Marchena, Juan de Larez, and some other respectable inhabitants to the public square, threatening to hang them all unless they gave immediate notice where the arms and money belonging to the province were deposited. But all their threats were unable to force any discovery, and they carried on board their ships all the treasure and other valuable plunder they had procured.
Believing that the farther success of their enterprize depended on the diligence they should exert in reaching Nombre de Dios to surprize the president, before he might have time to embark or prepare for his defence, they determined to proceed to that place without delay. For this purpose, it was arranged that Ferdinand de Contreras should march to Nombre de Dios with the greater part of the troops, while Juan de Bermejo was to take post with an hundred men on a height near Panama, to protect the rear of Ferdinand, to prevent pursuit, to be in readiness to receive the valuable booty they expected, and to intercept such of the attendants on the president as might escape in that direction from Nombre de Dios. In the mean time, Pedro de Contreras was to remain on board with a small number of men to protect the ships. All this was done accordingly; but matters turned out in quite a different manner from their expectations. Marchena got some information respecting their plan of operations, and sent off two confidential intelligent negroes to give notice to the president of what had occurred in Panama, and of the ulterior designs of the Contreras. One of these negroes was directed to travel the whole way by land, and the other to go by way of the small river Chagre, which route had been taken by the president.
This river has its source in the mountains between Panama and Nombre de Dios. Its course at first seems tending towards the Pacific Ocean; but it suddenly makes a turn at a cataract, and after a farther run of fourteen leagues it falls into the Atlantic; so that by means of a canal only five leagues in length, from that river to the South Sea, a navigation might be easily established between the two seas. It is true that it would be necessary to cut this canal through mountains, and in a country exceedingly uneven and full of rocks, so that the design has hitherto appeared impracticable. Hence, in going from Panama to Nombre de Dios by the river Chagre, it is necessary to travel by land in the first place to that river below the fall, a distance of five leagues. After descending to the mouth of the river, there still remains five or six leagues to go by sea to Nombre de Dios. The messenger who was sent by this road came up with the president before his arrival at Nombre de Dios, and gave him an account of the events which had taken place at Panama. Though much alarmed by this intelligence, he communicated it to the provincial and the officers who accompanied him without appearing to be under any apprehensions; but, on embarking on the North Sea, it fell so dead a calm that they could make no progress, and he could not then conceal his fears of the event. Still however preserving his presence of mind, he sent off Hernan Nunnez de Segura by land to Nombre de Dios, accompanied by some negroes who knew the country, with orders for all the inhabitants of that place to take up arms for the protection of the treasure which had been sent there. Segura had a most difficult and fatiguing journey on foot, having several rivers to cross, some of them by swimming, and to pass through woods and marshes in a road through which no person had travelled for a long while. On his arrival at Nombre de Dios, he found the news already communicated to that place, by the other negro, and that the inhabitants were already in arms, and had prepared as well as they were able to defend themselves, having landed the crews of nine or ten vessels which were in the harbour to give their assistance in repelling the rebels. The president arrived shortly afterwards, where he found every thing in order for defence; and immediately marched out at the head of the armed inhabitants on the road towards Panama, determined to give battle to Contrera in case of his approach.
When Ferdinand de Contrera marched for Nombre Dios, and Bermejo took post on the hill near Panama, as formerly mentioned, Marchena and De Larez believed they might be able to defeat Bermejo in the divided state of the rebels. For this purpose they re-assembled all the inhabitants of Panama, most of whom had taken refuge in the mountains, with whom they joined a considerable number of negroes who were employed as labourers in husbandry and in driving mules with goods between Panama and Nombre de Dios. By these means they assembled a respectable force, which they armed as well as circumstances would allow. Having thrown up some intrenchments of earth and fascines in the streets, and leaving some confidential persons to protect the town against the small number of rebels left in the ships with Pedro de Contreras, they marched out boldly against Bermejo, whom they vigorously attacked. After some resistance, they gained a complete victory, killing or making prisoners of the whole of that detachment. After this complete success, Marchena determined immediately to march for Nombre de Dios, believing that the inhabitants of that city, on learning the late events at Panama, would have armed for their defence, and would even take the field against Ferdinand de Contreras, and being more numerous than his detachment, would oblige him to retire to form a junction with Bermejo. Accordingly, when Ferdinand de Contreras had proceeded about half way to Nombre de Dios, he learnt that the president had got notice of the approach of the rebels, and had marched out against them with a superior force; on which Ferdinand de Contreras resolved to return to Panama.
While on his return, he took some negroes from whom he got notice of the entire defeat of Bermejo, and of the advance of Marchena against himself. He was so disconcerted by this intelligence, that he allowed all his men to disperse, desiring them to save themselves as they best might, and to endeavour to get to the shore, where his brother would take them on board the ships. They all separated, and Ferdinand with some of his people struck into the woods, avoiding the public road, that they might escape Marchena. As the country was much intersected with rivers, and Ferdinand was little accustomed to encounter such difficulties, he was drowned in an endeavour to pass one of the rivers. Several of the followers of Ferdinand were made prisoners, and it was never known what became of the others. The prisoners were carried to Panama, where they, and those others who were taken at the defeat of Bermejo, were all put to death.
When Pedro de Contreras, who remained on board the ships, got intelligence of the miserable fete of his comrades, he was so much alarmed that he would not take time to hoist anchor and make seal, but threw himself into a boat with some of his men, leaving the ships at anchor with all the plunder untouched. He coasted along for a considerable way to the province of Nata; after which no farther intelligence was ever received either of him or any of those who were along with him, but it was supposed they were all massacred by the Indians of that country. On getting intelligence of the favourable termination of this threatening affair, the president returned to Nombre de Dios, giving thanks to God for having delivered him from this unforseen danger. Had the rebels arrived at Panama only a few days sooner, they might easily have made him prisoner, and would have acquired a much larger booty then ever fell into the hands of pirates.
Tranquillity being entirely restored, the president embarked with his treasure, and arrived safely in Spain. One of his vessels, in which Juan Gomez de Anuaya was embarked, with part of the royal treasure, was obliged to put back to Nombre de Dios: But, having refitted at that port, she likewise arrived in Spain. Immediately on landing at San Lucar, the president sent Captain Lope Martin into Germany, where the emperor then was, to inform his majesty of his safe arrival from Peru. This news was exceedingly agreeable to the court, and occasioned much astonishment at the prompt and happy termination of the troubles, which had appeared so formidable and difficult to appease. Soon after the arrival of the president at Valladolid, he was appointed bishop of Placentia[42], then vacant in consequence of the death of Don Luis Cabeza de Vaca; and his majesty sent orders that he should come to court, to give a minute account of all the affairs in which he had been engaged. He went there accordingly, accompanied by the provincial of the Dominicans, and Jerom de Aliaga, the deputies or agents of the kingdom of Peru, and by several other gentlemen and persons of consideration, who were in expectation of getting some rewards from his majesty for their loyal services during the late commotions. The new bishop accordingly embarked at Barcelona, along with his companions, in some galleys which were appointed for the purpose; taking along with him, by order of his majesty, half a million of dollars of the treasure he had brought from Peru. Shortly afterwards, his majesty appointed Don Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy of New Spain, to assume that office in Peru; sending Don Luis de Velasco, commissary-general of the customs of Castille, to succeed Mendoza in the viceroyalty of New Spain.
[Footnote 42: In the Royal Commentaries of Garcilasso de la Vega, p. 876, he is said to have been first appointed to the bishopric of Placentia, and to have been afterwards translated to that of Ciguenza in 1561 by Philip II which he enjoyed till his death in 1577.]
END OF THE DISCOVERY AND CONQUEST OF PERU,
BY AUGUSTINO ZARATE.
CHAPTER VIII.
CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY HISTORY OF PERU, FROM THE RESTORATION OF TRANQUILLITY BY GASCA IN 1549, TO THE DEATH OF THE INCA TUPAC AMARU; EXTRACTED FROM GARCILASSO DE LA VEGA.
INTRODUCTION.
Having now given at considerable length the authentic histories of the discovery and conquest of the two greatest of the European colonies in the New World, Mexico and Peru, from original and contemporary authors whose works had not before appeared in any English Collection of Voyages and Travels, we now propose to give, as a kind of supplement or appendix to the excellent history of Zarate, an abridged deduction of the principal events in Peru for some time after the departure of the president De la Gasca from that kingdom, extracted from the conclusion of the Royal Commentaries of Peru by Garcilasso de la Vega Inca, Part II. Book VI. VII. and VIII. Having formerly given some account of that work, not very favourable to the character of that descendant of the Incas as a historian, it may only be here mentioned that the events to be now related on his authority all occurred in his own time, and that the relation of them which he has left would have been greatly more valuable if he had been pleased to favour us more frequently with their dates.
In the present eventful period, while Spain, once the terror of Europe, seems in danger of sinking under the tyrannical grasp of the usurper of France, a vast revolution appears about to elevate the Spanish American colonies into extensive independent states; if the jealous collision of rights, interests, and pretensions between the various races of their inhabitants do not plunge them into all the horrors of civil war and anarchy. The crisis is peculiarly interesting to all the friends of humanity, and it is to be wished that the present commotions may soon subside into a permanent state of peace and good government, advantageous to all the best interests of the colonists, and beneficial to the commerce and industry of the rest of the world.
Before proceeding to the abridged history of events in Peru, subsequent to the departure of the president De la Gasca, the following reflections on the state of manners among the early Spanish settlers in that opulent region, during the period of which we have already given the history, as drawn by the eloquent pen of the illustrious Historian of America, have appeared most worthy of insertion[43].
[Footnote 43: Hist of America, II. p. 393.]
"Though the Spaniards who first invaded Peru were of the lowest order in society, and the greater part of those who afterwards joined them were persons of desperate fortune, yet in all the bodies of troops brought into the field by the different leaders who contended for superiority, not one acted as a hired soldier or followed his standard for pay. Every adventurer in Peru considered himself as a conqueror, entitled by his services to an establishment in that country which had been acquired by his valour. In the contests between the rival chiefs, each chose his side as he was directed by his own judgment or affections. He joined his commander as a companion of his fortune, and disdained to degrade himself by receiving the wages of a mercenary. It was to their sword, not to pre-eminence in office or nobility of birth that most of the leaders whom they followed were indebted for their elevation; and each of their adherents hoped, by the same means, to open a way for himself to the possession of power and wealth."
"But though the troops in Peru served without, any regular pay, they were raised at an immense expence. Among men accustomed to divide the spoil of an opulent country, the desire of obtaining wealth acquired incredible force. The ardour of pursuit augmented in proportion to the hope of success. Where all were intent on the same object, and under the dominion of the same passion, there was but one mode of gaining men, or of securing their attachment. Officers of name and influence, besides the promise of future establishments, received large gratuities in hand from the chief with whom they engaged. Gonzalo Pizarro, in order to raise a thousand men, advanced five hundred thousand pesos. Gasca expended in levying the troops which he led against Pizarro nine hundred thousand pesos. The distributions of property, bestowed as the reward of services, were still more exorbitant. Cepeda as the reward of his perfidy, in persuading the court of royal audience to give the sanction of its authority to the usurped jurisdiction of Pizarro, received a grant of lands which yielded an annual income of an hundred and fifty thousand pesos. Hinojosa, who, by his early defection from Pizarro, and surrender of the feet to Gasca, decided the fate of Peru, obtained a district of country affording two hundred thousand pesos of yearly value. While such rewards were dealt out to the principal officers, with more than royal munificence, proportional shares were conferred on those of inferior rank."
"Such a rapid change of fortune produced its natural effects. It gave birth to new wants, and new desires. Veterans, long accustomed to hardship and toil, acquired of a sudden a taste for profuse and inconsiderate dissipation and indulged in all the excesses of military licentiousness. The riot of low debauchery occupied some; a relish for expensive luxuries spread among others. The meanest soldier in Peru would have thought himself degraded by marching on foot; and, at a time when the price of horses in that country was exorbitant, each individual insisted on being furnished with one before he would take the field. But, though less patient under the fatigues and hardships of service, they were ready to face danger and death with as much intrepidity as ever; and, animated by the hope of new rewards, they never failed, on the day of battle, to display all their ancient valour."
"Together with their courage, they retained all the ferocity by which they were originally distinguished. Civil discord never raged with a more fell spirit than among the Spaniards in Peru. To all the passions which usually envenom contests among countrymen, avarice was added, and rendered their enmity more rancorous. Eagerness to seize the valuable forfeitures expected upon the death of every opponent, shut the door against mercy. To be wealthy was, of itself, sufficient to expose a man to accusation, or to subject him to punishment. On the slightest suspicions, Pizarro condemned many of the most opulent inhabitants of Peru to death. Carvajal, without searching for any pretext to justify his cruelty, cut off many more. The number of those who suffered by the hand of the executioner, was not much inferior to what fell in the field; and the greater part was condemned without the formality of any legal trial."
"The violence with which the contending parties treated their opponents was not accompanied by its usual attendants, attachment and fidelity to those with whom they acted. The ties of honour, which ought to be held sacred among men, and the principle of integrity, interwoven as thoroughly in the Spanish character as in that of any nation, seem to have been equally forgotten. Even regard for decency, and the sense of shame, were totally abandoned. During these dissensions, there was hardly a Spaniard in Peru who did not abandon the party which he had originally espoused, betray the associates with whom he had united, and violate the engagements under which he had come. The viceroy Nunnez Vela was ruined by the treachery of Cepeda and the other judges of the royal audience, who were bound to have supported his authority. The chief advisers and companions of Gonzalo Pizarro in his revolt were the first to forsake him, and submit to his enemies. His fleet was given up to Gasca, by the man whom he had singled out among his officers to entrust with that important command. On the day that was to decide his fate, an army of veterans, in sight of the enemy, threw down their arms without striking a blow, and deserted a leader who had often conducted them to victory. Instances of such general and avowed contempt of the principles and obligations which attach man to man, and bind them in social union, rarely occur in history. It is only where men are far removed from the seat of government, where the restraints of law and order are little felt, where the prospect of gain is unbounded, and where immense wealth may cover the crimes by which it is acquired, that we can find any parallel to the levity, the rapaciousness, the perfidy, and corruption prevalent among the Spaniards in Peru."
SECTION I.
Incidents in the History of Peru, from the departure of Gasca, to the appointment of Don Antonio de Mendoza as Viceroy.
Among those who were dissatisfied with the distribution of the repartimientos in Peru by the president, was Francisco Hernandez Giron, to whom De la Gasca granted a commission to make a conquest of the district called the Cunchos, to the north-east of Cuzco, and beyond one of the great chains of the Andes, with the title and authority of governor and captain-general of that country, which he engaged to conquer at his own expence. Giron was much gratified by this employment, as it afforded him a favourable opportunity for fomenting and exciting a new rebellion against the royal authority, which he had long meditated, and which he actually put in execution, as will be seen in the sequel. Immediately after the departure of the president from Peru, he went from Lima to Cuzco publishing the commission which he had received, and appointed several captains to raise men for his intended expedition in Guamanga, Arequipa, La Paz, and other places; while he personally beat up for volunteers in Cuzco. Being a man of popular manners and much beloved among the soldiers, he soon drew together above two hundred men. So great a number of the most loose and dissolute inhabitants being collected together at Cuzco and in arms, they took extreme liberty in canvassing the late events, and to speak with much licentiousness respecting the president and the officers he had left in the government of the kingdom. Their discourse was so open and scandalous, that the magistrates of the city deemed it necessary to interpose; and Juan de Saavedra, who was then mayor or regidor of Cuzco, requested Giron to depart upon his intended expedition without delay, that the peaceable inhabitants might no longer be scandalized by the seditious discourses of his soldiers, as most of them were quartered upon the citizens to whom they behaved with much insolence.
I was then in Cuzco, though a boy, when Giron and his soldiers made their first disturbance; and I was present also about three years afterwards at their second mutiny; and, though I had not even then attained the age of a young man, I was sufficiently able to notice and understand the observations and discourses of my father on the various events which occurred; and I can testify that the soldiers behaved in so proud and insolent a manner that the magistrates were forced to take notice of their conduct. The soldiers thought proper to be much offended on this occasion, pretending that no one ought to have any authority over them except Giron under whose command they had inlisted; and they carried their mutinous insolence to such a height as to assemble in arms at the house of their commander to protect themselves against the magistrates. When this mutiny was known in the city, the magistrates and citizens found themselves obliged to arm, and being joined by many soldiers who were not of the faction, they took post in the market-place. The mutineers drew up likewise in the street where Giron's house stood, at no great distance from the market-place; and in this manner both parties remained under arms for two days and nights, always on the point of coming to action; which had certainly been the case if some prudent persons had not interposed between them, and prevailed on the magistrates to enter into a treaty for compromising their differences. The most active persons on this occasion were Diego de Silva, Diego Maldonado the rich, Garcilasso de la Vega my father, Vasco de Guevara, Antonio Quinnones, Juan de Berrio, Jeronimo de Loyasa, Martin de Meneses, and Francisco Rodriguez. By their persuasions the regidor Juan de Saavedra and Captain Francisco Hernandez Giron were induced to meet in the great church, on which occasion the soldiers demanded four hostages for the security of their commander. In this conference Giron behaved with so much insolence and audacity, that Saavedra had assuredly arrested him if he had not been restrained from respect for the hostages, of whom my father was one. In a second conference in the evening, under the same precautions, Giron agreed to remove his soldiers from the city, to give up eight of the most mutinous of his soldiers to the magistrates, and even to make compearance in person before the court to answer for his conduct during the mutiny.
On being made acquainted with this agreement, the soldiers were exceedingly enraged; and if Giron had not pacified them with soothing words and promises they had certainly attacked the loyal inhabitants, the consequences of which might have been exceedingly fatal. The mutineers amounted to two hundred effective well-armed men, of desperate fortunes, while the loyalists consisted of only eighty men of quality, all the rest being rich merchants not inured to arms. But it pleased God to avert the threatened mischief, at the prayers and vows of the priests, friars and devout women of the city. The mutineers were under arms all night, setting regular guards and sentinels as in the presence of an enemy; and in the morning, when Saavedra saw that Giron had not marched from the city according to agreement, he sent a warrant to bring him before his tribunal. As Giron suspected that his men might not permit him to obey the warrant, he walked out in his morning gown, as if only going to visit a neighbour; but went directly to the house of Saavedra, who committed him to prison. On this intelligence being communicated to the soldiers, they immediately dispersed, every one shifting for himself as he best could. The eight men who were particularly obnoxious took sanctuary in the Dominican convent, and fortified themselves in the tower of the church, where they held out for several days, but were at last obliged to surrender. They were all punished, but not in that exemplary manner their rebellious conduct deserved; and the tower was demolished, that it might not be used in the same manner in future.
After the dispersion of the mutineers and the punishment of the most guilty, Giron was released on his solemn engagement to make his appearance before the royal audience at Lima to answer for his conduct. He went there accordingly, and was committed to prison; but after a few days was permitted to go out as a prisoner at large, confining himself to the city of Lima. He there married a young virtuous noble and beautiful lady, with whom he went to reside at Cuzco, where he associated with none but soldiers, avoiding all society with the citizens as much as possible.
About two years afterwards several soldiers residing in Cuzce, entered into a new plot to raise disturbances in the kingdom, and were eager to find some proper person to choose as their leader. At length this affair came to be so openly talked of that it reached the knowledge of Saavedra, who was required to take cognizance of the plot and to punish the ringleaders; but he endeavoured to excuse himself, being unwilling to create himself enemies, alleging that it more properly belonged to the jurisdiction of the court of audience. When this affair was reported to the oydors at Lima, they were much displeased with the conduct of Saavedra, and immediately appointed the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado to supersede him in the office of regidor or mayor of Cuzco, giving Alvarado an especial commission to punish the insolence and mutinous conduct of the soldiers, to prevent the evil from getting to an unsupportable height. Immediately on taking possession of his office, Alvarado arrested some of the soldiers; who, to screen themselves, impeached Don Pedro de Puertocarrero as a principal instigator of their mutinous proceedings. After a minute examination, Francisco de Miranda, Alonzo Hernandez Melgarejo, and Alonzo de Barrienuevo were capitally punished as chief ringleaders in the conspiracy; six or seven others were banished from Peru, and all the rest made their escape. Puertocarrero made an appeal to the royal audience, by whom he was set at liberty.
These new commotions, and others of more importance which shall be noticed in the sequel, proceeded in a great measure from the imprudent conduct of the judges themselves, by enforcing the observance of the obnoxious regulations which had formerly done so much evil during the government of the viceroy Blasco Nunnez Vela. Just before his departure from Peru, the president Gasca had received fresh orders from his majesty to free the Indians from services to their lords: But having experienced that this had occasioned the most dangerous commotions in the country, he very wisely commanded before his departure that the execution of this new order should be suspended. The judges however, saw this matter in a different light, and circulated their commands over the whole kingdom to enforce this new royal order; which gave occasion to the mutinous and disorderly behaviour of the soldiery, who were encouraged in their rebellious disposition by many persons of consideration, the possessors of allotments of lands and Indians, who considered themselves aggrieved.
SECTION II.
History of Peru during the Viceroyalty of Don Antonio de Mendoza.
About this time Don Antonio de Mendoza, the viceroy of Mexico, was appointed viceroy of Peru, and landed at Lima, where he was received with great demonstration of joy and respect. He was accompanied on this occasion by his son, Don Francisco de Mendoza, afterwards general of the galleys in Spain. Don Antonio was a nobleman of much sanctity, and had greatly impaired his health by long abstinence and frequent acts of penance; insomuch that his natural heat began to fail, and he was obliged to use violent exercise to keep him warm, even in the hot climate of Lima. In consequence of his want of health, he deputed his son Don Francisco to make a progress through all the cities of the kingdom, from Lima to Las Charcas and Potosi, to bring him back a faithful representation of the state and condition of the kingdom and its mines, to be laid before his majesty; and, after his return to Lima, Don Francisco was sent into Spain in 1552, to communicate an account of the whole kingdom to the emperor.
About four years before the appointment of the marshal Alonzo de Alvarado to the mayoralty and government of Cuzco, a party of two hundred soldiers marched from Potosi towards the province of Tucuman; most of whom, contrary to the orders of the judges, had Indians to carry their baggage. On this occasion, the licentiate Esquival, who was governor of Potosi, seized upon one Aguira, who had two Indians to carry his baggage; and some days afterwards sentenced him to receive two hundred lashes, as he had no money to redeem himself from corporal punishment. After this disgrace, Aguira refused to proceed along with the rest for the conquest of Tucuman, alleging that after the shame which he had suffered, death was his only relief. When the period of Esquivals office expired, he learnt that Aguira had determined upon assassinating him in revenge for the affront he had suffered. Upon which Esquival endeavoured to avoid Aguira, by travelling to a great distance, but all to no purpose, as Aguira followed him wherever he went, for above three years, always travelling on foot without shoes or stockings, saying, "That it did not become a whipped rascal to ride on horseback, or to appear in the company of men of honour." At length Esquival took up his residence in Cuzco, believing that Aguira would not dare to attempt anything against him in that place, considering that the governor was an impartial and inflexible judge: Yet he took every precaution for his safety, constantly wearing a coat of mail, and going always armed with a sword and dagger, though a man of the law. At length Aguira went one day at noon-day to the house of Esquival, whom he found asleep, and completed his long resolved revenge by stabbing him with his dagger. Aguira was concealed for forty day in a hog-stye by two young gentlemen; and after the hue and cry was over on account of the murder, they shaved his head and beard, and blackened his skin like a negro, by means of a wild fruit called Vitoc by the Indians, clothing him in a poor habit, and got him away from the city and province of Cuzco in that disguise. This deed of revenge was greatly praised by the soldiers, who said, if there were many Aguiras in the world, the officers of justice would not be so insolent and arbitrary in their proceedings.
During a long sickness of the viceroy, in consequence of which the government of the country devolved upon the judges of the royal audience, they proclaimed in all the cities of Peru that the personal services of the Indians should be discontinued, pursuant to the royal orders, under severe penalties. This occasioned new seditions and mutinies among the Spanish colonists, in consequence of which one Lois de Vargas, a principal promoter of the disturbances was condemned and executed; but as many principal persons of the country were found to be implicated, the judges thought fit to proceed no farther in the examinations and processes. Even Pedro de Hinojosa was suspected of being concerned in these seditious proceedings, having been heard to say to some of the discontented soldiers, that when he came to Las Charcas he would endeavour to satisfy them to the utmost of power. Though these words had no seditious tendency, the soldiers who were desirous of rebellion were willing to interpret them according to their own evil inclinations. On these slight grounds, and because it was known that Hinojosa was to go as governor and chief justice of the province of Las Charcas, as many of the discontented soldiers as were able went to that country, and wrote to their comrades in various parts of the kingdom to come there also. Some even of the better sort, among whom were Don Sebastian de Castilla, son to the Conde de Gomera, with five or six others of rank and quality went secretly from Cuzco, taking bye-paths out of the common road to prevent them from being pursued by the governor of that city. They were induced to this step by Vasco Godinez a ringleader among the malcontents, who informed Don Sebastian by a letter in cyphers that Hinojosa had promised to become their general.