When our skiff came up with them, instead of answering the hails of our men, they waved our skiff to leeward with a drawn sword; on which, thinking to fear them, and make them lower their sail, our men fired a random shot towards them, which they answered by firing another directly at our skiff, followed by half a hundred arrows, to which our men answered by plying all their muskets. But our skiff was unable to hold way with them, as they were under sail, and had therefore to return to the ship, with one man very dangerously wounded by an arrow in the breast, who afterwards recovered. As we in the ship saw the skiff returning without them, we hoisted out our long-boat, and sent her after the two teradas, we following with the ship as near the shore as we could with safety; for it was now of much importance that we should speak with them, on purpose to avoid their spreading scandalous reports of us in the country, which might have frustrated our chief hopes of landing the ambassador at Guadal, being the place we most depended upon, and being destitute of any other place for the purpose, should this fail, considering the unwelcome intelligence we had got concerning Guzerat at the Cape.
Our long boat, having fetched up with the teradas, drove them into a bay whence they could not escape; on which the native mariners sailed so far into the bay, that one of the teradas was cast away on the beach, and the other had nearly shared the same fate, but was saved by our men just without the surf. Most of the balloches leapt overboard, and several of them narrowly escaped drowning; while nine of them were brought by our men to our ship along with the terada, part of whom they had taken out of the water. There were originally twenty-six balloches in the two teradas, but all the rest escaped ashore by swimming through the surf. When these men came aboard our ship, they were found to belong to Guadal; and when told that we were sorry for the loss of their other bark, as we meant them no harm, but only wished to speak with them, that we might learn the navigation to their port, they were glad to learn we had no evil intentions, thinking we had been as merciless as themselves, and acknowledged their loss proceeded from their own folly.
We then informed them that we were bound for Guadal, on purpose to land a Persian ambassador there, and that we earnestly entreated the master of the terada, whose name was Noradin, to pilot us to that place, for which we would satisfy him to his contentment. Knowing that he could not chuse, he consented to go with us, on condition we would permit the terada and his men to proceed to Muscat, whither they were originally bound; but we did not think this quite safe, lest they might communicate news of our arrival among the Portuguese, and thought it better to take the bark along with us to Guadal, to manifest our own good intentions. Noradin accordingly consented, between fear and good will, and was much made of by us to reassure his confidence. On the passage to Guadal, we had much conference with him and his men, both respecting the state of the country, the character of their king, and the means of the ambassador travelling from thence into Persia. Their answers and reports all confirmed what we had been already told on the coast, and gave us hopes of success. The terada was about fifteen tons burden, and her loading mostly consisted in the provisions of the country, as rice, wheat, dates, and the like. They had a Portuguese pass, which they shewed us, thinking at first we had been of that nation. I translated this, to show in what subjection the Portuguese keep all the natives of these countries, as without such a pass they are not suffered to navigate these seas, under penalty of losing their lives, ships, and goods.
Antonio Pereira de la Cerda, Captain of the Castle of Muscat, &c.
"Know all to whom these presents are shewn, that I have hereby given secure licence to this terada, of the burden of fifty candies, whereof is master Noradin, a Mahomedan baloche, dwelling in Guadal, of the age of fifty years, who carries for his defence four swords, three bucklers, five bows, with their arrows, three calivers, two lances, and twelve oars. And that in manner following: She may pass and sail from this castle of Muscat, to Soar, Dobar, Mustmacoraon, Sinde, Cache, Naguna, Diu, Chaul, and Cor. In going she carries goods of Conga, as raisins, dates, and such like; but not without dispatch from the custom-house of this castle, written on the back hereof. In this voyage she shall not carry any prohibited goods, viz. steel, iron, lead, tobacco, ginger, cinnamon of Ceylon, or other goods prohibited by his majesty's regulations. And conforming thereto, the said terada shall make her voyage without let or hindrance of any generals, captains, or any of the fleets or ships whatever of his majesty she may happen to meet with. This licence shall be in force for one whole year, in going and returning; and if expired, shall continue in force till the completion of her voyage.
Given at the Castle of Muscat, this 16th November, 1611. Written by Antonio de Peitas, notary of the said factory, &c.
Sealed and signed by ANTONIO PEREIRA."
The certificate on the back was thus: "Registered in the book of Certificates, folio xxxii, et sequ. Signed, ANT. PEITAS."
The 17th September, we sailed past some high rugged cliffs, close to which, as Noradin told us, was a good watering place, at a village named Ivane, fifteen leagues west from Guadal. That same evening we arrived at Guadal, and anchored for the night off the mouth of the port, whence about thirty boats came out next morning to fish, some of which came to speak with the balloches we had aboard. What conversation passed among them we did not understand, being in the balloche language. Betimes on the 18th, we cleared our pilot and his boat, and he departed well contented. Soon after, the ambassador sent Nazerbeg, one of his Persian attendants, on shore in our skiff, with a message to the governor concerning his landing and passing through that country into Persia. While on the way, our skiff was met by the governor's boat, coming off to our ship, and Nazerbeg was taken into that boat, which carried him to the shore, whence he was accompanied by many of the natives to the governor's tent. He here delivered his message in Persian, which these people understand as well as their own language, and was kindly entertained. The answer from the governor was to this effect: That, although this country of Mekran did not belong to the king of Persia, it yet owed love and duty thereto, having been long tributary to the king and his predecessors, and still was. He farther said, that the king of Mekran was the king of Persia's slave, with many other hollow compliments, and that the ambassador should be made as welcome as in Persian all this only tending to allure his lordship ashore by treachery to his ruin, as appeared by the event.
With this answer Nazerbeg returned, being accompanied on board by about a dozen of the most ancient men of the balloches, to confirm the same. On coming aboard, these men saluted the ambassador most submissively, in the name of the governor of Guadal, and on their own behalf some even offering to kiss his feet; and told his lordship that he was most fortunate in coming to their city at this time, as only the day before the viceroy had come down with a troop of men, to visit a saint, and therefore his lordship would be conducted with infinite safety through the country, and protected from the danger of rebels and thieves, who infested the country between Mekran and Persia, and might either go through Kerman or Segistan to Ispahan. They added, that the viceroy would supply his lordship with camels and horses, and every other requisite for the journey, and would gladly give him every other accommodation in his power. They said, moreover, that they were much rejoiced at having such an opportunity of shewing their unfeigned love and duty towards the king of Persia, and that the ambassador should be dispatched on his journey from Guadal in two days, if he were so inclined. They told us, that our ship should be supplied with water, and every other necessary of which we were in want; and they gave us three bags of bruised dates, of about 300 pounds weight, with two boats, saying the fishing-boats were ordered to give us two fish a-piece daily, on account of their government, which they did accordingly.
By these shews of good-will, all men concurring in the same fair story, both now and formerly, we were thoroughly satisfied, and had no distrust that they meant not as well as they said. The lord ambassador, especially, was much rejoiced at the prospect of being thus enabled to reach Persia in twenty days, as they said; and we not less so, in bringing our long-desired hopes to a bearing. But God, from whom no secrets of the heart can be hidden, knew their treacherous intentions towards us; and had not his mercy exceeded his justice, we had been utterly destroyed, and it had never been known what became of us, our ship, or our goods.
Being quite satisfied with these fair promises, the ambassador got every thing in readiness, and in the morning of the 19th September, sent his money and all his baggage on shore with the balloches boats, which came aboard for the purpose. They also brought a message from the viceroy and governor, saying they had provided tents for his lordship and all his followers, close to their own, where they would be happy to receive him as soon as he pleased to land. Into this tent accordingly all the ambassador's goods were carried, and some of his followers were appointed by his orders to remain there in charge of them, till he should himself land, intending to have gone ashore the same day, about four in the afternoon, of which he sent word to the viceroy. In the mean time our boat went ashore with empty casks to bring off fresh water, and in her went the Persian followers of the ambassador, and three or four more of his people, to see the careful landing of his goods, and to accompany them to the tents.
While the ambassador's baggage was landing, some of the natives asked, if these were all the things the ambassador had to send ashore? To which it was answered, that these were all, except jewels and such like things, which were to come along with himself. Some other natives standing by, observed among themselves, That it was no matter, as these were enough for the soldiers. This was overheard and understood by Nazerbeg, who concealed it for the time, though it raised some suspicion in his mind, as he said afterwards: Yet so strongly was he prepossessed by the agreement of all that had passed before, that he could not bring himself to believe their intentions were bad. He listened, however, more attentively to all that was said afterwards among them, but could hear nothing that savoured of double-dealing.
A little while afterwards, Nazerbeg met with one Haji Comul,[113] whom God made an instrument to disclose the devilish project of the balloches to circumvent and destroy us, and who now revealed the particulars of their bloody designs. Nazerbeg was amazed, and even chid Comul for not having told this before the goods were landed. As the time appointed for the landing of the ambassador was at hand, Nazerbeg was fearful he might have come ashore before he could get to our ship to forewarn him. Wherefore, hastening to the shore, where, as God would have it, our skiff was still filling water, he told our men there was treachery plotting against us on shore, and entreated them to row him to the ship with all possible speed. He was therefore brought off immediately, yet hardly a moment too soon, as the ambassador and all his suite, together with our captain and all the principal officers among us, willing to grace the ambassador as far as we could for the honour of our country, were already in the waste, and ready to go on shore. When Nazerbeg had communicated his news, we were as ready to change our purpose as we had been before to go ashore. The purport of what he had learnt from Haji Comul was as follows:--
The viceroy and governor had agreed together to entice as many of us as they possibly could ashore, on purpose to cut all our throats; which done, they meant to have set upon the ship, and having taken her, to seize every thing she contained. They had made minute enquiry into our numbers, and had got a particular enumeration of the state and condition of every person in the ship, all of whom they intended to put to death without mercy, except the surgeon, the musicians, the women, and the boys. Their reverence for the king of Persia, of which they had so boasted, was all a mere pretence to deceive; for they were all rebels, and it was death to talk of the king of Persia in Guadal. Though we now understood their intended plot, for which God be praised, and were sufficiently put upon our guard to prevent its execution by arming ourselves, knowing that we were able to defend ourselves from injury on board, although they had great numbers of boats, and above 1500 men armed with muskets, besides others; yet were we at a loss how we might recover his lordship's goods, and his three men who were ashore along with them. But God, who had thus miraculously delivered us from their cruel treachery, opened likewise our understandings, so that we recovered all according to our wish, in the following manner:--
As the viceroy and his fellows expected the immediate landing of the ambassador and followers, together with the captain and others of us, we sent Nazerbeg again ashore, with instructions what to do. He was to inform the viceroy that the ambassador was not very well, and had therefore deferred his landing till next morning, which was Monday the 20th September. He was also directed to request the viceroy and governor, to send two or three of their boats for him very early, to bring the women and others of his company ashore, as the ship's boats were too small; and to say, that the ambassador expected to be attended by some men of condition from the viceroy, to come in the boats, out of respect to the king of Persia, whose person he represented. This message, being well delivered, took the desired effect, and the viceroy readily promised to comply with every thing required. Having finished this part of his introductions, Nazerbeg was to repair to the tent where the baggage was lodged, and to fetch from one of the trunks, two bags of money containing £200 sterling, and some other things of value, if he could so contrive without being noticed, as it was wished to conceal the knowledge we had of the villainous intentions of these barbarians. Nazerbeg was also desired to use dispatch, and to desire the three servants of the ambassador to remain all night at the tents, with promise of being relieved next morning. All was done as directed, and not only was the money brought away, but a trunk also containing Lady Shirley's apparel. When the balloches enquired the reason of taking that trunk back to the ship, they were told it contained the lady's night-clothes, and that it was to be brought ashore again next day.
[Footnote 113: In Purchas this person is named Hoge Comul; but we suspect it ought to be Haji, intimating that he had made the pilgrimage of Mecca and Medina.--E.]
The ambassador having thus recovered his money, wished much to get back one other large trunk, containing things of value, and the three men which were ashore with his baggage, even if all the rest were lost. For this purpose, we filled, over night, a large chest and a night-stool, with billets of wood, rubbish, stones, and other useless matters, to make them heavy, binding them up carefully with mats and ropes to give them an air of importance. Nazerbeg was instructed to take these on shore, to be left in place of the large trunk which he was to bring away, under pretence that it belonged to one of the merchants, and had been landed by mistake. The three men at the tent were to accompany him back to the ship, with their musical instruments, and the balloches were to be told they were wanted by the lord ambassador to accompany him with their music on his landing.
Every thing being thus properly arranged, we saw next morning early, the three boats coming off for the purpose of bringing his lordship on shore, according to promise. We then manned our skiff, and sent her ashore to put our plan into execution, by which we hoped to entrap the balloches in the snare they had laid for us. In the mean time, we received the people from the three boats into our ship, consisting of seven or eight persons of some condition, among whom was our friend Haji Comul; all the rest being slaves and fishermen. We kept them in discourse on various matters, to pass away time till our skiff could get back. During this conversation, one of them said that the viceroy earnestly desired we might bring our slurbow[114] ashore with us, as he wished much to see it, which we readily promised, to satisfy them. We soon after had the pleasure to see our skiff returning, having been completely successful, as it not only brought away the trunk and the three men, but also one of the chief men among the balloches, whom Nazerbeg enticed along with him. As soon as he came on board, he and the rest desired to see our gun-rooms, in which they had been told we had all our fire-works, of which they were in great dread, particularly of our slurbow and fire-arrows; and this answered exactly to our wishes, as we meant to have enticed them below, that we might disarm them of their long knives or daggers. When all these principal persons were down below in the gun-room, all our people being armed and in readiness, and dispersed in different parts of the ship, some on deck, some between decks, and others in the gunroom, to arrest and disarm the traitors; and when the concerted signal was given, this was instantly accomplished, to their great astonishment, yet without resistance.
[Footnote 114: From circumstances mentioned in the sequel, this seems to have been a species of cross-bow for discharging fire-arrows.--E.]
We then laid open to them our knowledge of their murderous intentions, saying their lives were now in our hands, as they had themselves fallen into the pit they had dug for us; and, if we served them right, we should now cut them in pieces, as they meant to have done by us. Yet they stoutly denied the whole alleged plot. We detained six of the chiefest men among them, and two of their boats, sending all the rest a-shore, being all naked rascals, except one, by whom we sent a message to the viceroy and governor, That, unless he sent us back all the goods and baggage we had ashore, without abstracting even the smallest portion, we would carry off those we had now in our custody. When this message was delivered to the viceroy and governor, they sent back word by the same messenger, that, if we would release the balloches, all our goods should be sent to us, and at the same time making many hollow declarations that no evil had ever been intended against us. On receiving this message, and in sight of the messenger, all our prisoners were immediately put in irons; and two letters were wrote to the viceroy in Persian, one by us and the other by the prisoners, intimating in the most determined terms, that the prisoners would be all put to death, if the goods were not safely returned without delay, giving only two hours respite at the most, the sand-glass being set before them as the messenger left the ship, that he might be induced to make haste. By these sharp means, we constrained them to restore every thing in the most ample manner; and this being done, we released the men and boats, according to promise, and sent them away. One man named Malim Simsadim, whom we had learnt, from Haji Comul, was an experienced pilot for Sinde and Cambay, we detained for that purpose, promising to reward him according to his merits.
Thus, by God's assistance, to whom be endless praise for our deliverance, we happily extricated ourselves from this dangerous and intricate affair, which was entirely concluded by six p.m. of the 20th September. We set sail that same night with our new pilot and Haji Comul, which last remained along with us, as his life would have been in danger among that accursed crew, for revealing their diabolical plot. We now bent out course for Sinde, as willing to avoid all subsequent dangers which these blood-thirsty balloches might attempt to plot against us. In our way, we had much conversation with Comul, whom we much esteemed and respected for the excellent service he had done towards us. Comul was a native of Dabul in India, his father being a Persian of the sect of Ali, in which Comul was a churchman, or priest, having likewise some skill in medicine and surgery, in which capacity he had resided in the tent of the governor of Guadal, and owing to which circumstance he had overheard their infernal plot. He had obtained leave to come aboard our ship, under pretence of procuring certain ointments or balsams, which he alleged had been promised him by our surgeons. He said that, on hearing their murderous intentions, his heart yearned within him, to think we should be led like sheep to the slaughter by such bloody butchers, and that God willed him to reveal their plot to us. He farther told us, that to his knowledge, they had already betrayed three ships in the same manner; that they were all rebels against the King of Persia, refusing to pay the tribute which they and their ancestors had been accustomed to; and that the king of Persia had levied an army, which waited not for from Guadal, with the purpose to invade the country next winter.
This country of Macquerona, or Mekran, is on the main land of Asia, bordering upon the kingdom of Persia. The port of Guadal is nearly in the lat. of 25° N, the variation being 17° 15' [lat. 24° 40' N. long. 61° 50' E.]. It has good anchorage in four or five fathoms. At night of the 21st September, the day after leaving Guadal, our balloche pilot brought our ship in danger of running on a shoal, where we had to come suddenly to anchor till next morning. The 24th at night, while laying to, because not far from Cape Camelo, a Portuguese frigate, or bark, passed close beside us, which at first we suspected to have been an armed galley, for which cause we prepared for defence in case of need.
3. Arrival at Diul-ginde,[115] and landing of the Ambassador: Seeking Trade there, are crossed by the slanderous Portuguese: Go to Sumatra and Bantam; and thence Home to England.
[Footnote 115: This singular name ought perhaps to have been Diul-Sinde, or Diul on the Indus, or Sinde river, to distinguish it from Diu in Guzerat.--E.]
The 26th September, 1613, we came to anchor right before the mouth of the river Sinde, or Indus, by the directions of a pilot we had from one of the boats we found fishing at that place. We rode in very good ground, in a foot less five fathoms, the mouth of the river being E. by N. being in the latitude of 24° 38' N.[116] That same day, the ambassador sent two of his people, to confer with the governor about his coming ashore, and procuring a passage through that country into Persia. The governor, whose name was Arah Manewardus, who was of Diul,[117] was most willing to receive the ambassador, and to shew him every kindness, both in regard to his entertainment there, and his passage through his province or jurisdiction. To this intent, he sent a principal person aboard, attended by five or six more, to welcome his lordship with many compliments, assuring him of kind entertainment. Presently after there came boats from Diul for his accommodation, in which he and all his people and goods went ashore on the 29th September, all in as good health as when they embarked in our ship from England. At his departure we saluted him with eleven guns, and our captain entrusted him with a fine fowling-piece, having two locks, to present to the governor of Tatta, a great city, a day's journey from Diul,[118] both cities being in the dominions of the Great Mogul. We also now set ashore our treacherous balloche pilot, Sim-sadin, though he better merited to have been thrown into the sea, as he endeavoured twice to have cast us away; once by his own means, as formerly alluded to, and afterwards by giving devilish council to the pilot we hod from the fisher boat at this place.
[Footnote 116: The river Indus has many mouths, of which no less than seventeen are laid down in Arrowsmith's excellent map of Hindoostan, extending between the latitudes of 24° 45' and 23° 15' both N. and between the longitudes of 67° 12' and 69° 12' both east. That mouth where the Expedition now came to anchor, was probably that called the Pitty river, being the most north-western of the Delta, in lat 24° 45' N. and long. 67° 12' E. from Greenwich; being the nearest on her way from Guadal, and that which most directly communicates with Tatta, the capital of the Delta of the Indus.--E.]
[Footnote 117: Such is the vague mode of expression in the Pilgrims; but it appears afterwards that he was governor of Diul, at which place Sir Robert Shirley and his suite were landed. It singularly happens, that Diul is omitted in all the maps we have been able to consult; but from the context, it appears to have been near the mouth of the Pitty river, mentioned in the preceding note. It is afterwards said to have been fifteen miles up the river, in which case it may possibly be a place otherwise called Larry Bunder, about twenty miles up the Pitty, which is the port of Tatta.--E.]
[Footnote 118: Tatta is not less than seventy-five English miles from the mouth of the Pitty, and consequently sixty from Diul.--E.]
When the lord ambassador left us, we requested he would send us word how he found the country disposed, and whether we might have trade there; and for this purpose, we gave his lordship a note in writing of what we chiefly desired, which was to the following purport: "That our coming to this port was purposely to land his lordship; yet, as we had brought with us certain commodities and money, we were willing to make sales of such and so much of those as might suit, if we could obtain licence and protection for quiet trade; and, with the governor's permission, would settle a factory at this place, to which, though now but slenderly provided, we would afterwards bring such kinds and quantities of goods us might be most suitable for sale. The commodities we now had, were elephants and morse teeth, fine fowling-pieces, lead and tin in bars, and some Spanish dollars. If we could not be permitted to trade, we requested leave to provide ourselves, with refreshments, and so to depart."
The 30th September, the ambassador had an audience of the governor concerning all his business, to whom he shewed the firmaun of the king of Persia, as also the pass of the king of Spain, thinking thereby to satisfy the jealousy of the Portuguese residents at that place, who reported, on pretended intelligence from Ornus, that Don Roberto Shirley was come from England with three ships to the Indies, on purpose to steal. They peremptorily refused to give credence to the Spanish pass, saying it was neither signed nor sealed by their king, in which they could not possibly be mistaken, knowing it so well, and therefore that it was assuredly forged. On this, the ambassador angrily said, that it was idle to shew them any king's hand-writing and seal, as they had no king, being merely a waste nation, forcibly reduced under subjection to the king of Spain, and mere slaves both to him and his natural subjects. Yet the Portuguese boldly stood to their former allegations, insisting that the ambassador had other two ships in the Indies. Then Arah Manewardus sharply reproved them for their unseemly contradictions of the Persian ambassador, and ordered them out of the room.
The ambassador then made a speech to the governor concerning our admittance to trade at his port, on which the governor expressed his readiness to do so, all inconveniences understood, and desired the ambassador to send for one or two of our merchants, that he might confer with them on the subject. Upon this the ambassador wrote to us on the 2d October, saying what he had done in our affairs, and sending us assurance for our safe going and returning. Being thereby in good hope of establishing trade at this place, if not a factory, and to make sale of the small quantity of goods we now had, Mr Joseph Salbank and I, by advice of the captain and others, made ourselves ready and went ashore that same morning in one of the country boats. Our ship lay about four or five miles from the mouth of the river, from whence we had fifteen miles to travel to Diul, where the ambassador was, so that it was late in the evening before we landed there.
In our way we met a Portuguese frigate or bark, bound for Ormus, on purpose to prevent any of their ships coming till we were gone. This bark went close past our ship, taking a careful review of her, and so departed. As soon as we were landed, three or four Portuguese came up to us, asking if we had brought any goods ashore, and such like questions; but we made them no reply, pretending not to understand their language, that we might the better understand them for our own advantage, if occasion served. There then came another Portuguese, who spoke Dutch very fluently, telling me many things respecting the country and people, tending to their ill conduct and character, thinking to dissuade us from endeavouring to have any trade there. Soon after, the officers of the customs came, and conducted us to the castle, but we could not have an audience of the governor that night, as it was already late. The officers, who were mostly banians, and spoke good Portuguese, searched every part about us for money, not even leaving our shoes unsearched; and perceiving that we were surprised at this, they prayed us to be content therewith, as it was the custom of the country. To this I replied, that though the Portuguese might give them cause for so bad a fashion, yet English merchants did not hide their money in their shoes like smugglers. Then the governor's servants came to us, and lighted us from the castle to the house in which the ambassador lodged, where we were made heartily welcome, and were lodged all the time we staid in Diul, and at no expence to us. Seeing us landed, and hearing we came to treat with the governor for settling trade at that place, the Portuguese spread many slanderous and malignant lies against our king, country, and nation, reporting that we were thieves, and not merchants, and that we derived our chief subsistence by robbing other nations on the sea.
In the morning of the 3d October, the governor sent word to the ambassador that he would see and converse with us in the afternoon. In the mean time, we had notice that the Portuguese were using every effort with him and others to prevent our being entertained, both by offering him gratifications if he would refuse us, and by threatening to leave the place if we were received, pretending that they would not remain where thieves were admitted. Yet the governor sent for us, commanding four great horses, richly caparisoned, to be sent to the ambassador's house, for his lordship, Sir Thomas Powell, Mr Salbank, and me, and sent also a number of his servants to conduct us to the castle; all the ambassador's servants went likewise along with him, each carrying a halbert. In this manner we rode through some part of the city, the people in all the streets flocking out to see us, having heard talk of Englishmen, but never having seen any before, as we were the first who had ever been in that part of the country.
On coming to the castle, we were received in a very orderly manner, and led through several spacious rooms, where many soldiers were standing in ranks on each side, all cloathed from head to foot in white dresses. We were then conducted to a high turret, in which the governor and some others sat, who rose up at our entrance and saluted us, bidding us kindly welcome. We then all sat down round the room, on carpets spread on the floor, according to their fashion. The governor again bid us welcome, saying he was glad to see Englishmen in that country; but said, in regard to the trade we desired to have there, that the Portuguese would by no means consent to our having trade, and threatened to desert the place if we were received. Yet, if he could be assured of deriving greater benefit from our trade than he now had from that of the Portuguese, he should not care how soon they left him, as he thought well of our nation. In the mean time, however, as he farmed the customs of that port from the king, to whom he was bound to pay certain sums yearly for the same, whether they were actually received or not, he was under the necessity of being circumspect in conducting the business, lest he might incur the displeasure of the king, to his utter ruin. He then told us that the customs from the Portuguese trade, together with what arose from their letting out their ships to hire to the Guzerats and Banians, amounted to a lack of rupees yearly, which is £10,000 sterling.[119]
[Footnote 119: A rupee is two shillings, or somewhat more, and a lack is 100,000.--Purch.]
He then desired to know the kinds and quantities of the commodities we had brought, and what amount we had in money? To all which we gave him distinct answers, as nearly as we could remember; adding, that though we now brought but small store, we would engage to furnish his port at our next coming, which would be in about twenty-two months, with such commodities as were now brought by the Portuguese, and with such quantities of each kind as might be requisite to satisfy the demands of that port. He appeared to approve of this, and concluded by saying, as our present stock of commodities were so small, the Portuguese would only laugh at him and us if we were now admitted to trade, wherefore he wished us to defer all trade till our next coming; but that he was ready to give us a writing under his hand and seal to assure us of good entertainment at our next coming, provided we came fully prepared as we said, and on condition we should leave him a written engagement not to molest any of the ships or goods of the king of the Moguls, or his subjects. We agreed to all this, and requested he would allow us to sell those goods we now had; but which he would by no means consent to, for fear of offending the Portuguese, as stated before.
We then desired that we might have leave to provide our ship with water, and other necessary refreshments, for our money, after which we should depart as soon as possible. To this he said, that as soon as we sent him the writing he desired, he would send us the one he had promised, and would give orders to his officers to see our wants supplied; but desired that the Portuguese might know nothing of all this. Seeing no remedy, we then desired to know what kinds of commodities he wished us to bring, and also what were the commodities his country could afford in return. We were accordingly informed, that the commodities in request in Sinde were broad-cloths of various prices, and light gay colours, as stammels, reds, greens, sky-blues, indigo-blues, azures, &c. also elephants teeth, iron, steel, lead, tin, spices, and money. The commodities to be had there were, indigo of Lahore, indigo of Cherques, calicoes of all sorts, pintadoes, or painted chintzes of all sorts, all kinds of Guzerat and Cambay commodities, with many kinds of drugs. We then took our leave, and returned to the ambassador's house, whence I sent him a letter, according to his desire, signed by Mr Salbanke and me, on which he sent us another, in the Persian language, which is written backwards, much like the Hebrew, and which was interpreted to us by the ambassador, in English, as follows:
"WHEREAS there has arrived at this port of Diul, an English ship called the Expedition, of which is captain, Christopher Newport, and merchants, Joseph Salbank and Walter Peyton, and has landed here Don Robert Shirley, ambassador of the king of Persia, who has desired us to grant them trade at this port under my government, which I willingly would have granted, but not having brought merchandize in sufficient quantity to begin trade, and the Portuguese, from whom I reap benefit, refusing their consent, threatening to go away if I receive the English nation, by which I should be left destitute of all trade, whence arises those sums I have yearly to pay to the king, and in default whereof I should incur his majesty's displeasure, to my utter ruin. Yet, from the love I bear to the king of Persia, by whose ambassador I am solicited, and from affection for the English, together with the faithful performance of the writing left with me under their hands and seals by the two merchants before named, I hereby promise the English nation, under my hand and seal, if they will come like themselves, so fitted that I may derive more advantage from them than from the Portuguese, that I will infallibly grant them trade here, with such reasonable privileges as we may agree upon."
Given at Diul, this 3d of October, 1613.
ARAH MANEWARUS.
Having received this writing on the 4th October, together with orders from the governor to his officers for our being furnished with water and refreshments, we made haste to return to our ships. A little before we went away, the ambassador fell into discourse with us about procuring a firmaun from the Great Mogul, for which purpose he wished Mr Salbank to accompany him to Agra, the principal residence of that sovereign, affirming that he would procure that grant of trade for us in a short time, for which he alleged there was now a favourable opportunity, both because he had other business to transact at the court of the Mogul, and in consequence of the willingness of Manewardus to admit us to trade at his port. He alleged likewise that we might never have so favourable an opportunity, and assured us that he would therein shew himself a true-hearted Englishman, whatever the company of merchants might think of him; and that Mr Salbank should be an evidence of his earnest endeavours to serve the merchants in procuring this firmaun, not only for Diul, but for other parts of the Mogul dominions, and should also carry the grant with him over-land to England. All this seemed reasonable, and as Mr Salbank had been before in these parts, he was very willing to go, provided it met with the approbation of the captain and me, and the other gentlemen in the ship; for which purpose the ambassador wrote a letter to our captain, to urge his consent, which we carried with us.
We left Diul that same day about four in the afternoon, and on going to the river side to take boat, many of the natives flocked about to look at us. We were likewise joined by about a dozen Portuguese, who began to talk with us in Dutch, as before, asking many frivolous questions. I now answered them in their own language, on purpose that the Banians, who were present, might understand what I said; telling them that they were a shameless and lying people to spread so many slanderous and false reports of our nation, while they knew their own to be much inferior to ours in many respects, and that their scandalous conduct proceeded merely from malignant policy to prevent us from participating with them in the trade of India. To this I added, that if they did not restrain themselves within due peaceful bounds, amending their behaviour both in words and actions, they should be all driven out of India, and a more honest and loyal nation substituted in their place. Then one of the principal men among them stepped forwards, and made answer, that they had already too many enemies, and had no need of more; but that they had substantial reasons for speaking of us as they had done, as not long since one of their ships had been taken near Surat, and, as they supposed, by an English ship. To which I answered, that this was more like to have been done by the Hollanders. They then became more civil, and finally wished that we might trade in all parts of India with them, and they with us, like friends and neighbours, and that our kings might enter into some agreement to that effect. They then kindly took leave of us, and we departed.
We got back to our ship on the 6th, when it was agreed that Mr Salbank should accompany the ambassador to Agra, as proposed. For which purpose he got himself in readiness, meaning to have gone ashore next day. In the mean time, the captain, the purser, and his man, went on shore to buy fresh victuals and necessaries to take with us to sea; but, on coming to the city, they were presently ordered away by the governor, and an express order issued by proclamation, that none of the natives should hereafter bring any of the English ashore, on pain of death. We were much astonished at this sudden alteration of affairs, for which we could not divine any cause: but, on the 9th, finding we could get nothing done here, nor any farther intercourse, we set sail, directing our course for Sumatra. All the time we were here in Sinde, we had not the smallest intimation of trade having been settled at Surat, for if we had, we might have taken a different course.
We came to anchor in the road of Priaman on the 20th November, going in between the two northermost little islands, and anchored close by the northermost of these, in five fathoms. We immediately began to bargain for pepper, the price of which we beat down from twenty-two dollars, as first asked, to seventeen dollars the bahar, at which price we got two bahars, which were brought to us on board: but the governor would not allow us, although we made him a present of a musket, to hire a house, or to buy pepper ashore, unless we would consent to bestow presents on some twenty of the officers and merchants of the place. On the 22d, we received a letter from Captain Christen, of the Hosiander, then at Tecoo, earnestly advising us to come there immediately, as we could not fail to get as much pepper as we wished at that place, and in a short time; and, as we were not acquainted with the place, Captain Chrisen sent Richard Hall, one of his master's mates, to pilot us through among the dangerous shoals that lay about the roads of Tecoo. Accordingly we went to that place, and anchored in four fathoms, Richard Hall returning on board the Hosiander, where he died that same night, being ill of the flux.
Before our arrival, the natives had offered their pepper to Captain Christen at twelve and thirteen dollars the bahar, taking payment in Surat commodities; but they now demanded twenty-two dollars in ready money, refusing to barter with them any longer for goods. They also demanded at this place as many presents as had been required at Priaman; beside which, they insisted upon having seventy-two dollars for anchorage duty. Being now in a worse situation than before, and having no time to waste in delays, we determined to come to short terms with them; wherefore we told them roundly, that we would on no account submit to their unreasonable demands, even though we might not get a single cattee of pepper. For this purpose I drew out a letter from our captain, which he signed and sealed, addressed to the head governor, stating that he had not used our nation so well as we had reason to expect, both in unreasonable demands of presents, which were not usually given upon compulsion, but rather from good-will, or in reward of good behaviour, and likewise by their improper delay in implementing their promises, so very unlike mercantile dealings; since our ships have at various times remained at their port for three, four, and even five months, depending on their promises of having full lading, which might as well have been accomplished in one month, in so far as respected the small quantity of pepper they had to dispose of. This letter was translated by the interpreter in the Hosiander, an Indian, named Johen, who perfectly understood their language.
The governor, in consequence of this remonstrance, gave orders that we might purchase pepper from any one who was inclined to sell; but sent us a message, wishing that one of us might come on shore, that the pepper might be there weighed. But still doubting that they meant to teaze us with delay, we sent back word that we could not remain so long as it would require for weighing the pepper ashore, and therefore if they would bring it to us on board, we would pay them eighteen dollars a bahar for their pepper, together with two dollars as custom to the governor, making exactly twenty dollars. As they still put off time, we set sail, as if meaning to have gone away, on which the governor sent another messenger, who spoke Portuguese tolerably, entreating us to come again to anchor, and we should have as much pepper as we could take in. We did so accordingly, and they brought pepper off to us in proas as fast as we could conveniently weigh it, and continued to do so till we had got about 200 bahars. They then began to grow slack in their proceedings, on which, fearing to lose the monsoon by spending too much time at this place, we weighed and proceeded for Bantam.
We left Tecoo on the 8th December, three of our men remaining in the Hosiander, which needed their assistance, and proceeded towards Bantam, mostly keeping in sight of Sumatra. At our entrance into the straits of Sunda, on the 16th of that month, we met the Dragon on her homeward voyage, by which ship we sent letters to England. Next day, the 17th, we anchored in Bantam roads, and went immediately ashore to provide our lodging, and by the 29th our whole cargo was completed.
We set sail from Bantam on the 2d January, 1614, for England, not having hitherto lost a single man by sickness during our whole voyage, for which we were thankful to God. This same day, as we were going out by way of Pulo Panian, we met General Saris in the Clove, then returning from Japan; and we came to anchor, that we might have his letters for England, together with four chests. We likewise spared him two of our hands, of which he was in great need; one being a youth, named Mortimer Prittie, and the other a carpenter's mate, named Thomas Valens, as he had not a single carpenter alive in his ship.
Having settled all these matters with the Clove, we resumed our voyage for England on the 4th January, and came to anchor in Saldanha bay on the 21st March, where we got a sufficient supply of beeves and sheep from the natives, with abundance of fish, caught in our own seine. We left that place on the 9th April, with prosperous winds, which continued favourable till we were three degrees north of the equator, which we crossed the 11th May. When in lat. 00° 22' N. many of our men began to fall sick, some of them of the scurvy, and with swelled legs. On the 10th July, 1614, by the blessing of God, we came to anchor in the Downs.
CHAPTER XI.
CONTINUATION OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH EAST INDIA COMPANY TO INDIA.
INTRODUCTION.
In the immediately preceding chapter, we have given a series of the first twelve voyages fitted out by the English East India Company, in the prosecution of their exclusive trade to India, as preserved by Samuel Purchas; and we now mean, chiefly from the same source, to continue the series for a few years longer. At the close of the last voyage of the foregoing chapter, Purchas informs us, that "The order of reckoning must be now altered, because the voyages of the company were for the future set forth by means of a joint stock, instead of by particular ships, each upon a separate subscription, having separate stocks and factories; the whole proceedings being, in the sequel, at the general risk of, and accountable to the entire society or company of adventurers." He farther adds, "That the whole of these joint-stock voyages had not come into his hands; but that such as he had been able to procure, and were meet for publication, he had inserted in his Collection."
The learned historiographer of the East India Company[120] gives rather a different account of the former series of separate or unconnected voyages, than that which we have taken from Purchas, terming the last voyage in our former chapter only the ninth, while Purchas denominates it the twelfth.
[Footnote 120: Ann. of the Hon. E.I. Co, I. 162.]
This difference, which is not at all material, may have arisen from Purchas having considered some of the ships belonging to single adventurers or subscriptions, which made separate voyages or parts of voyages, as separate adventures. We come now to a new era in the mode of conducting the English exclusive trade to India, of the motives for which the Annals give the following account.[121]
[Footnote 121: Id. I. 165.]
"The inconveniences which had been experienced from separate classes of adventurers, partners in the East India Company, fitting out equipments on their own particular portions of stock, induced the directors, or committees, to resolve, in 1612, that, in future, the trade should be carried on by a joint stock only; and, on the basis of this resolution, the sum of £429,000 was subscribed: and, though portions of this joint stock were applied to the equipment of four voyages, the general instructions to the commanders were given in the name, and by the authority, of the governor, deputy-governor, and committees of the company of merchants in London trading to the East Indies, who explained that the whole was a joint concern, and that the commanders were to be responsible to the company for their conduct, both in the sale and purchase of commodities in the East Indies, and for their general conduct, in extending the commerce, within the limits of the company. The transition, therefore, from trading on separate adventures, which has been described as an imitation of the Dutch, to trading on a joint stock, arose out of the good sense of the English nation, which, from experience, had discovered the evil consequences of internal opposition, and had determined to proceed on a system better calculated to promote the general interest of the East India Company.
"Notwithstanding this resolution, the proportions of this aggregate sum were applied to what has been termed the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth voyages, in the following manner: In 1613, the tenth voyage was undertaken, the stock of which was estimated at £18,810 in money, and £12,446 in goods, the fleet consisting of eight vessels. In 1614, the stock for the eleventh voyage was £13,942 in money, and £23,000 in goods, the fleet being eight ships. In 1615, the stock for the twelfth voyage was £26,660 in money, and £26,065 in goods, with six ships. In 1616, the stock for the thirteenth voyage was £52,087 in money, and £16,506 in goods, the fleet containing seven ships. The purchase, repair, and equipment of vessels during these four voyages amounted to £272,544, which, with the specified stock and cargoes, accounts for the disbursement of the £429,000, the sum subscribed on the joint stock in 1613.[122]
[Footnote 122: The enumerated particulars amount to £462,060, and exceed the subscribed joint stock by £33,060.--E.]
"The profits on this joint stock are stated to have amounted, on the first two voyages, to £120 per cent. on the original subscription; but they were subsequently much diminished, by the difficulties which the English trade to the East Indies began to experience, from the opposition of the Dutch in the Spice Islands; so that, at the conclusion of this first joint stock, in 1617, the average profits of the four voyages did not exceed £87:10s. per. cent on the original subscription, notwithstanding the cargo of one of the vessels (the New-year's Gift) cost only 40,000 rials of eight, and the sale produce, in England, amounted to £80,000 sterling."
It is not the purpose of this Collection to enlarge on the history of the East India Company, any farther than by giving relations of its early voyages, so far as these have come down to us in the Pilgrims of Purchas, their only published record; and we now therefore proceed with such of these voyages as are contained in that curious collection, and seem to be worth including in this work.--E.
SECTION I.
Voyage of Captain Nicholas Downton to India, in 1614.[122]
The ships employed on this voyage, the second set forth by the joint stock of the East India Company, were the New-year's Gift admiral, of 650 tons, on board of which Captain Downton sailed as general or chief commander; the Hector of 500 tons, vice-admiral; the Merchant's Hope, of 300 tons; and the Salomon of 200 tons. We have thus only four ships enumerated by Purchas, as employed in the second voyage of the new joint stock, instead at eight mentioned in the Annals, as before stated in the introduction to the present chapter. In this voyage, Mr William Edwards was lieutenant, or next in command under Captain Downton, being likewise Cape merchant, and commander of the Hector. Mr Nicholas Easworth was Cape merchant, and commander of the Merchant's Hope. Mr Thomas Elkington, Cape merchant, and commander of the Salomon. Mr Peter Rogers minister; Martin Pring. Arthur Spaight, Matthew Molineux, and Hugh Bennet, masters of the four ships, assisted by sundry mates,--Purch.
[Footnote 122: Purch. Pilg. I. 500.--Extracted from the journal of Captain Downton]
S.1. Incidents at Saldanha, Socotora, and Swally; with an Account of Disagreements between the Moguls and Portuguese, and between the Nabob and the English.
We sailed from England on the 1st March, 1614, and arrived in the road of Saldanha, or Table Bay, on Wednesday the 15th June, being saluted on our arrival by a great storm. While every person was busy in mooring the ship, John Barter, who had lost his reason in consequence of a long fever, was suddenly missing, and was supposed to have made away with himself. The 16th we erected our tents, and placed a guard for their defence. We landed half our casks on the 17th, to be overhauled and seasoned; and this day Choree, the Saldanian or Hottentot, presented me a young steer. The 18th we landed more of our beer casks, to be washed, repaired, and seasoned. This day, Choree departed into the interior, carrying with him his copper armour, javelins, and all things belonging to him, promising to be back the third day after, but he never returned.
The 29th I sent George Downton ashore, to take observations of the latitude and variation, in consideration of the great difference in the variations, as observed in this and my former voyage in the Pepper-corn. We made the latitude exactly 34° S. and the variation 1° 45' W. by an azimuth, whereas most of the former variations at this place were easterly. We this night took down our tents, and brought every thing on board, making our ships ready to depart next day, which we did accordingly.
We came to anchor in the bay of St Augustine in Madagascar on the 6th August, when the inhabitants abandoned the place, so that we could have no intercourse with them, but we afterwards got some refreshments from them. We here cut down some straight timber for various uses. We set sail on the 12th August, and anchored in Delisa bay in Socotora on the 9th September. Next day we went ashore to wait upon the king, who was ready with his attendants to receive me, and gave me an account of the existing war in India, where the Mogul and the kings of the Deccan had united to drive the Portuguese from the country, owing to their having captured a ship coming from Juddah in the Red Sea, in which were three millions of treasure. He also informed me of two great fights which Captain Best had with the Portuguese, and of other news in these parts. I here procured such refreshments as the place could furnish, and bought 2722 pounds of aloes from the king.
Leaving Delisa on the 14th September, we got sight of the Deccan coast near Dabul on the 2d October, where we found great hindrance to our navigation, till we learnt by experience to anchor during the ebb tide, and continue our course with the tide of flood. Continuing this procedure, we anchored in the evening of the 14th, two and a half miles short of the bar of Surat; when presently a fleet of fourteen frigates or barks came to anchor near us, which we discovered by their lights, as it was quite dark. But as they could easily see us, by the lights at our ports, that we were in readiness for them, they durst not come any nearer, so that we rode quietly all night. Early of the 15th, we weighed with the land-wind, and coming somewhat near the frigates, they also weighed and stood to the southwards. We held on our course past the bar, towards South Swally, where we soon after arrived, though much opposed by contrary winds.
Soon after we were anchored, I sent Molineux in his pinnace, and Mr Spooner with Samuel Squire in my gellywatte,[123] to take the soundings within the sands. In a channel where we found only five feet at low water in our former voyage, Mr Molineux had now three fathoms; and Mr Spooner had now seven or eight feet, where our boats could not pass at all formerly. Seeing some people on the shore in the afternoon, whom I supposed might be some of our merchants from Surat, I sent my pinnace to them; but they were some of the people belonging to Coge Nozan, sent to discover what nation we were of. From them I got farther information respecting the wars with the Portuguese, being told that the Moguls were besieging Damaun and Diu, Mocrib or Mucrob Khan being the general of the Mogul forces against Damaun; and I also learnt to my sorrow, that Mucrob Khan was governor and viceroy, as it may be called, not only over Surat, but all the country round, as, from former experience, I considered him to be a great enemy of our nation, and a friend to the Portuguese. From these people likewise, I heard of the health of Mr Aldworth and the rest of our factory, and wrote to hasten his presence, sending my letters by the servants of Coge Nozan.
[Footnote 123: From this singular term, what is now called the jollyboat has probably derived its name.--E.]
I sent my purser on shore in the pinnace, early of the 16th, to purchase such necessaries as I thought might easily have been got; but he returned about ten o'clock a.m. without buying any thing for our purpose, bringing with him Mr Aldword, the chief merchant of our factory at Surat, along with whom was one Richard Steel, who had come over-land to Surat from Aleppo.[124] Mr Aldworth endeavoured to persuade me that Mucrob Khan was our friend, and that we had now an excellent opportunity to obtain good trade and satisfactory privileges while the Moguls were engaged in war with the Portuguese; and as both the Nabob and all the natives were rejoiced at hearing of our arrival, they would assuredly give us a most favourable reception. Pleased with these hopeful circumstances, I yet still wished some other person here in command instead of Mucrob Khan, of whom I remained doubtful, and that we should have no free trade from him, but in his accustomed manner, which I believed to have been, of his own accord to cross us, and not as so constrained by direction of his king; and the event turned out accordingly, though we were wise behind the band, as will appear in the sequel. Even the name he bore ought to have opened our eyes as to his influence with the Great Mogul: as Mocrub signifies as much as his own bowels, Khan meaning great lord. Yet I was deluded to believe that his favour with the king was tottering, and that he might easily be brought into disgrace, by complaint of any thing done contrary to the will or humour of the king; so that we were too bold, and injured our business when we found him opposing us, as we thought unreasonably. On enquiring into the state of our business, and the health of our factory, Mr Aldworth informed me that Paul Canning and several others had died; that Thomas Kerridge had long since been agent in his room at the court of the Mogul, and that the factory at Surat now only contained himself and William Bidulph.
[Footnote 124: Mr Richard Stell, or Steel, had gone to Aleppo, to recover a debt from a merchant of that city, who had fled to India; and, following him through Persia, Mr Steel had arrived at Surat. On his report, the factors at Surat made an experiment to open a trade with Persia, which will form the subject of a future section of this chapter.--E.]
In the morning of the 17th, I called a council to advise upon the best manner of conducting our affairs here, and to consider who might be the best person to send to Agraas resident. Then entering upon the six interrogatories, inserted in the second article of our commission, I required Mr Aldworth to give direct answers to every question.--1. In what favour was Paul Canning with the emperor and his council, and how did he conduct himself at court in the business entrusted to him? He answered, That on his first arrival at court, he was well respected by the emperor, till the Jesuits made known that he was a merchant, and not sent immediately from our king; after which he was neglected, as he himself complained: and, as for his carriage and behaviour there, so far as he knew, it was sufficiently good;--3. Then demanding, whether it were needful to maintain a resident at court? Mr Aldworth answered, That it was certainly necessary, as the emperor required that one of our nation should reside there; and therefore, that the person ought to be a man of good respect, for preventing and counteracting any injuries that might be offered by the Jesuits, our determined adversaries; as he might also be extremely useful in promoting and directing the purchase and sale of various commodities.--6. Being questioned as to the expences of a resident at court? he said, according to the estimate of Paul Canning, it might be about £300 per annum; but, some time afterwards, his estimate was found to extend to five, six, and seven hundred pounds a year.--Being afterwards questioned, Whether he thought it fit that Mr Edwards should proceed to court under the designation of a merchant, according to the strict letter of the company's commission? his opinion was, by the experience of the late Mr Canning, that such a resident would not be at all respected by the king.
In the morning of the 24th, Coge Nozan came down to the water side, and rested in my tent till I landed. I repaired to him, accompanied by all our merchants, and attended by a strong guard, armed with halberts, muskets, and pikes, having a coach to carry me from the landing place to the tent. On alighting from my coach, Coge Nozan came immediately to meet me. Before entering on business, he was told that a present for the Nabob was to be delivered to him, which was brought in. This consisted of a case containing six knives, two pair of knives, six sword-blades, six Spanish pikes, one case of combs, one mirror, one picture of Mars and Venus, one ditto of the Judgment of Paris, two Muscovy hides, and one gilded case of bottles filled with strong rich cordials. I then made the following present to himself: Six knives in single sheaths, four sword-blades, two pikes, one comb-case, a mirror, a picture of Moses, and a case of bottles, in consideration of the promise made by the nabob to our people, that whatever Coge Nozan agreed to, he the nabob would perform.
I then moved for the enlargement of our privileges, and lessening of our customs, especially at Baroach, and that we might have a daily bazar or market at the water side, where we might purchase beef for our people, according to the firmaun already granted by the Mogul, and because other flesh did not answer for them. He answered, that the nabob would shew us every favour in his power, if we would assist him against the Portuguese; that the customs of Baroach were out of his power to regulate, as the king had already farmed these to another person at a stipulated rent; and that we should have a regular market, but that bullocks and cows could not be allowed, as the king had granted a firmaun to the Banians, in consideration of a very large sum of money, that these might not be slaughtered. In fine, I found he had no power to grant us any thing; yet, willing to leave me somewhat contented, he proposed that I should send some of our merchants along with him to the nabob, where our business might be farther discussed.
I accordingly sent along with him, Mr Aldworth, Mr Ensworth, Mr Dodsworth, Mr Mitford, and some others. Two or three days afterwards, they had access to the nabob, to whom they explained our desires, as before expressed. He then desired to know whether we would go with our ships to fight for him against Damaun, in which case, he said, we might count upon his favour? To this it was answered, that we could not on any account do this, as our king and the king of Spain were in peace. He then asked if we would remove our ships to the bar of Surat, and fight there against the Portuguese ships, if they came to injure the subjects of the Mogul? This likewise was represented to be contrary to the peace between our kings. On which he said, since we would do nothing for his service, he would do nothing for us. Several of the merchants of Surat endeavoured to persuade our merchants, that I ought to give way to the reasonable request of the nabob, and might still do what I thought proper; as, notwithstanding of our ships riding at the bar, the Portuguese frigates could go in and out on each side of me, owing to their light draught of water. To this I answered, that the proposal was utterly unfit for me to listen to; as whatever I promised I must perform, though at the expence of my own life and of all under my command, and that I could not possibly lend myself to fight against the Portuguese on any account whatever, unless they first attacked me, as it was absolutely contrary to my commission from my own sovereign. I added, that, if the Portuguese provoked me by any aggression, I would not be withheld from fighting them for all the wealth of the nabob: But he made small account of this distinction, and, seeing that we refused to fulfil his wishes, he opposed us in all our proceedings as far as he could, so that we nearly lost all our former hopes of trading at this place. In this dilemma, I made enquiry respecting Gengomar and Castellata, and also of Gogo:[125] but could get poor encouragement to change for better dealing, so that we remained long perplexed how to act, and returned to our business at the ships.
[Footnote 125: Gogo is on the west shore of the gulf of Cambay. In an after passage of this voyage, what is here called Gengomar and Castellata, is called Gengomar or Castelletto, which may possibly refer to Jumbosier, on a river of the same name, about sixty miles north from Surat. Castelletta must have been a name imposed by the Portuguese.--E.]
The 27th, in the morning, when Nicholas Ufflet went ashore, he found all the people belonging to Swally had gone away from the water-side in the night, as also all those who used to stay beside the tents, in consequence of an order from the nabob; and was farther informed that our merchants were detained at Surat, having been stopped by force when attempting to cross the bridge, and had even been beaten by the guard set there by the nabob. The gunner's boy and his companion, formerly supposed to have run away, and who were in company at the time with our merchants, being on their return to the ships, were also well beaten, and detained with the rest. The 31st we began to take in fresh water, to be ready for departing, as our stay here seemed so very uncertain. This day, Thomas Smith, the master's boy, had most of the outer part of one of his thighs bitten off by a great fish, while swimming about the ship. The ravenous fish drew him under water, yet he came up again and swam to the ship, and got up to the bend, where he fainted. Being brought into the gun-room, the surgeon endeavoured to do what he could for his recovery; but he had lost so much blood that he never recovered out of the swoon, and shortly died.
In the evening of the 2d November, Mr Aldworth and Mr Elkington came down from Surat, where they left Mr Ensworth very sick. They reported to me their proceedings with the nabob, as formerly stated; but said they were now reconciled, and that he had made fair promises of future respect, with a free trade through all the country under his government. I do not attribute his severe proceedings hitherto to any hatred or ill-will to our nation, but to his fears lest we might unite with the Portuguese against him, owing to my refusing to assist him against Damaun. These his doubts and fears were increased by a knavish device of the subtle and lying Jesuits; who, taking advantage of my refusal to fight against the Portuguese without cause, at Damaun or elsewhere, pretended with the nabob that they had a letter from the viceroy, saying, That he and his friends the English meant to join their forces and come against Surat. This devilish device gave much hindrance to our business, by occasioning continual doubt in the nabob's mind of our friendly intentions; and unfortunately likewise, Mr Aldworth had strengthened these doubts and fears, though ignorant of the lying inventions of the jesuits; for, thinking to mollify their rigour, he rashly advised them to beware, lest their ill usage might force us to join with the Portuguese against them. We likewise believed that the order of the nabob, forbidding the people to trade with us on board, proceeded entirely from his desire to thwart us: But we afterwards learnt, by letter from Thomas Kerridge, that Mucrob Khan, and all other governors of sea-ports, had express orders from the Mogul, not to allow any trade with us till they had first chosen and purchased, for the king's use, all kinds of strange and unusual things we might have to dispose of.
On the 3d I called a council to deliberate concerning our business, and especially how far we might proceed in aid of the natives against the Portuguese, for which purpose we carefully examined our commission and instructions. We also arranged the appointments of the merchants for their several places of employment, both such as were to remain in the factory at Surat, and those who were to proceed on the voyage. This day likewise, sixty bales of indigo, and eleven packs of cotton-yarn, came aboard from Surat, being goods that belonged to the twelfth voyage. It was my desire to have been ashore among our merchants, that I might assist in arranging our business at Surat; and this the rather because of the turbulent, head-strong, and haughty spirit of----,[126] who was ever striving to sway every thing his own way, thwarting others who aimed at the common good, and whose better discretion led them to more humility. But such was the uncertain state of our business, partly owing to the nabob and his people, and partly to the Portuguese, who I heard were arming against us; and besides, because I understood that the nabob proposed to demand restitution for the goods taken by Sir Henry Middleton in the Red Sea, at under rates, as they say, though I know they had goods for goods even to the value of a halfpenny. On all these accounts, therefore, I thought it best to keep nearest my principal charge, referring all things on shore to the merchants of my council, in most of whom I had great confidence.
[Footnote 126: This name is left blank in the Pilgrims, probably because Purchas, a contemporary, did not wish to give offence.--E.]
The 22d November, I finished my letters for Persia; being one for the company, to be forwarded over land, one for Sir Robert Shirley, and one of instructions for Richard Steel. The 23d, Lacandus, the Banian, came down to us, with news of discontent and hard speeches that had passed between the nabob and our merchants, but who were now again reconciled. This was occasioned by Mr Edwards refusing to let him see the presents, which he was at last obliged to consent to. All these merchants wrote me at this time separately, that the viceroy was certainly arming against us. At this time Mr Ensworth and Timothy Wood died within an hour of each other. John Orwicke, Robert Young, and Esay But, were now dispatched to provide such cloths and cotton-yarns as we had formerly agreed on. The 25th Mr Edwards wrote me of the coming of three great men, bringing seven firmauns from the Great Mogul; in whose presence the nabob bestowed upon him 850 mahmudies, ten fine basties, thirty top-seels, and thirty allizaes; at the same time he gave ten top-seels to Mr Elkington and Mr Dodsworth, a cloak to Mr Aldworth and another to Mr Elkington, Mr Dodsworth having had one before. He likewise promised free trade to all places under his command, and abundant refreshments for our people in the ships.
The 27th, John Crowther came from Surat, to inform me he had been appointed by the chief merchants at Surat to accompany Mr Steel into Persia, and had therefore come to take leave of me, and to fetch away his things from the ship. This day also Mr Edwards wrote to me, by Edmund Espinol, to send him fifty elephants teeth, indifferently chosen as to size, as a banian merchant was in treaty for them all, if they could agree on terms. The 6th December, the nabob seemed ashamed that he had not shewn me the smallest respect since my arrival, and, being desirous to excuse himself, he this day entreated Mr Edwards to go on board along with the great banian who had bought our ivory, and Lacandas, the banian merchant of the junk belonging to the king of Cushan.[127] He chose this last, on account of his former familiarity with our people, and commissioned him to buy sword-blades, knives, and mirrors. By them he sent me a present, consisting of two corge of coarse bastas, ten fine bastas, ten top-seels, ten cuttonies, and three quilts, together with a message, certifying that the nabob proposed to come down to visit me in a day or two at the most. At their going ashore, I gave them a salute of five guns.
[Footnote 127: Kessem, on the coast of Arabia Felix, is probably here meant.--E.]
They told me, that the nabob had certain intelligence from Goa, that the viceroy was fitting out all the force he could muster to come against us; and expressed a wish, on the part of the nabob, that I would convoy one or two of his ships for two or three days sail from the coast, which were bound for the Red Sea. To this I answered, that I could not do this; as, if once off the coast, the wind was entirely adverse for our return: But, if he would further our dispatch, so that we might be ready in any convenient time, I would do any thing reasonable that he could desire. The 9th, the nabob's son came to the shore, but would not venture on board, wherefore I went ashore to him. He had a horse ready for me on landing to fetch me, and desired me to sit down beside him, which I did. He then commanded some horsemen, who accompanied him, to amuse me, by shewing their warlike evolutions on the sands, chasing each other after the fashion of the Deccan, whence they were; and at his desire I caused eleven guns to be fired, to do him honour. Though he refused to drink any wine at this interview, he sent for it after his departure, as also for a fowling-piece he had seen in the hands of one of our people, both which I sent him, together with a bowl from which to drink the wine.
S.2. Account of the Forces of the Portuguese, their hostile Attempts, and Fight with the English, in which they are disgracefully repulsed.
On the 16th of December, 1613, Mr Elkington wrote me, That the nabob had told him the Portuguese frigates had burnt Gogo, with many gouges or villages in its vicinity, together with ten large ships, of which the Rehemee was one, and an hundred and twenty small vessels. He said likewise, that the nabob was much displeased with me for not having fired upon the Portuguese vessels, as they passed our anchorage, which circumstance had renewed his suspicions of our friendly intelligence with the Portuguese; and, although Mr Elkington had said every thing he could to explain the reason of our conduct, as stated formerly, he could not satisfy the nabob of its propriety. The 23d two boats came off to us for lead; and on the same day we saw twenty-two Portuguese frigates, which came to anchor in the night between, us and the mouth of the river, where they continued most part of next day.