During all the time which we spent between Toro and Suez, the heaven was constantly overcast with thick black clouds, which seemed contrary to the usual nature of Egypt; as all concur in saying that it never rains in that country, and that the heavens are never obscured by clouds or vapours: But perhaps the sea raises these clouds at this place, and farther inland the sky might be clear; as we often see in Portugal that we have clear pleasant weather at Lisbon, while at Cintra only four leagues distant, there are great clouds mists and rain. The sea between Toro and Suez is subject to sudden and violent tempests; as when the wind blows from the north, which is the prevailing wind here, although not very great, the sea is wonderfully raised, the waves being everywhere so coupled together and broken that they are very dangerous. This is not occasioned by shallow water, as this channel is very deep, only that on the Egyptian side it is somewhat shoaly close to the shore. "About this place I saw certain sea foams otherwise called evil waters, the largest I had ever seen, being as large as a target, of a whitish dun colour. These do not pass lower than Toro; but below that there are infinite small ones, which like the other are bred in and go about the sea[324]." While between Toro and Suez, though the days were insufferably hot, the nights were colder than any I ever met with.
[Footnote 324: This passage respecting sea foams or evil waters is altogether unintelligible, unless perhaps some obscure allusion to water-spouts maybe supposed.--E.]
SECTION IX.
Return Voyage from Suez to Massua.
In the morning of the 28th of April 1541 we departed from before Suez on our return to Massua[325]. At sunset we were one league short of a sharp red peak on the coast, 20 leagues from Suez. At night we took in our sails and continued along shore under our foresails only, the wind blowing hard at N.N.W. Two hours within the night, we came to anchor near the shore in 3 fathoms, the heavens being very dark and covered by many thick black clouds. The 29th we weighed in the morning, and came into the port of Toro at nine o'clock, but soon weighed again, and came to anchor a league farther on, in a haven called Solymans watering place, where we took in water, digging pits in the sand a stones throw from the sea, where we got abundance of brackish water. Leaving this place in the morning of the 30th, we anchored at 10 in the morning at the first of the three islands, which are two leagues N.W. of the island of Sheduam. I went on shore here with my pilot, when we took the suns altitude a little less than 80°; and as the declination that day was 17°36' the latitude of this island is 27°40' N. At sunset on the 1st of May we set sail, and by even-song time we came to an island, two leagues long, which thrusts out a point very close to the main land, between which and the island is a singularly good harbour for all weathers, fit for all the ships in the world. The 2d at sunset we came to anchor in the port of Goelma[326], which is safe from N. and N.W. winds, but only fit for small vessels. A short space within the land is the dry bed of a brook, having water during the floods of winter descending from the mountains. Digging a little way we found fresh water. There is a well here also, but not abundant in water. This port, the name of which signifies in Arabic the port of water, is N.N.W. of al Kessir, distant 4 leagues.
[Footnote 325: The fleet seems only to have been before Suez from 3 o'clock on the afternoon of the 27th of April till the morning of next day the 28th, or rather Don Juan only went forwards to examine the possibility of landing. Yet De Faria says, II. 23. "That after many brave attempts made by several to view and sound the harbour, Don Stefano landed with his men, and being repulsed, chiefly by means of an ambush of 2000 horse, was obliged to retire." The silence of Don John respecting any military operations, and the shortness of time, leaves hardly room to suppose that any were attempted.--E.]
[Footnote 326: Rather Kallama or Kalla'lma,--Astl.]
The 4th of May we rowed along shore, and came to anchor near sunset, in a small but excellent harbour named Azallaihe, two leagues S.E. beyond Shakara between that place and the black hillock. We lay at anchor all night, the wind at N.N.W. Bohalel Shame is a deep, safe, and capacious port, in which many ships may ride at anchor. It was named from one Bohalel, a rich chief of the Badwis who dwelt in the inland country, and used to sell cattle to the ships frequenting this port. Shame signifies land or country; so that Bohalel Shame signifies the Land of Bohalel[327]. At this place we found an honourable tomb within a house like a chapel, in which hung a silk flag or standard, with many arrows or darts round the grave, and the walls were hung round with many bulls[328]. On an upright slab or table at the head of the grave there was a long inscription or epitaph, and about the house there were many sweet-scented waters and other perfumes. From the Moors and Arabs I was informed that an Arabian of high rank of the lineage of Mahomet was here buried; and that the Sharifs of Jiddah and other great prelates gave indulgences and pardons to all who visited his sepulchre: But the Portuguese sacked the house and afterwards burnt it, so that no vestige was left. On the shore of this harbour we saw many footsteps of tigers and goats, as if they had come here in search of water.
[Footnote 327: Rather perhaps Bohalel Shomeh, meaning the lot or portion of Bohalel.--Astl.]
[Footnote 328: Perhaps Bells.--E.]
Having often occasion to mention the Badwis or Bedouins while voyaging along the coasts of their country, it may be proper to give some account of that people. These Badwis are properly the Troglodites ophiofagi, of whom Ptolemy, Pomponius Mela, and other ancient writers make mention. These Badwis or Troglodites live on the mountains and sea-coasts from Melinda and Magadoxa to Cape Guardafu, and thence all along the coasts of the Red Sea on both sides, and along the outer coast of Arabia through the whole coast of the Persian Gulf; all of which land they may be more properly said to occupy than to inhabit. In Good Arabic, Badwi signifies one who lives only by cattle[329]. Those who dwell along the Red Sea from Zeyla to Swakem, and thence to al Kossir, are continually at war with the Nubii or Nubians; while those from Kossir to Suez perpetually molest the Egyptians. On the eastern coast of the Red Sea the Badwis have incessant contests with the Arabians. They are wild men, among whom there is no king or great lord, but they live in tribes or factions, allowing of no towns in their country, neither have they any fixed habitations, but live a vagabond life, wandering from place to place with their cattle. They abhor all laws and ordinances, neither will they admit of their differences being judged of by any permanent customs or traditions, but rather that their sheiks or chiefs shall determine according to their pleasure. They dwell in caves and holes, but most of them in tents or huts. In colour they are very black, and their language is Arabic. They worship Mahomet, but are very bad Mahometans, being addicted beyond all other people on earth to thievery and rapine. They eat raw flesh, and milk is their usual drink. Their habits are vile and filthy; but they run with wonderful swiftness. They fight afoot or on horseback, darts being their chief weapons, and are almost continually at war with their neighbours.
[Footnote 329: Badwi, or more properly Badawi, signifies a dweller in the field or in the desert; corruptly called by us Bedouin.--Astl.]
By day-light of the 10th May we weighed anchor from the port of Igidid[330], and an hour before sunset we fastened our barks to a shoal about four leagues south of Farate. In this shoal there is an excellent harbour, lying almost E.S.E. and W.N.W. but very crooked and winding, so large that we could not see to the other end. The 22d of May[331], by day-break, we were a league short of the grove which stands four leagues north of Massua, having the wind from the land. At nine o'clock it began to blow fair from the N.N.E. and we entered the port of Massua at noon, where we were joyfully received by the fleet and army. From the 22d of May, when we entered Massua, the winds were always from the easterly points, either E. or S.E. or E.S.E. often with great storms. On the last day of June we had so violent a gale from S.E. that the galleons drifted and were in great danger of grounding. This storm was attended by heavy rain and fearful thunders, and a thunderbolt struck the mast of one of our galleons, which furrowed it in its whole length. On the 2d of July we had another great storm from the east which lasted most of the day, and drove many of our vessels from their anchors. From thence to the 7th of July we had other storms, but small in comparison. On the 8th and 9th we had two desperate gales from the land.
[Footnote 330: Either Don Juan or his abbreviator has omitted part of the Journal at this place, from the port of Azallaihe to that of Igidid--E.]
[Footnote 331: Here again a considerable portion of the Journal is emitted.--E.]
SECTION X.
Return of the Expedition from Massua to India.
Having remained 48 days at Massua, we set sail from thence on our return to India on the 9th of July 1541, one hour before sunrise, and by day-break we were two or three leagues short of the north point of Dallak, and among some flat islands that have some woods, which islands are scattered in the sea to the north of Dallak. We sailed through a channel between two of these islands, having a fair wind almost N.W. our course being N.E. by N. After doubling a shoal we came to anchor, and at two in the afternoon we sailed again with a fair wind at N.N.E. coasting the island of Dallak. An hour before sunset we came to a very flat sandy island, called Dorat Melkuna, from which on all sides extended great shoals. When the sun set we were a league short of the island of Shamoa, between which and the west side of Dallak, opposite the Abyssinian coast, is the most frequented channel for such as sail to Massua. All the coast of Dallak which we sailed along this day trends N.N.W. and S.S.E. and is very low. The 18th of July by day break we saw the mouth of the straits[332], about three leagues distant, "and we saw all the fleet lye at hull, and presently we set sail altogether[333]."
[Footnote 332: A large portion of the Journal is again omitted at this place, either by Don Juan or his abbreviator, Purchas.--E.]
[Footnote 333: Perhaps in coming in sight of the Strait, the ship of Don Juan was so much in advance as barely to see the hulls of the rest; and lay to till the rest came up.--E.]
Before leaving the Gulf of Arabia or of Mecca, it may be proper to consider the reason why the ancients called this Gulf the Red Sea, and to give my own opinion founded on what I actually saw, whether it differ in colour from the great ocean. In the sixth book of his Natural History, Pliny quotes several opinions as the origin of the name Erythros given to this sea by the ancients[334]. The first is, that it took its name from Erythra, a king who once reigned on its borders, whence came Erythros which signifies red in the Greek. Another opinion was that the reflexion of the sun-beams gave a red colour to this sea. Some hold that the red colour proceeds from the sand and ground along the sea coast, and others that the water was red itself. Of these opinions every writer chose that he liked best. The Portuguese who formerly navigated this sea affirmed that it was spotted or streaked with red, arising as they alleged from the following circumstances. They say that the coast of Arabia is naturally very red, and as there are many great storms in this country, which raise great clouds of dust towards the skies, which are driven by the wind into the sea, and the dust being red tinges the water of that colour, whence it got the name of the Red Sea.
[Footnote 334: By Dr. Hyde, in his notes on Peritsol, and Dr. Cumberland, in his remarks on Sanchoniatho, and by other writers, Erythros or Red is supposed to be a translation of Edom, the name of Esau; whence it is conjectured that this sea, as well as the country of Idumea, took their denominations from Edom. But this does not seem probable for two reasons: First, because the Jews do not call it the Red Sea but Tam Suf, or the Sea of Weeds; and, second, the ancients included all the ocean between the coasts of Arabia and India under the name of the Erythrean or Red Sea, of which the Persian and the Arabian Gulfs were reckoned branches.--Ast. I. 129. c.]
From leaving Socotora, till I had coasted the whole of this sea all the way to Suez, I continually and carefully observed this sea; and the colour and appearance of its shores, the result of which I shall now state. First then, it is altogether false that the colour of this sea is red, as it does not differ in any respect from the colour of other seas. As to the dust driven by the winds from the land to the sea staining the water; we saw many storms raise great clouds of dust and drive them to the sea, but the colour of its water was never changed by these. Those who have said that the land on the coast is red, have not well observed the coats and strands: for generally on both, sides the land by the sea is brown and very dark, as if scorched. In some places it appears black and in others white, and the sands are of these colours. In three places only there are certain parts of the mountains having veins or streaks of a red colour; and at these places the Portuguese had never been before the present voyage. These three places are all far beyond Swakem towards Suez, and the three hills having these red streaks or veins are all of very hard rock, and all the land round about that we could see are of the ordinary colour and appearance. Now, although substantially the water of this sea has no difference in colour from that of other seas, yet in many places its waves by accident seem very red, from the following cause. From Swakem to Kossir, which is 136 leagues, the sea is thickly beset with shoals and shelves or reefs, composed of coral stone, which grows like clustered trees spreading its branches on all sides as is done by real coral, to which this stone bears so strong resemblance that it deceives many who are not very skilful respecting the growth and nature of coral.
This coral stone is of two sorts, one of which is a very pure white, and the other very red. In some places this coral stone is covered by great quantities of green ouze or sleech, and in other places it is free from this growth. In some places this ouze or sleech is very bright green, and in others of an orange-tawny colour. From Swakem upwards, the water of this sea is so exceedingly clear, that in many places the bottom may be distinctly seen at the depth of 20 fathoms. Hence, where-ever these shoals and shelves are, the water over them is of three several colours, according to the colour of these rocks or shelves, red, green, or white, proceeding from the colour of the ground below, as I have many times experienced. Thus when the ground of the shoals is sand, the sea over it appears white; where the coral-stone is covered with green ouze or sleech, the water above is greener even than the weeds; but where the shoals are of red coral, or coral-stone covered by red weeds, all the sea over them appears very red. And, as this red colour comprehends larger spaces of the sea than either the green or the white, because the stone of the shoals is mostly of red coral, I am convinced that on this account it has got the name of the Red Sea, and not the green sea or the white sea, though these latter colours are likewise to be seen in perfection.
The means I used for ascertaining this secret of nature were these. I oftentimes fastened my bark upon shoals where the sea appeared red, and commanded divers to bring me up stones from the bottom. Mostly it was so shallow over these shoals, that the bark touched; and in other places the mariners could wade for half a league with the water only breast high. On these occasions most of the stones brought up were of red coral, and others were covered by orange-tawny weeds. Whether the sea appeared green, I found the stones at the bottom were white coral covered with green weeds; and where the sea was white I found a very white sand. I have conversed often with the Moorish pilots, and with persons curious in antiquities, who dwelt on this sea, who assured me that it was never stained red by the dust brought from the land by the winds: I do not, however reprove the opinion of former Portuguese navigators; but I affirm, that having gone through this sea oftener than they, and having seen its whole extent, while they only saw small portions, I never saw any such thing. Every person with whom I conversed wondered much at our calling it the Red Sea, as they knew no other name for it than the sea of Mecca[335]. On the 9th of August 1541, we entered the port of Anchediva, where we remained till the 21st of that month, when we went in foists or barks and entered the port of Goa, whence we set out on this expedition on the 31st of December 1540, almost eight months before.
[Footnote 335: This might have been the case among the pilots at this time; but among Arabic geographers it is likewise called the Sea of Hejaz, the Sea of Yaman, and the Sea of Kolzum.--Astl.]
Table of Latitudes observed in the Journal of Don Juan[336].
Socotora, 12 40
Bab-al-Mondub[A] 12 15
Sarbo port,[B] 15 76[337]
Shaback, scarcely 19 0
A nameless island, 19 0
Tradate, harbour 19 50
Fushaa, bay 20 15
Farate, river 21 40
Ras-al-Jidid, port[B] 22 0
Comol, port 22 30
Ras-al-Nef, Cape 24 0
Swairt island 24 10
Gaudenauchi, port 24 40
Tuna, haven 25 30
Kossir[A] 26 15
Safanj-al-bahr, island 27 0
Island, 2 leagues N.W. from Sheduan 27 40
Toro, town 28 10
Anchorage, 20 leagues farther 29 17
Suez 29 45
[Footnote 336: In this Table [A] denotes two observations having been made at the place; [B] indicates more observations than two; and all the rest only one. All of course north.--E.]
[Footnote 337: In the enumeration of latitudes in Astleys Collection this is set down as 15 deg. 17 min. but in the text of Purchas it is stated as here.--E.]
SECTION XI.
Description of the Sea of Kolzum, otherwise called the Arabian Gulf, or the Red Sea. Extracted from the Geography of Abulfeda[338].
The following description of the Red Sea was written by Ismael Abulfeda prince of Hamah in Syria, the ancient Epiphania, who died in the 733d year of the Hejirah or Mahometan era, corresponding with the year 1332 of the Christian computation, after having lived sixty-one years, twenty two of which he was sovereign of that principality. Greaves has mistaken both the length of his reign, which he makes only three years, and the time of his death[339]. Abulfeda was much addicted to the study of geography and history, and wrote books on both of these subjects, which are in great estimation in the East. His geography written in 721, A.D. 1321, consists of tables of the latitudes and longitudes of places, in imitation of Ptolemy, with descriptions, under the title of Takwin al Boldan. No fewer than five or six translations have been made of this work, but by some accident or other none of these have ever been published. The only parts of this work that have been printed are the tables of Send and Hend, or India, published in the French collection of Voyages and Travels by Thevenot; and those of Khowarazm or Karazm, Mawara'l-nahar, or Great Bukharia, and Arabia. The two former were published in 1650, with a Latin translation by Dr Greaves; and all the three by Hudson, in the third volume of the Lesser Greek Geographers, in 1712; from which latter work this description of the Red Sea is extracted, on purpose to illustrate the two preceding journals, and to shew that there really is such a gulf on the coast of Arabia as that mentioned by the ancients, that geographers may not be misled by the mistake of Don Juan de Castro. In this edition, the words inserted between parenthesis are added on purpose to accommodate the names to the English orthography, or to make the description more strictly conformable to the Arabic. The situations or geographical positions are here thrown out of the text, to avoid embarrassment, and formed into a table at the end. We cannot however warrant any of them, as those which may have been settled by actual observation are not distinguished from such as may not have had that advantage; which indeed is the general fault of oriental tables of latitude and longitude. The latitude of Al Kossir comes pretty near that formed by Don Juan de Castro; but that of Al Kolzum must err above one degree, while that of Swakem is more than two degrees erroneous.--Ast.
[Footnote 338: Astley, I. 130. We have adopted this article from Astleys Collection, that nothing useful or curious may be omitted. In the present time, when the trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope is about to be thrown open, it might be highly useful to publish a series of Charts of all the coasts and islands of the great Eastern Ocean; and among others, a Chart of the Red Sea, with a dissertation on its geography and navigation, might be made of singular interest and utility.--E.]
[Footnote 339: See Gagnier's preface to the life of Mahomet by Abu'lfeda; and the preface of Shulten to that of Saladin--Astl. I. 130. d.]
The author begins his description of the sea of Kolzum or of Yaman at Al Kolzum[340], a small city at the north end of this sea; which from thence runs south, inclining a little towards the east, as far as al Kasir (al Kossir) the port of Kus[341]. Hence it continues its course south, bending somewhat westward to about Aidab (Aydhab[342].) The coast passes afterwards directly south to Sawakan (Swakem), a small city in the land of the blacks, (or al Sudan). Proceeding thence south, it encompasses the island of Dahlak, which is not far from the western shore. Afterwards advancing in the same direction, it washes the shores of al Habash (Ethiopia or Abyssinia), as far as the cape or mountain of al Mandab (or al Mondub), at the mouth of the Bahr al Kolzum or Red Sea, which here terminates; the Bahr al Hind, or Indian Sea flowing into it at this place. The cape or mountain of al Mandub and the desert of Aden approach very near, being separated only by so narrow a strait that two persons on the opposite sides may see each other across. These Straits are named Bab al Mandab. By some travellers the author was informed that these Straits lie on this side of Aden to the north-west, a day and nights sail. The mountains of al Mandab are in the country of the negroes, and may be seen from the mountains of Aden, though at a great distance. Thus much for the western side of this sea. Let us now pass over to the eastern coast.
[Footnote 340: Or al Kolzom, which signifies the swallowing up. Here, according to Albufeda in his description of Mesr or Egypt, Pharaoh was drowned, and the town and the sea took this name from that event. Kolzum is doubtless the ancient Clysma, as indicated both by the similarity of names, and the agreement of situation. It was in the road of the pilgrims from Egypt to Mecca, but is now destroyed. Dr Pocock places Clysma on his map about 15 min. south from Suez.--Ast. I. 131. b.]
[Footnote 341: Kus is a town near the Nile, a little way south of Kept, the ancient Koptos; which shews that Kossir must be the ancient Berenice, as formerly observed in a note on the Journal of de Castro.--Astl. I. 131. c.]
[Footnote 342: In this name of Aydhab, the dh is pronounced with a kind of lisp, like the English th in the words the, then, &c. About 1150, in the time of al Edrisi, this was a famous port, and carried on a great trade. Both the king of Bejah or Bajah, a port of Nubia, and the Soldan of Egypt, had officers here to receive the customs, which were divided between these sovereigns. There was a regular ferry here to Jiddah, the port of Mecca, which lies opposite, the passage occupying a day and a night, through a sea full of shoals and rocks. In his description of Egypt, Abulfeda says Aydhab belonged to Egypt, and was frequented by the merchants of Yaman, and by the pilgrims from Egypt to Mecca.--Astl. I. 131. d.]
The coast of Bahr al Kolzum runs northward from Aden[343], and proceeds thence round the coast of al Yaman (or Arabia Felix), till it comes to the borders thereof. Thence it runs north to Joddah. From Joddah it declines a little to the west, as far as Jahafah, a station of the people of Mesr (Egypt), when on pilgrimage to Mecca. Thence advancing north, with a small inclination towards the west, it washes the coast of Yanbaak (Yamboa). Here it turns off north-westwards, and having passed Madyan it comes to Aylah. Thence descending southwards it comes to the mountain al Tur[344], which thrusting forwards separates two arms of the sea. Thence returning to the north, it passes on to al Kolzum, where the description began, which is situated to the west of Aylah, and almost in the same latitude.
[Footnote 343: From Aden the coast leading to the Straits of Bab al Mandab runs almost due west, with a slight northern inclination, about 115 statute miles, or 1 deg. 45 min. of longitude to Cape Arah, which with Cape al Mandab from the two sides of the Straits of Mecca or Bab al Mandab, having the island of Prin interposed, considerably nearer to the Arabian than the African shore.--E.]
[Footnote 344: A mountain so called near Sinai, which likewise goes by that name.--Ast. I. 151. h.--This mountain of al Tur forms the separation between the Gulf of Suez and that of Akkaba, its western extremity forming Cape Mahomed.--E.]
Al Kolzum and Aylah are situated on two arms or gulfs of the sea, between which the land interposes, running to the South; which land is the mountain al Tur almost in the same longitude with Aylah, which stands at the northern extremity of the eastern bay, while al Kolzum is at the northern extremity of the western gulf, so that Aylah is more to the east, and mount al Tur more to the south than al Kolzum. Aylah is situated on the inmost part of the promontory which extends into the sea. Between al Tur and the coast of Mesr (Egypt), that arm of the sea or gulf extends on which al Kolzum stands. In like manner that arm of the sea on which Aylah is situated extends between al Tur and Hejaz. From this mountain of al Tur the distance to either of the opposite coasts is small by sea, but longer about by the desert of Fakiyah, as those who travel by land from al Tur to Mesr are under the necessity of going round by al Kolzum, and those who go by land from al Tur to Hejaz must go round by way of Aylah. Al Tur joins the continent on the north, but its other three sides are washed by the sea. The sea of al Kolzum, after passing some way to the south-east from al Tur begins to widen on either side, till it becomes seventy[345] miles broad. This wider part is called Barkah al Gorondal.
[Footnote 345: These are to be understood as Arabian miles, 56-2/3 to the degree, or each equal to 1-1/4 English miles according to Norwoods measure, 69-1/2 to the degree.--Astl. I. 132. b.This would only give 80 English miles for the breadth of the Red Sea; whereas, immediately below the junction of the two northern guffs, it is 104 miles broad, and its greatest breadth for a long way is 208 miles.--E.]
Table of Situations, from Abulfeda[346].
deg. min. deg. min
Kolzum, 28 20 N. 54 15 E.
-------by some 56 30
Al Kossir, 26 0 59 0
Aydhab 21 0 58 0
Swakem, 17 0 58 0
Aden, 11 0 66 0
Borders of Yaman, 19 0 67 0
Jiddah, 21 0 66 0
Jahafah, 22 0 65 0
Yamboa, 26 0 64 0
Aylah, 29 0 55 0
---- 28 50 56 40
[Footnote 346: The longitude is reckoned by Abulfeda from the most western shores on the Atlantic Ocean, at the pillars of Hercules; supposed to be 10 deg. E. of the Fuzair al Khaladat, or the Fortunate Islands.--Ast. I. 134.These latitudes and longitudes are so exceedingly erroneous as to defy all useful criticism, and are therefore left as in the collection of Astley without any commentary; indeed the whole of this extract from Abulfeda is of no manner of use, except as a curiosity.--E.]
POSTSCRIPT.-Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under Don Christopher de Gama[347].
While the Portuguese fleet was at Massua, between the 22d of May and 9th of July 1541, a considerable detachment of soldiers was landed at Arkiko on the coast of Abyssinia under the command of Don Christopher de Gama, brother to the governor-general, for the assistance of the Christian sovereign of the Abyssinians against Grada Hamed king of Adel or Zeyla, an Arab sovereignty at the north-eastern point of Africa, without the Red Sea, and to the south of Abyssinia. In the journal of Don Juan de Castro; this force is stated at 500 men, while in the following notices from De Faria, 400 men are said to have formed the whole number of auxiliaries furnished by the Portuguese[348]. This account of the first interference of the Portuguese in the affairs of Abyssinia by De Faria, is rather meagre and unsatisfactory, and the names of places are often so disguised by faulty orthography as to be scarcely intelligible. In a future division of our work more ample accounts will be given both of this Portuguese expedition, and of other matters respecting Abyssinia.--E.
[Footnote 347: From the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, II. 24.]
[Footnote 348: In an account of this expedition of the Portuguese into Abyssinia, by the Catholic Patriarch, Juan Bermudez, who accompanied them, this difference of the number of men is partly accounted for. According to Bermudez, the force was 400 men, among whom were many gentlemen and persons of note, who carried servants along with them, which increased the number considerably.--E.]
Some time before the expedition of De Gama into the Red Sea, Grada Hamed the Mahometan king of Adel or Zeyla, the country called Trogloditis by some geographers, submitted himself to the supremacy of the Turkish empire in order to obtain some assistance of men, and throwing off his allegiance to the Christian emperor of Abyssinia or Ethiopia, immediately invaded that country with a numerous and powerful army. On this occasion he took advantage offered by the sovereign of Abyssinia, to whom he owed allegiance, being in extreme youth, and made such progress in the country that the emperor Atanad Sagad, otherwise named Claudius, was obliged to retire into the kingdom or province of Gojam, while his mother, Saban or Elizabeth, who administered the government in his minority, took refuge with the Baharnagash in the rugged mountains of Dama, a place naturally impregnable, which rising to a prodigious height from a large plain, has a plain on its summit about a league in diameter, on which is an indifferent town with sufficient cattle and other provisions for its scanty population. On one side of this mountain there is a road of difficult ascent to near the top; but at the last part of the ascent people have to be drawn up and let down on planks by means of ropes.
While in this helpless condition, the queen got notice that Don Stefano de Gama was in the Red Sea, and sent the Baharnagash to him, desiring his assistance against the tyrant, who had overrun the country, destroyed many ancient churches, and carried off numbers of priests and monks into slavery. The embassador was favourably listened to; and it was resolved by the governor-general, in a council of his officers, to grant the assistance required. Accordingly Don Christopher de Gama, brother to the governor-general, was named to the command on this occasion, who was landed with 400 men and eight field-pieces, with many firelocks and abundance of ammunition. He was accompanied by Don Juan Bermudez, Patriarch of Ethiopia, whose presence was much desired by the Abyssinian emperor, on purpose to introduce the ceremonies of the Roman church.
Don Christopher de Gama and his men set out on their march from Arkiko under the guidance of the Baharnagash for the interior of Abyssinia, and the men endured incredible fatigue from the excessive heat, though they rested by day and marched only in the night. A whole week was spent in passing over a rugged mountain, whence they descended into a very pleasant flat country, watered by many rivulets, through which they marched for two days to the city of Barua, the metropolis or residence of the Baharnagash. Though much damaged in the late invasion, yet this place had several sightly buildings, divided by a large river, with goodly villages and country houses in the environs. The Portuguese were received at the gates by a procession of several monks singing a litany, one of whom made a speech to welcome them, extoling their generosity in coming to the aid of their distressed country: After which the Portuguese visited the church and encamped.
Don Christopher sent immediate notice of his arrival to the Emperor, who was at a great distance, and to the queen mother who was near, upon the mountain of Dama already mentioned. The Baharnagash was sent to conduct her from the mountain, having along with him two companies of the Portuguese as an escort, and brought her to Barua attended by a great retinue of women and servants. On her arrival, the Portuguese troops received her under arms, and the cannon were fired off to do her honour. The queen was seated on a mule, whose trappings reached to the ground, and she was hidden from view by curtains fixed to the saddle. She was clothed in white, having a short black cloak or mantle with gold fringes on her shoulders. From her white head dress a flowing white veil fell down that concealed her face. The Baharnagash led her mule by the bridle, having his arms bare in token of respect, while his shoulders were covered by a tigers skin; and on each side of her walked a nobleman in similar attire. She opened the curtains that surrounded her that she might see the Portuguese troops; and on Don Christopher going up to pay his compliments, she lifted her veil that he might see her. The reception on both sides was courteous. Don Christopher went afterwards to visit her and consult with her, when it was resolved by the advice of the Abyssinians to winter at that place, and to wait an answer from the Emperor. The answer came accordingly, expressing his joy for the arrival of the Portuguese succours, and desiring Don Christopher to march in the beginning of summer.
The Portuguese accordingly marched at the time appointed, and in the following order. Some light horse led the van, to explore the road: Then followed the artillery and baggage: After which came the queen and her attendants, with a guard of fifty Portuguese musqueteers: Don Christopher brought up the rear with the remainder of the Portuguese troops; and the Baharnagash with his officers secured the flanks. In eight days, the army came to the mountain of Gané of most difficult ascent, on the top of which was a city, and on the highest cliff a chapel, near which was a house hung round with three hundred embalmed bodies sewed up in hides. These external coverings were much rent with age, and discovered the bodies within still white and uncorrupted. Some supposed these were the Roman conquerors of the country; while others, and among them the patriarch, supposed them to have been martyrs. Encouraged by the presence of the Portuguese auxiliaries, many of the natives resorted to the queen. Don Christopher marched on to the mountain of Canete, well watered and having abundance of cattle, which, almost impregnable by nature was still farther strengthened by artificial fortifications. The emperors of Abyssinia used formerly to be crowned at this place, which was now held for the tyrant by a thousand men, who used often to come down from the mountain and ravage the open country.
Contrary to the advice of the queen and her councillors, Don Christopher determined to commence his military operations by assaulting this den of thieves. For this purpose he divided his force into three bodies, one of which he led in person, and courageously endeavoured to force his way by the three several passes which led to the summit. But after the most valiant efforts, the Portuguese were forced to desist from the attack, in consequence of great numbers of large stones being rolled down upon them by the enemy. After hearing mass on Candlemas day, the 2d of February 1542, the Portuguese returned to the attack, playing their cannon against the enemy; and though they lost some men by the great stones rolled down among them from the mountain, they at length made their way to the first gates which they broke open, and forced their way to the second gates with great slaughter of the enemy, and the loss of three Portuguese. The enemy within the second and third gates, seeing only a few men of the vanguard, opened their gates, on which the Portuguese rushed in and maintained a hot contest with the enemy till Don Christopher came up with the main body, and pressed the enemy so hard that many of them threw themselves headlong from the rocks. Many women and children were made prisoners, and much plunder was taken. The queen and her retinue went up to the mountain, expressing great admiration of the Portuguese prowess, as the fortress had always been deemed impregnable by the Ethiopians. The patriarch purified a mosque, which he dedicated to the blessed virgin, and in which mass was celebrated to the great joy both of the Portuguese and Abyssinians.
Placing a garrison of Abyssinians in this place under a native officer, the army marched on into the country of a rebel named Jarse, who now submitted to the queen and brought his men to her service, thinking nothing could withstand men who had conquered nature, so highly did they esteem the conquest of the mountain Canete. The king of Zeyla came on now with his army, covering the plains and mountains with his numbers, and exulting in the hopes of an easy victory over so small a number of men. Don Christopher encamped in good order near a mountain in full sight of the enemy. Palm Sunday and Monday were spent in skirmishing, with nearly equal loss on both sides, but the Portuguese had so far the advantage as to compel the enemy to retreat to their camp. Don Christopher found it necessary to remove his camp, being in want of some necessaries, particularly water; and on the king of Zeyla observing the Portuguese in motion from his position on the high grounds, he came down and surrounded the Portuguese in the plain, who marched in good order, keeping off the enemy by continual discharges of their artillery and small arms. The enemy still pressing on, Don Christopher ordered Emanuel de Cuna to face about with his company, which he did so effectually, that he obliged a body of Turks to retire after losing many of their men. The Turks rallied and renewed their attack, in which they distressed De Cuna considerably, so that Don Christopher was obliged to come in person to his relief, and fought with so much resolution that he was for a considerable time unconscious of being wounded in the leg. At this time the king of Zeyla came on in person, thinking to put a favourable end to the action, but it turned to his own loss, as many of his men were cut off by the Portuguese cannon. Don Christopher was in great danger of being slain, yet continued the action with great resolution, till at length the tyrant was struck down by a shot which pierced his thigh. His men immediately furled their colours and fled, carrying him off whom they believed slain though he was still alive. This victory cost the Portuguese eleven men, two of whom were of note. After the battle, the queen herself attended Don Christopher and all the wounded men with the utmost alacrity and attention.
After the respite of a week, the Portuguese army marched towards the enemy, who came to meet them, the king of Zeyla being carried in an open chair or litter. This battle was resolutely contested on both sides. A Turkish captain, thinking to recover the honour which had been lost in the former action, made a charge with the men he commanded into the very middle of the Portuguese, and was entirely cut off with all his followers. Don Christopher on horseback, led his men with such fury into the heat of the action, that at length he compelled the enemy to turn their backs and seek safety in flight. The king of Zeyla had infallibly been taken in the pursuit, had there been a sufficient body of horse to pursue and follow up the victory. In this battle the Portuguese lost eight men. After the victory, the allied army of the Portuguese and Abyssinians, on marching down to a pleasant river found it possessed by the enemy, who immediately fled with their king. At this time the king of Zeyla sent an embassy to the Pacha of Zabit acquainting him with the distress to which he was reduced, and prevailed upon him by a large subsidy to send him a reinforcement of almost 1000 Turkish musqueteers.
Don Christopher wintered in the city of Ofar, waiting the arrival of the Abyssinian emperor. While there a Jew proposed to him, if he were in want of horses and mules, to shew him a mountain at no great distance, inhabited by Jews, where he might find a large supply of both. On that mountain the king of Zeyla had a garrison of 400 men. Having inquired into the truth of this information, and found that it was to be depended upon, Don Christopher marched thither with two companies of Portuguese and some Abyssinians, and came to the foot of the mountain which is twelve leagues in compass. Some Moors who guarded the passes were slain in the ascent, and on the top the Moorish commander met him with all his men, but Don Christopher running at him with his lance thrust him through the body. The shot of the Portuguese soon constrained the Moors to make a precipitate flight, after losing a great number of men, and the mountain was completely reduced. Great numbers of horses and mules were found in this place, which was inhabited by about 800 Jews in six or seven villages, who were reduced to obedience. According to tradition, these Jews, and many others who are dispersed over Ethiopia and Nubia, are descended from some part of the dispersion of the ten tribes. The Jew who acted as guide to the Portuguese on this occasion, was so astonished at their valour that he was converted and baptised, and by common consent was appointed governor of this mountain. Before this it had the name of Caloa, but was ever afterwards known by the name of the Jews mountain.
On the second day after the return of Don Christopher to the army, the king of Zeyla began to shew himself more bold than usual, trusting to the great reinforcement of Turkish musqueteers he had procured from Zabid. The youth and inexperience of Don Christopher allowed his valour to transport him far beyond the bounds of prudence. He ought to have retired to some strong position on the mountains, till joined by the emperor with the military power of Abyssinia, as it was impossible for him to contend against such great superiority, now that the king of Zeyla had so strong a body of musqueteers: But he never permitted himself to consider of these circumstances, till too late. On the 29th of August, the Turks made an attack upon the camp, and were repulsed, on which occasion Don Christopher was wounded in the leg and lost four men. In that part of the entrenchments defended by Emanuel de Cuna, the Turks were likewise repelled, with the loss of three men on the side of the Portuguese. In another part Francisco de Abreu was killed while fighting like a lion, and his brother Humphrey going to fetch off his body was slain and fell beside that he went to rescue. On this Don Christopher came up to relieve his men and performed wonders, till his arm was broken by a musquet-ball and he was carried off by a brave soldier. He was scarcely dressed when news was brought that the enemy had entered the entrenchments, and had slain Fonseca and Vello, two of his officers, on which he ordered himself to be carried to the place of danger. As the enemy were now decidedly victorious, some of the Portuguese abandoned their ranks and fled, as did the queen and the patriarch, both being mounted on fleet mares, each taking a different way, he from fear not knowing where he went, but she from choice as being well acquainted with the country. Don Christopher sent immediately to bring back the queen, as her flight was entirely ruinous, occasioning the disbanding of all the Abyssinian troops. But at length, seeing that all was lost, he grasped in despair a sword in his left hand, saying, Let who will follow me to die like heroes in the midst of the enemy. He was carried however from the field by mere force, with only fourteen men, accompanied by the queen and Baharnagash, seeking some place of safety. The night being excessively dark they lost their way and separated, the queen and Baharnagash being fortunate enough to get up a mountain as they were better acquainted with the country; but Don Christopher wandering with some companions, fell into the hands of the enemy, who carried him to the tyrant who was quite elated with his prize. The victors used their good fortune with the utmost barbarity, cruelly cutting down every one who fell in their way, which occasioned one to set a quantity of powder on fire that was in one of the tents belonging to the queen, by which all who were in or near it were blown up.
The king of Zeyla was quite elated by the capture of Don Christopher, whom he caused to be brought into his presence, and questioned him as to what he would have done with him, if defeated and made prisoner. "I would have cut off your head," answered Don Christopher, "and dividing your body into quarters, would have exposed them as a terror and warning to other tyrants." The king caused him to be buffeted with the buskins of his slaves; his body to be immersed in melted wax, and his beard interwoven with waxed threads, which were set on fire, and in this manner he was led through the army as a spectacle. Being brought back, the king cut off his head with his own hand, and caused the body to be quartered and exposed on poles. Where the head fell, it is said that there gushed out a spring of water which cured many diseases. On the same hour, a tree was torn out by the roots in the garden of a certain convent of monks, though the air was at the time perfectly calm. Afterwards, at the same hour, the emperor of Abyssinia having vanquished the tyrant and caused his head to be struck off, the tree which was then dry replanted itself in the former place, and became covered with leaves.
Most of the Portuguese who were taken on occasion of this defeat, perished in slavery. Alfonso Chaldeira followed the queen with thirty men. Emanuel de Cuna with forty got away to the Baharnagash and was well received. Sixty more followed the Patriarch Bermudez, making in all 130 men. Ninety of these went to the emperor, who was then near at hand, and very much lamented the slaughter among that valiant body of auxiliaries, and the loss of their brave commander. De Cuna with his forty men were too far off to join the Abyssinian emperor at this time. The emperor marched soon afterwards against the king of Zeyla, accompanied by ninety of the Portuguese who had joined him after the former defeat, to whom he gave the vanguard of his army, in consideration of the high opinion he had of their valour. At the foot of the mountain of Oenadias in the province of Ambea, they met a body of 700 horse and 2000 foot going to join the king of Zeyla. Fifty Portuguese horse went immediately to attack them, and Antonio Cardoso who was foremost killed the commander of the enemy at the first thrust of his lance. The rest of the Portuguese followed this brave example, and slew many of the enemy, and being seconded by the Abyssinians, first under the Baharnagash and afterwards by the king in person, eight hundred of the enemy were slain and the rest put to flight, when they went rather to terrify the tyrant with an account of their defeat, than to reinforce him by their remaining numbers.
The king of Zeyla was only at the distance of a league with his army in order of battle, consisting of two bodies of foot of three thousand men in each, while he was himself stationed in the front at the head of five hundred horse. The emperor of Abyssinia met him with a similar number, and in the same order. The ninety Portuguese, being the forlorn hope, made a furious charge on the advanced five hundred of the enemy, of whom they slew many, with the loss of two only on their own side. The emperor in person behaved with the utmost bravery, and at length the horse of the enemy being defeated fled to the wings of their infantry. The king of Zeyla acted with the utmost resolution, even shewing his son to the army, a boy of only ten years old, to stir up his men to fight valiantly against the Christians. The battle was renewed, and continued for long in doubt, the emperor being even in great danger of suffering a defeat; but at length a Portuguese shot the king of Zeyla in the belly by which he died, but his horse carried him dangling about the field, as he was tied to the saddle, and his army took to flight. Only a few Turks stood firm, determined rather to die honourably than seek safety in flight, and made great slaughter among the Abyssinians: But Juan Fernandez, page to the unfortunate Don Christopher, slew the Turkish commander with his lance. In fine, few of the enemy escaped by flight. The head of the king of Zeyla was cut off, and his son made prisoner. Being highly sensible of the great merit of the Portuguese to whom he chiefly owed this and the former victories over his enemies, the emperor conferred great favours upon them. De Cuna returned to Goa with only fifty men; and the other survivors of the Portuguese remained in Abyssinia, where they intermarried with women of that country, and where their progeny still remains.
CHAPTER IV.
CONTINUATION OF THE PORTUGUESE TRANSACTIONS IN INDIA, AFTER THE RETURN OF DON STEFANO DE GAMA FROM SUEZ IN 1341, TO THE REDUCTION OF PORTUGAL UNDER THE DOMINION OF SPAIN IN 1581.
In our remaining account of the early Transactions of the Portuguese in India, taken chiefly from the Portuguese Asia of De Faria, we have not deemed it necessary or proper to confine ourselves rigidly to the arrangement of that author, nor to give his entire narrative, which often contains a number of trifling incidents confusedly related. We have therefore selected such incidents only from that work as appeared important or curious: And, as has been already done in the two immediately preceding chapters, containing the Voyages of Solyman Pacha, and Don Stefano de Gama, we propose in the sequel to make such additions from other authentic and original sources, as may appear proper and consistent with our plan of arrangement. These additions will be found distinctly referred to their respective authors as we proceed.--E.
SECTION I.
Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de Gama, subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea.
During the expedition of Don Stephano de Gama up the Red Sea, some circumstances are related by De Faria which are not noticed in the Journal of Don Juan de Castro, who either thought proper to confine his narrative to nautical affairs, or his abreviator Purchas has omitted such as were military. On his voyage up the Red Sea, De Gama found most of the islands and cities abandoned, as the people had received notice of the expedition. The chief island was Massua, and the principal city Swakem, in about 19° of north latitude[349], which was well built and rich. The sheikh or king had withdrawn a league into the interior, and endeavoured to amuse De Gama with proposals of peace and amity, that he might save his insular city from being destroyed. The greatest injury occasioned by this delay was that it prevented De Gama from destroying the ships at Suez, the main object of his expedition, as so much time was gained that the news of his approach was carried to Suez, and the Turks were fully prepared for his reception. In revenge, De Gama marched into the interior with 1000 men, accompanied by his brother Don Christopher, and defeated the sheikh with great slaughter, making a considerable booty. Then returning to Swakem, that city was plundered; on which occasion many of the private men got to the value of five or six thousand ducats, after which the city was burnt to the ground.
[Footnote 349: Lat. 19° 40'.]
Sending back the large ships from thence to Massua under the command of Lionel de Lima, de Gama proceeded on his expedition to Suez with 250 men in 16 catures or barks. At Al-Kossir, in lat. 25° N.[350] that place was destroyed. Crossing over to Toro, some vessels belonging to the enemy were taken. The Turks first opposed their landing; but some of them being slain, the rest fled and abandoned the city, in which nothing of value was found; but De Gama refrained from burning the city from reverence to St Catharine, as there was a monastery at that place dedicated to her, which he visited at the instance of the friars. Being to his great glory the first European commander who took that city, he knighted several officers, who very justly held this honour in great esteem, which was even envied afterwards by the emperor Charles V. The friars of this monastery of St Catharines at Toro are of the Greek church, and of the order of St Basil. The city of Toro is in lat. 28° N.[351] and is thought by learned cosmographers to be the ancient Elana.
[Footnote 350: Lat. 26° 15'.]
[Footnote 351: Lat. 28° 15'.]
Proceeding onwards to Suez, after many brave attempts to sound and examine the harbour, all of which failed, De Gama resolved in person and in open day to view the Turkish gallies. He accordingly landed with his soldiers; but the enemies shot from the town was well kept up, and 2000 Turkish horse broke out from an ambush; and, though some of the enemy were slain by the Portuguese cannon, De Gama and his men were forced to retire, much grieved in being unable to accomplish the great object of the expedition.
On his return to the fleet at Massua, he there found that owing to the severity of Emanual de Gama[352] a mutiny had taken place, and that 80 men had run away with a ship, designing to go into Ethiopia. They were met however by a captain belonging to the king of Zeyla, and most of them slain after a vigorous resistance. Five of the mutineers were found hanging on a gallows, executed by order of Emanuel de Gama, for having concealed the design of the other 80 who deserted. At their execution, these men cited De Gama to answer before the great tribunal, and within a month De Gama died raving mad.
[Footnote 352: In preceding passage, Lionel de Lima is mentioned as commanding the fleet; Emanuel de Gama may therefore be supposed to have commanded the ship that mutinied.--E.]
About July 1541, while on its return from Massua to India, the fleet commanded by the governor Don Stefano de Gama encountered so severe a storm that one of the galliots sunk bodily, a bark was lost, and all the other vessels dispersed. During the continuance of this dreadful tempest, many religious vows were made by the people; but that made by one of the soldiers afterwards occasioned much mirth. He vowed, if he survived the tempest, that he would marry Donna Isabel de Sa, daughter to Don Garcia de Sa afterwards governor of India, which lady was one of the most celebrated beauties of the time. At length De Gama arrived at Goa; and as the ships from Portugal did not arrive at the expected time, and the public treasure was much exhausted by the late charges, he loaded the goods provided for the home voyage in four galleons, and dispatched them, for Lisbon.
About this time Nizamoxa[353] wished to gain possession of the forts of Sangaza and Carnala, held by two subjects of Cambaya, on the frontiers of that kingdom, which were formidable from their strength and situation; and took them by assault in the absence of their commanders, who applied to Don Francisco de Menezes, the commander at Basseen to assist in their recovery, offering to hold them of the Portuguese. Menezes went accordingly with 300 Portuguese and a party of native troops, accompanied by the two proprietors, each of whom had 200 men. The fort of Carnala was taken by assault, and the garrison of Sangaza abandoned it on the approach of De Menezes. Having thus restored both commanders to their forts, De Menezes left Portuguese garrisons with both for their protection. Nizamoxa sent immediately 5000 men who ruined both districts, and the owners in despair resigned their titles to the Portuguese, and withdrew to Basseen, whence De Menezes sent supplies to the two forts, meaning to defend them. Nizamoxa sent an additional force of 6000, men, of which 1000 were musqueteers and 800 well equipped horse. This great force besieged Sangaza, to which they gave two assaults in one day, and were repulsed with great slaughter. Menezes went immediately to relieve the place with 160 Portuguese, 20 of whom were horse, together with several naigs and 2000 Indians. After a sharp encounter, in which the Portuguese were nearly defeated, the enemy fled from Sangaza, leaving all the ground about the fort strewed with arms and ammunition. In this engagement the enemy lost 500 men and the Portuguese 20. During the action a Portuguese soldier of prodigious strength, named Trancoso, laid hold of a Moor wrapped up in a large veil as if he had been a buckler, and carried him before his breast, receiving upon him all the strokes from the enemies weapons, and continued to use this strange shield to the end of the battle.
[Footnote 353: In Portuguese x has the power of sh in English orthography; hence the name of this prince was perhaps Nizam Shah, and may be the same prince called in other places of De Faria Nazamaluco or Nizam al Mulk.--E.]
The governor Don Stefano de Gama happened at this time to be in Chual, visiting the northern forts; and considering that the maintenance of Sangaza and Carnala cost more than they produced, and besides that Nizamoxa was in alliance with the Portuguese, delivered them to that prince for 5000 pardaos, in addition to the 2000 he paid before, to the great regret of De Menezes. Soon afterwards a fleet arrived from Portugal under Martin Alfonso de Sousa, who was sent to succeed Don Stephano de Gama in the government. This fleet had the honour to bring out to India the famous St Francisco Xaviar, one of the first fathers of the society of Jesus, both in respect to true piety and virtue. He was the first ecclesiastic who had the dignity of Apostolic Legate of all Asia, and was very successful in converting the infidels: But we shall afterwards have occasion to enlarge upon his great virtues and wonderful actions.
On his arrival in the port of Goa, Martin Alfonso de Sousa sent notice to Don Stefano de Gama at the dead hour of the night, which induced De Gama to return an answer unworthy of them both. Martin Alfonso found nothing to lay to the charge of Don Stefano, as those desired who instigated him to seek for offences; for Alfonso was a gentleman of much honour, and could never have thought of any such thing of himself. But, though he ought now to have checked himself, finding nothing against De Gama, he became the more inveterate; as it is natural for men when they are in the wrong to persist with obstinacy. Alfonzo vented his malice by refusing conveniences to De Gama for the voyage home, which so disgusted him that he never waited upon Alfonso after resigning to him the sword of command.
Don Stefano arrived safe in Portugal, where he was received with much honour by the court, and with favour by the king; but refusing a wife offered by his majesty, he was disgraced, on which he went to reside at Venice. The Emperor Charles V. persuaded him to return to Portugal, assuring him of the kings favour; but he found none; for princes are more fixed in punishing a little omitted to please, than in rewarding much done for their service. On assuming the government of India, Don Stefano made an inventory of all he was worth, being 200,000 crowns; and when he left the government his fortune was found 40,000 crowns diminished. He was of middle stature, thick and strong built, with a thick beard and black hair, and a ruddy completion. On his tomb was inscribed at his own desire, He who made knights on Mount Sinai ended here.
SECTION II.
Exploits of Antonio de Faria y Sousa in Eastern India[354].
We have placed these exploits in a separate Section, because, although they appear in the Portuguese Asia as having taken place during the government of Don Stefano de Gama, yet is their chronology by no means well defined: and likewise because their authenticity is even more than problematical. In themselves they appear to carry evidence of overstepping the modest bounds of history; and there is reason to believe that they rest principally, if not altogether, on the authority of Fernan Mendez de Pinto, of notorious character. Yet they seem sufficiently curious to warrant insertion in this work; and it is not at all improbable that Antonio de Faria may have been a successful freebooter in the Chinese seas, and that he may have actually performed many of the exploits here recorded, though exaggerated, and mixed in some places with palpable romance.--E.
[Footnote 354: De Faria, II. 29 et seq.]
About this time Pedro de Faria, who was governor of Malacca, sent his factor MENDEZ DE PINTO with a letter and a present to the king of Patane, desiring him to procure the liberty of five Portuguese who were then slaves to his brother-in-law at Siam. Pinto was also entrusted with goods to the value of 10,000 ducats, to be delivered to the factor of De Faria at Pam. Having at that place made up a valuable cargo of diamonds pearls and gold, to the extent of 50,000 crowns, it was all lost one night in a tumult, occasioned by the following circumstance. There resided in Pam an ambassador from the king of Borneo, who one night detected the king of Pam in bed with his wife, and immediately slew him. On the death of the king becoming public, the people rose in commotion, more for the purpose of plunder than revenge. In this tumult about 4000 men were slain, and the Portuguese factors were robbed, and some of their companions slain. They made their escape to Patane, where they and other Portuguese asked leave of the king to make reprisals on three vessels belonging to merchants of Pam, which were then riding at anchor in the river Calantam 18 leagues off, richly laden from China. Getting the kings permission, they set out to the number of 80 persons in three vessels, and after a sharp engagement took and brought in these ships to Patane, where their cargoes were valued at 300,000 ducats. The people of Patane urged the king to take these ships from the Portuguese; but he decided that the 50,000 crowns should be made good to them of which they had been plundered at Pam; on which the merchants paid that sum and were allowed to continue their voyage.
About the same period, Pedro de Faria y Sousa sent his kinsman Antonio de Faria y Sousa to treat of important affairs with the king of Patane, and in particular to preserve peace with that prince. Antonio carried goods with him to the value of 12,000 ducats, and finding no sale for them at that place, he sent them to the port of Lugor in the kingdom of Siam, a place of great trade, where he was informed they would sell to great advantage. He intrusted the charge of this valuable cargo to Christopher Borallo, who was surprised while at anchor in the mouth of the Lugor river by, Khodjah Husseyn, a Moor of Guzerat, who commanded a vessel well stored with artillery, and manned with 80 Turks and Moors. Borallo thought himself happy in escaping from these pirates by swimming on shore, and brought the news of this disaster to Antonio de Faria at Patane, who vowed that he would never desist till he had destroyed Husseyn, in revenge for this loss. Husseyn was equally inveterate against the Portuguese, ever since Hector de Silveyra had taken a ship belonging to him in the sea of Guzerat, killing his father and two brothers, and had continually exerted himself in robbing and murdering the Portuguese. Owing to this loss and his determination of revenge, Antonio de Faria was led to the performance of those brave actions which I now mean to relate with all my usual sincerity, without affection for my kindred.
Antonio accordingly fitted out a small vessel with 50 men, in which he sailed from Patane on Saturday the 8th May 1540, and steered north-east towards the kingdom of Champa or Tsiompa, to examine that coast. He here saw the island of Pulo Condor, in lat. 3° 20' N[355]. and then to the eastwards rounded one six leagues from the coast of Cambodia. Entering the port of Bralapisam, he found there a vessel of the Lequii, having on board an ambassador from the prince of the island of Lossa[356] in 36° of north latitude, for the king of Siam. As soon as this vessel espied the Portuguese ship, it weighed anchor and sailed away. Faria sent after them a Chinese pilot with a civil message, who brought back this remarkable answer, "We return thanks: The time will come when our nation shall have commerce with that captain in real friendship, through the law of the supreme God, whose clemency is boundless, since by his death he gave life to all mankind, and remains an everlasting faith in the house of the good. We confidently hold that this will be when half the times are past[357]." The pilot also brought back a rich cymeter in a scabbard of beaten gold, with a handle of the same, splendidly ornamented with pearls of great value. Antonio would have made a return, but the vessel could not be overtaken. From thence Antonio proceeded to the river Pulo Cambier, which divides the kingdoms of Cambodia and Tsiompa. At the town of Catimparu, he was informed that great river took its rise in the lake of Pinator, 260 leagues westwards in the kingdom of Quitirvam, encompassed with high mountains, around which lake there are 38 towns, 13 of which are considerable, where was a gold mine that yielded 22 millions of crowns yearly. It belonged to four lords, who were engaged in continual wars for its possession. At Bauquerim likewise there is a mine of the finest diamonds: and from the disposition of the people they might easily be conquered by the Portuguese.
[Footnote 355: Pulo Condor, off the mouths of the Japanese river, is in lat. 8° 40' N. perhaps the figure 3 in the text is a typographical error.--E.]
[Footnote 356: Possibly Luzon in lat. 16° N. may be here meant. Unless we can suppose some part of Japan may be intended, which is in the latitude of the text--E.]
[Footnote 357: This strange oracular message, and indeed most of the wonderful deeds of Antonio de Faria, smells strongly of Mendez de Pinto, the factor of Pedro de Faria, who has been characterised as the prince of liars. Indeed the editor of Astleys Collection says that his name ought to be Mendax de Pinto.--E.]
Coasting along, Antonio came to anchor in the mouth of the river Toobasoy, fearing to go up. At this place he espied a large vessel to which he made signs of peace, but received a rude answer. As night drew on, it was thought proper to wait for day; but in the dark first one vessel and then three more were descried coming towards them, and forty men from the first vessel boarded them, but were all slain, their vessel taken and the others burnt. A black, who was taken on this occasion, declared himself a Christian, saying he had been slave to Gaspar de Melo, who had been taken by the pirate Similau along with 26 other Portuguese, all of whom he had barbarously put to death. The black said that Similau had another vessel in the port richly laden, having only a few men on board. Similau with the other prisoners were put to the same death they had used to inflict on others. As soon as day appeared that other vessel was taken, and the booty in silver only amounted to 60,000 ducats, besides other goods. Thus enriched, Antonio went on to the river Tinacoreu or Varela, where the ships of Siam and Malacca, trading with China, barter their goods for gold, calamba, and ivory, with which that country abounds. He anchored off a small town called Tayquileu, the inhabitants of which called the Portuguese the bearded people; for though these people had beards, theirs were short and thin, whereas those of the Portuguese were at their full growth, many of them reaching to their girdles. By the inhabitants of this place, Antonio was informed that their river was formerly called Tauralachim or the Great Stock, to express its greatness: That it is deep and navigable for 80 leagues, up to a town named Moncalor, and then becomes wide and shallow, coming from the great country of Chintaleuho, where the country for eight days journey had been depopulated 40 years before by a multitude of birds! In the middle of that country is the great lake of Cunabetee or Chiamay, whence spring four great rivers. That lake is 180 leagues in circumference, and the country round abounds in mines of silver, copper, tin, and lead.
From thence Antonio proceeded to the island of Hainan, passing in sight of Champiloo, in lat. 18° N. at the entrance of the bay of Cochin China. Farther on he discovered the promontory of Pulocampas, whence the island of Hainan may be seen. To the west of this they found a river, up which Borallo was sent in a small vessel with 16 men, who discovered at least 2000 sail of vessels and a large walled town. On their return they saw a large vessel at anchor. The captain supposing this might be Husseyn took it; but learnt from an ancient Christian of Mount Sinai, who was among the prisoners, that it belonged to a pirate named Quioy Tayjam, who had killed above an hundred Portuguese, and now lay hid in the forecastle with six or seven others, all of whom were drawn from their hiding place and slain. In this vessel were found 60,000 quintals[358] of pepper, with a great deal of other spices, besides ivory, tin, wax, and powder, the whole valued at 60,000 crowns; besides several good cannon, some valuable baggage, and silver. In the hold were nine children, the biggest only about nine years old, all loaded with irons, and starving of hunger.
[Footnote 358: This is either an enormous exaggeration, or a gross error. The quantity in the text is equal to 3500 tons.--E.]
Coasting along the island of Hainan, Antonio met some fishers of pearls, whom he used courteously. They told him that the island belonged to China. Hence he went to the river Tananquir, where he was suddenly attacked by two large vessels, both of which were taken, after a long struggle, in which 80 of the enemy were slain, with the loss of 14 men belonging to Antonio, only one of whom was a Portuguese. After a while they heard lamentable cries in the hold of one of these ships, in which 17 prisoners were found, two of whom were Portuguese. From one of these Antonio was informed that these vessels had belonged to Necoda Xicaulem, who, after becoming a Christian at Malacca and marrying a Portuguese woman, had killed her and many more of her nation. The booty in these two ships was valued at 50,000 crowns. One of the vessels was burnt, as Antonio had not a sufficient number of men to navigate her. In both vessels there were seventeen brass guns, most of which had the arms of Portugal. Antonio anchored at Cape Tilaumere, where four vessels came up to his squadron likewise now consisting of four vessels, and in one of these was the bride of a young nobleman, who had engaged to meet her at that place with a like number of ships, owing to which they had come up to the Portuguese vessels. Three of these ships were taken, in one of which was the bride. Some of the seamen were retained, and all the others were set on shore. Antonio then went to Mutipinam, as a convenient place for selling his prizes; but as the governor of that city somewhat obstructed the sale, Antonio was obliged to hasten it, and received in payment of the goods he had to dispose of to the value of 200,000 crowns in uncoined silver.