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A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 11 / Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History / of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and / Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the / Present Time cover

A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 11 / Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History / of the Origin and Progress of Navigation, Discovery, and / Commerce, by Sea and Land, from the Earliest Ages to the / Present Time

Chapter 28: SECTION I.
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About This Book

This volume assembles firsthand voyage narratives and related reports that follow long sea passages and coastal journeys across the Pacific, South America, and the Indian Ocean. It recounts a circumnavigation that moves from the west coast of the Americas to Chinese ports, describing residence, commercial dealings, conflicts with local officials, and the sale of a disabled ship. Another narrative chronicles island landfalls, shipwreck, and overland and coastal observations in regions such as Java and Batavia, including encounters with colonial authorities and pirates. An appended supplement examines Peruvian towns, mines, trade patterns, and the activities of European interlopers, and broader chapters survey Dutch trading posts, Asian commerce, and colonial administration.

CHAPTER XIII.

VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD, BY COMMODORE ROGGEWEIN, is 1721-1723.1

 

INTRODUCTION.

There was, perhaps, no country in the world where commerce was more profitable, or held more honourable, than in Holland, or where more respect and attention was shewn to it by the government. As the republic chiefly subsisted by trade, every thing relating to it was considered as an affair of a public nature, in which the welfare of the state was concerned, and highly deserving therefore of the strictest and readiest attention. The great companies in Holland, as in other countries, were considered as injurious to trade in some lights, yet necessary to its welfare in others. The West India Company of that country, originally erected in 1621, held, by an exclusive charter, the commerce of the coast of Africa, from the tropic of Cancer to the Cape of Good Hope, and that of America, from the southern point of Newfoundland in the N.E. all along the eastern coast to the Straits of Magellan or Le Maire, and thence northwards again along the western coast, to the supposed Straits of Anian, thus including the entire coasts of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. The directors of this company consisted of seventy-two persons, divided into five chambers, of whom eighteen were chosen to administer the affairs of the Company, together with a nineteenth person, nominated by the States-General.

The affairs of this Company were once in so very flourishing a condition, that it was considered as even superior to their East India Company. This prosperity was chiefly owing, to the happy success of their affairs at sea; as their admiral, Peter Haines, in the 1629, captured the Spanish plate fleet, laden with immense riches. They at one time made themselves masters of the greatest part of Brazil; and were so considerable that the great Count Maurice of Nassau did not think it beneath him to accept a commission from this Company as Governor-General of Brazil; which country, however, after it had cost them immense sums to defend, they at length lost. The term of their charter, originally limited to twenty-four years, expired in 1647, and was then renewed for other twenty-five years. During this second period, their affairs became so perplexed, so that the Company was dissolved towards the close of that term, with its own consent.

In 1674, a new company was erected, by letters patent from the States-General, with nearly the same powers and privileges, which has subsisted ever since with great reputation.2 The capital of this new company consisted of six millions of florins, which are equal to 545,454l. 10s. 10d. 10-11ths sterling. And the limits of their authority are the western coast of Africa and both coasts of America, all the establishments of the Dutch in these countries being under their authority, so that any one who proposes a new scheme of commerce in those parts, must necessarily apply himself to that company. Under these circumstances, a Mr Roggewein, a person of parts and enterprize, formed a project for the discovery of the vast continent and numerous islands, supposed to be in the southern part of the globe, under the name of Terra Australis Incognita, of which the world had hitherto only very imperfect notices from others; which project, with a plan for carrying the discovery into execution, they presented to the Dutch East India Company3 in 1696, by which it was favourably received, and he was assured of receiving all the assistance and support he could desire or expect, as soon as the affairs of the Company would permit. But the disturbances which soon afterwards followed put a stop to the good intentions of the Company; and Mr Roggewein died before any thing could be done. Mr Roggewein was a gentleman of the province of Zealand, who had addicted himself from his youth to mathematical studies, and we have reason to suppose recommended his projected discovery on his death-bed to his son.

After the death of his father, the younger Roggewein applied to his studies with much vigour, and qualified himself for the office of counsellor in the court of justice at Batavia, where he resided for many years. After his return from Java, where he had acquired a handsome fortune, he resolved upon carrying his father's projected discovery into execution; and, in the year 1721, presented a memorial to the West India Company, narrating the proposal of his father for discovering the southern continent and islands, which they had formerly been pleased to approve of, and which he was now ready to attempt. The Company received this memorial with readiness; and, as its affairs were now in better order, acquainted Mr Roggewein, that it would give immediate orders for equipping such a squadron as might be necessary for carrying his design into effect. The squadron accordingly fitted out on this occasion consisted of three ships: The Eagle of 36 guns and 111 men, commanded by Captain Job Coster, and in which Mr Roggewein embarked as Commodore; the Tienhoven of 28 guns and 100 men, commanded by Captain James Bowman; and the African, a galley armed with 14 guns, and carrying 60 men, commanded by Captain Henry Bosenthal.

It may be proper to acquaint the reader, that the subsequent account of this voyage is derived from an original journal, which never appeared before in our language, for which I was indebted to the gentleman who commanded the land-forces on board the Commodore, and whose name I am not at liberty to mention; neither that of another gentleman who was engaged in the voyage, and from whom I received considerable assistance. The nature of the expedition is sufficient in itself to recommend it to the notice of the curious; and the many remarkable particulars it contains, especially respecting the state of the Dutch Company in the Indies, renders it both a very entertaining and a most instructive performance.

Before proceeding to the narrative of this voyage, I hope to be indulged in making a few remarks, which may contribute both to amusement and information, and may clear up some points that might otherwise appear obscure in the following voyage. It is worth observing, that the Dutch West India Company had been long in a declining condition; which, instead of dispiriting the Directors, engaged them to turn their thoughts to every method that could be devised for recovering their affairs. There is so wide a difference between our English great chartered companies and those [formerly] in Holland, that it may not be amiss to give a concise account of the flourishing state of that Company, as it may shew what great things may be managed by a board of merchants, for such the Directors generally were.

It appears, from the books of the Company, that, in the space of thirteen years, from 1623 to 1636, the Company had fitted out 800 ships, either for war or trade, and that the expence of building, equipping, and seamen's wages had cost forty-five millions of florins, or upwards of four millions sterling: And, in the same space of time, the Company had taken from the enemy 545 vessels, valued at sixty millions of florins, or nearly five and a half millions sterling; besides to the value of thirty millions at the least, or nearly two millions and a quarter sterling, in spoils of various denominations. The greatest of their exploits was the capture of the Spanish flota at the Havannah, by their admiral Peter Heyne; by which they gained seven millions of dollars in money, or L. 2,625,000 sterling; besides ships, brass cannon, and other military stores, to the value of above ten millions.4 Such were the flourishing times of the Company.

The causes of their decay seem to have been principally the following. First, their emulation of the East India Company, which induced them to make the conquest of Brazil from Portugal, the crown of which country had been usurped by their arch enemy the king of Spain. This was achieved at a vast expence, and Count Maurice of Nassau was appointed governor-general, who conducted their affairs with great skill and prudence. Secondly, owing to the desire of the Company to conduct all things, and repining at the expence incurred by that prince in the government of Brazil, was another cause of their misfortunes: For the merchants, who had conducted their affairs with great wisdom and capacity, while they confined themselves to commerce and maritime war, shewed themselves only indifferent statesmen, and soon lost all that Prince Maurice had gained, and loaded the Company with so heavy a debt, as compelled them in the end to consent to its dissolution.

The new West India Company, warned by the example of its predecessors, has kept more within bounds, and has certainly managed its affairs with great prudence and economy. Having formed a project in 1714, for uniting the East and West India Companies into one,5 and the proposition, being rejected, the directors of the West India Company very wisely turned their thoughts another way; and it is not improbable, that the rejection of their proposal on this occasion may have induced them to give encouragement to the proposition of Roggewein: For, being disappointed in their aim of coming in for a share in the commodities of the East Indies, they were desirous of acquiring the same articles of trade by some other means, expecting to have found these in the continent or islands proposed to be discovered by Roggewein. This also accounts for the extraordinary heat and violence of the Dutch East India Company, against those who were engaged on the present expedition, and is the true secret of the dispute so warmly carried on by the two Companies, and so wisely decided by the States-General. When the Dutch East India Company persecuted and destroyed Le Maire for his voyage of discovery, under pretence of interfering within their exclusive boundaries, the government did not interfere, because at that time the power of the East India Company was of the highest importance to the state: But, as the government of Holland became better established, and especially since a share in the public administration has been acquired by such as are conversant in trade, the concerns of the East India Company have been viewed in a new light. The first who explained this matter clearly was that consummate statesman and true patriot, John de Witte, whose words are most worthy the attention of the reader.

"When the East India Company had attained to a certain extent of power and grandeur, its interests came not only to clash with, but grew absolutely opposite to those of the country. For, whereas the advantage of the nation consists in the increase of manufactures, commerce, and freight of ships; the interests of the Company are to promote the sale of foreign manufactures, and that with the smallest extent of traffic and navigation that can be contrived. Hence, if the East India Company can gain more by importing Japan cloths, India quilts, carpets, and chintzes, than by raw silk; or, if the Company, by creating an artificial scarcity of nutmegs, mace, cloves, cinnamon, and other spices, can raise their price so as to gain as much profit by the sale of 100 tons, as it would otherwise gain by the sale of 1000 tons, we are not to expect that it will import raw silks, or be at the expence of transporting 1000 tons of spice; though the former would assist and encourage our manufactures at home, and the latter would increase our navigation.

This chain of reasoning is so plain, and so evidently agrees with the interests of all nations, as well as with those of Holland, that it is impossible for any unprejudiced person not to discern that all exclusive companies destroy, instead of promoting, the commerce of the countries in which they are established. The same great statesman already quoted observes, "That the more any country extends its foreign conquests, the more of its stock must necessarily be spent, for the preservation and defence of these conquests: And consequently, by how much the greater are its dominions, so much the less is that company able to prosecute the trade, for the promotion of which it was erected."6Harris.

Footnote 1: (return)

Harris, I. 256. Callender, III. 644.

Footnote 2: (return)

This refers to the year 1743, when Harris wrote: It is hardly necessary to say, that Holland and its great commercial companies are now merely matters of history.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

From what goes both before and after, this seems a mistake for the West India Company.E.

Footnote 4: (return)

Harris does not say whether dollars or florins: If the former, equal to L. 2,250,000 sterling at 4s. 6d. the dollar; if the latter, a little above L. 900,000 sterling at 11 florins to the pound sterling; both of these the old par of exchange.E.

Footnote 5: (return)

A long, indistinct, and uninteresting account of this project is here omitted, which Harris alleges might have transferred the whole commerce of Europe to the Dutch, but for which opinion he advances no substantial reasons, or rather none at all.E.

Footnote 6: (return)

The remarks of Harris on this voyage are extended to a far greater length than have been here adopted, and are many of them loose and uninteresting; but some of those here inserted have a strong reference to a most important subject now under consideration of the legislature; and the notices respecting the Dutch West India Companies are curious in themselves, as well as upon a subject very little known in this country.

The subject of this voyage round the world is principally exhausted in the seven first sections; all those subsequent being chiefly a detail of the Indian settlements of the Dutch East India Company, as it was in the year 1722, almost a century ago. These certainly might have been omitted on the present occasion, without injury to the present article, as a circumnavigation: But, as conveying a considerable mass of information, respecting the Dutch possessions in India, now all belonging to Britain, and respecting which hardly any thing has been published in the English language, it has been deemed indispensable to preserve them.E.

SECTION I.

Narrative of the Voyage from Holland to the Coast of Brazil.1

The small squadron of three ships, already enumerated, sailed from Amsterdam on the 16th July, 1721, and arrived at the Texel in thirty-six hours, where they were provided with every thing requisite for so long a voyage. All things being in readiness, they sailed with a fair wind on the 21st August; but, as the wind changed next day, they were three days in beating to windward through the British channel, after which they continued their course to the S.W. for the coast of Barbary, but were opposed by a heavy storm which did them considerable damage. To this a dead calm succeeded, during which the water ran mountains high, owing to agitation they had been thrown into by the storm. By the rolling of the ships during the calm, several injuries were sustained, one of the vessels losing its main-top-mast and mizen-mast; and the main-yard of the Commodore came down with such force as to wound several of the people on deck. After two days the wind freshened again, and they continued their course S.W. towards the Canaries, amusing themselves with observing the manner in which the flying-fish endeavours to escape from its enemies, the albicores and bonitoes. The flying-fish are not larger than a herring, and raise themselves into the air by means of two long fins, one on each side, not much unlike the wings of a bat in strength and texture. They are considered as good eating, and the sailors are always well pleased when they are met with in plenty. The bonito is about two feet long, of a greyish colour, finely streaked from head to tail; but the flesh is hard, dry, and disagreeably tasted. The albicore is generally five or six feet long, and sometimes weighs 150 pounds. They saw likewise several water-fowls, particularly teal, which the seamen account a sign of land being near.

While in lat. 28° N. and soon expecting to see the Canaries, a sail was descried from the mast-head carrying English colours. On drawing near she struck her colours and bore away, but re-appeared in about an hour, having four sail more in her company, sometimes carrying white, sometimes red, and sometimes black colours, which gave reason to suspect that they were pirates. The Commodore immediately made the signal for the line of battle, and all hands went to work in clearing the ship for action, filling grenades, and preparing every thing for the ensuing engagement, in which they fortunately had the advantage of the weather-gage. Observing this, the pirates put themselves into a fighting posture, struck their red flag, and hoisted a black one, on which was a death's head in the centre, surmounted by a powder horn, and two cross bones underneath. They likewise formed the line, and commenced a smart action. The pirates fought very briskly for some time, as believing the Dutch ships to be merchantmen; but after two hours cannonade, perceiving the Commodore preparing to board the vessel to which he was opposed, the pirates spread all their canvass, and crowded away as fast as they could sail. Commodore Roggewein, on seeing them bear away, called out, Let the rascals go: In which he strictly obeyed his instructions; as all the ships belonging to the Dutch East and West India Companies have strict orders to pursue their course, and never to give chase. In this action, four men were killed, and nine wounded in the Commodore, the other two ships having seven slain and twenty-six wounded. The carpenters also had full employment in stopping leaks, and repairing the other damages sustained.

Continuing their voyage, they had sight of Madeira on the 15th November, and in the neighbourhood saw a desert island which is much frequented by the pirates, for wood and water and other refreshments. They afterwards had sight of the Peak of Teneriffe, which is generally esteemed the highest single mountain in the world, on which account the geographers of Holland adopt it as the first meridian in their maps and charts; while the French and English of late incline to fix their first meridians at their respective capitals of Paris and London. These differences are apt to create much confusion in the longitudes of places, when not explained by the writers who use these several modes of reckoning; on which account Lewis XIII. of France, by edict in 1634, endeavoured to obviate this inconvenience, by directing the first meridian to be placed in the island of Ferro, the most westerly of the Canaries.2 From these islands they directed their course for the islands of Cape Verde, so named from Cabo Verde, or the Green Cape, a point or mountain on the coast of Africa, called Arlinarium by Ptolemy.

This cape is bounded by two rivers, the Senegal and Gambia, called by the ancients the Garatius and Stachiris. It has an island to the west, which is frequented by an infinite number of birds, the eggs of which are frequently gathered by mariners going this way. This cape is dangerous to land upon, because of a great many sunken rocks about it. The continent is here inhabited by negroes, who trade with all nations, and speak many languages, especially French and Portuguese. Most of them go naked, except a piece of cloth about their middle, but their princes and great men wear long garments of calico striped with blue, and made like shifts; they hang also little square bags of leather on their arms and legs, but we could not learn of them what these bags contain.3 They wear necklaces made of sea-horses teeth, alternating with glass beads; and have caps of blue and white striped calico on their heads. They are a prudent and wise people, cultivating their soil, which bears good rice and other articles sufficient for their maintenance; and the richer people keep cattle, which are very dear, as being scarce. They have many good blacksmiths, and iron is much, valued among them, being forged into fish-spears, implements for cultivating the ground, and various weapons, as the heads of arrows, darts, and javelins. Their religion seems to border on Mahometism, as they are all circumcised; but they have little knowledge of the true God, except among a few who converse with Christians. They are very lascivious, and may have as many wives as they please; but the women are seldom contented with one husband, and are passionately fond of strangers. The whole country is under subjection to the governors or head-men of the various towns and villages, who row on board such ships as arrive, making them pay customs. Several Portuguese reside here, who trade freely with all nations, but have no power or authority, except over their own slaves and servants.

Having the advantage of a strong N.E. wind, they took their departure from Cape de Verde, and continued their course for six weeks, without coming to anchor or handing a sail. In this long passage, they had some days in which the heat was almost insupportable, and the crew began to murmur excessively on account of being at short allowance of water. On this occasion one of the swabbers got into the hold, and, being extremely thirsty, pierced a cask of brandy, of which he pulled, so heartily that he was soon intoxicated to a degree of madness. In this condition he staggered into the cook-room, where he threw down a pan of grease, and being sharply reproved by the cook, drew his knife and rushed upon him. Some of the crew gathered about him and wrenched the knife out of his hand, but not till he had drawn it two or three times across the cook's face. For this they drubbed him soundly, which he resented so deeply that he seized a knife as soon as he got loose, and gave himself several stabs in the belly. The utmost care was taken of his recovery, in order to make him a public example, to prevent such actions in future among the crew; and after his recovery he was punished in the following manner. Being declared infamous at the fore-mast, he was thrice keel-hauled, and had 300 strokes on the buttocks, after which his right hand was fastened to the mast with his own knife. When he had stood some time in this condition, he was put in chains on the fore-castle, being allowed nothing but bread and water for some days; and was continued in irons to be set on shore at the first barren island they came to.

Continuing their voyage till near the line, they were much incommoded by the shifting of the wind; and by scarcity of water, many of the crew falling ill of the scurvy. When it sometimes fell entirely calm, the heat of the sun became more than ordinarily oppressive, owing to which some of the men became quite distracted, others fell into high fevers, and some had fits like the epilepsy. Their water, as it grew low, stunk abominably, and became full of worms. The salt provisions were in a manner quite spoiled, and served only to turn their stomachs and increase their thirst. Hunger is said to be the greatest of torments, but they had reason to consider thirst as the greatest misery incident to human nature. At this time they often observed towards evening that the sea appeared all on fire; and taking up some buckets of water in this condition, they observed that it was full of an infinite number of little globules, of the size, form, and colour of pearls. These retained their lustre for some time when held in the hand, but on pressure seemed nothing more than an earthy fat substance like mud.

They at length crossed the line, with the loss only of one man, who died of a high fever; and on getting into the latitude of 3° S. they fell into the true trade-wind, before which they scudded along at a great rate. In lat. 5° S. they had the sun directly vertical, so that they were some days without any observation. In 6° S. they caught many dorados and dolphins, both, in the opinion of the author of this voyage, being the same fish, of which the dolphin is the male and the dorado the female. Some of these are six feet long, but not of proportional bulk. In the water they appear excessively beautiful, their skins shining as if streaked with burnished gold; but lose their splendid appearance on being taken out of the water. Their flesh is very sweet and well flavoured, so that the seamen always feast when they can procure plenty of this fish. They saw also abundance of sharks, many of which are ten feet long. Their flesh is hard, stringy, and very disagreeably tasted; yet the seamen frequently hang them up in the air for a day or two, and then eat them: Which compliment the surviving sharks never fail to return when a seaman falls in their way, either dead or alive, and seem to attend ships for that purpose.

Footnote 1: (return)

In the various steps of this voyage, the merely uninteresting journal or log-book incidents have been materially abbreviated.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

The Royal Observatory at Greenwich is now the first meridian in British maps and globes, from which St Paul's in London is 0° 5' 37" W. the observatory of Paris 2° 20' E. Teneriffe peak 16° 40' W. and Ferrotown 17° 45' 50" W.

Footnote 3: (return)

These are called obi, containing a variety of ridiculous trash, and are held in superstitious esteem as amulets.E.

SECTION II.

Arrival in Brazil, with some Account of that Country.

Coming near the coast of Brazil, their design was to have anchored at the island Grande, but finding they had passed that island, they continued their course till off Porto, in lat. 24° S. where they came to anchor. Some of the ship's company of the commodore then got into the boat in order to go shore, both for the purpose of procuring wood and water and other refreshments, and in order to bury one of their seamen who had died. Before they could get on shore, they descried a body of Portuguese well armed moving along the coast, who seemed to prevent them from landing, and beckoned the Dutch to keep off, threatening to fire if they attempted to land: But, on shewing them the dead body, they allowed them to land, and even shewed them a place in which to inter their dead companion. Being desirous of procuring some intelligence, the Dutch asked many questions about the country, but could only get for answer, that Porto was an advanced port to St Sebastian, not marked in the charts, and that they were inhabitants of Rio Janeiro, which lay at the distance of eight miles.1 The Dutch endeavoured to persuade them to go on board the commodore, but they refused, fearing they might be pirates, which frequently used to come upon the coast, and, under pretence of getting fresh water, would land and pillage any of the little towns near the sea.

About six months before the arrival of Roggewein at this place, a pirate had been there, and, while the crew were preparing to make a descent, a French ship of force arrived, which sent her to the bottom with one broadside. She sank in thirteen fathoms, and as she was supposed to have seven millions on board,2 they had sent for divers from Portugal, in order to attempt recovering a part of her treasure. However, by dint of entreaties and the strongest possible assurance of safety, two of them were prevailed upon to go on board the commodore, where they were very kindly treated, and had clothes given them, by which they were induced to carry the squadron into a safe port, which was most serviceable to men in their condition, almost worn out with fatigues, and in a manner destroyed for want of water.

The harbour of Porto affords good anchorage in from six to eight fathoms. In entering it on the S.W. the main land is on the right, and a large island on the left, all the coast appearing very high land, consisting of mountains and intermediate vallies, overgrown with trees and shrubs. Porto is in a pleasant situation, but at this time had no inhabitants. They caught here both fish and tortoises of exquisite flavour, and so very nourishing, that about forty of the people who were ill of the scurvy, recovered very fast. Having remained there two days, in which time they supplied themselves with wood and water, they weighed anchor, and in six leagues sailing to the S.W. came into the road of St Sebastian. Just when entering the mouth of the river a violent storm arose, on which they had to drop their anchors, lest they had been driven on the rocks, and to wait the return of the tide in that situation. They entered the port next day, and came to anchor just before the town, which they saluted, but without being answered, either because the Portuguese guns were not in order, of because the inhabitants were not pleased, with their arrival, suspecting them of being pirates, though under the Dutch flag. In order to remove these apprehensions, Roggewein wrote to the governor, informing him what they were, and desiring to be furnished with cattle, vegetables, fruits, and other refreshments for payment, also requesting the use of a few huts on shore for the recovery of the sick men. The governor made answer, that these things were not in his power, as he was subordinate to the governor of Rio de Janeiro, to whom he should dispatch an express that evening, and hoped the commodore would give him time to receive the orders of his superior officer. But Roggewein was by no means satisfied with this answer, giving the governor to know, if he refused to deal with him by fair means and for ready money as offered, be should be obliged to have recourse to force, though much against his inclinations. Having learnt that there was a Franciscan monastery in the town, Roggewein sent also to inform the fathers of his arrival, accompanying his message by a present.

It happened fortunately for the Dutch, that a native of Utrecht, one Father Thomas, belonged to this monastery, who came immediately on board, accompanied by several other monks. He was so much delighted at the sight of his countrymen, that he declared he should now die in peace, having earnestly wished for twenty-two years to enjoy the satisfaction he was now gratified with. The commodore gave him a kind welcome, and presented him with whatever was deemed useful for the monastery. The prior, who was of the party on this occasion, begged the commodore to have patience till the return of the express from Rio de Janeiro, and promised to use his interest with the governor, to induce him to furnish the demanded refreshments, so that they parted well satisfied with each other. In the mean time, the Portuguese came down to the coast in large bodies well armed, posting themselves in such places as they judged the Dutch might attempt to put their men on shore; and at the approach of a Dutch pinnace, thought proper to fire at her, by which one of the Dutchmen was dangerously wounded in the shoulder. The boat's crew returned the fire by a general discharge of their fire-arms, by which two of the Portuguese were brought down, and the rest made a precipitate retreat. The Dutch then landed immediately, filling what water they had occasion for, and returned on board.

On the report of what had happened, which he deemed an act of hostility, Roggewein made immediate dispositions for attacking the town, ordering his smallest ship to go as near the place as possible, while the Teinhoven was ordered to watch the coast, and the commodore laid his own ship opposite the monastery, as if he had intended to batter it down. All this was merely to frighten the Portuguese into better behaviour, and it had the desired effect, as the deputy-governor came soon after on board, and entered into a treaty, granting every thing desired. He at the same time expressed considerable doubts of being paid for what they might furnish, as a French ship had been lately supplied with necessaries, and at its departure the French captain threatened to burn the town about their ears, if they insisted on payment according to agreement and his promises on first coming in. The sick were now landed on the island, and the whole of the ships companies were daily furnished by the Portuguese with beef, mutton, fowls, vegetables, fruits, and every thing else they wanted. The ships companies also had leave to go on shore, and soon contracted acquaintance among the Portuguese, from whom they obtained sugar, tobacco, brandy, and every thing else they wished for, in exchange for European goods, although the governor had strictly prohibited all commerce, under the strictest penalties. Thus, in a very short time the Portuguese became so well satisfied of the honesty and good intentions of the Dutch, that they brought back all their rich effects, formerly carried out of town when the ships first arrived. The Portuguese, however, complained loudly of the bad usage they met with from the French, who came frequently to this place with their ships, taking whatever they pleased by force, and plundering the houses in which they were permitted to lodge the sick; owing to which the Portuguese believed that all other Europeans would treat them in the same manner.

The town of St Sebastians is situated in lat. 24° S. and long. 60° W.3 being a place of moderate extent, only indifferently fortified by an inclosure of palisades, with a few cannon for its defence. The church however is a beautiful building, and the palace of the governor is very magnificent; but the houses of the inhabitants are only such as are commonly met with among the Spanish and Portuguese colonists in America. The Franciscan monastery stands on the S. side of the town, and accommodates about thirty monks very conveniently. The prior shewed to the commodore and his officers a curious idol, which he said had been worshipped by the ancient natives of the place. It was the image of a creature half tiger half lion, about four feet high and a foot and a half round. Its feet resembled the paws of a lion, and the head was adorned with a double crown, in which were stuck twelve Indian darts, one of which on each side was broken. On each shoulder there was a large wing like that of a stork. In the inside was seen the statue of a man, completely armed in the manner of the country, having a quiver of arrows at his back, a bow in his left hand, and an arrow in his right. The tail of this strange idol was very long, and twisted three or four times round the body of the man. It had been called Nasil Lichma, by its worshippers, and the prior said that it was made of gold; but the author of this voyage suspected it was only gilded. The monks had also a numerous collection of European and American curiosities, which they exhibited at the same time.

The port, or river rather, of St Sebastian, is three or four leagues in length, and about one league broad, having a very fine island on the N.E. of about four miles round, and there are smaller islands on all the other sides of this haven. The country of Brazil is very large and rich, insomuch that the king of Portugal is said to draw as great a revenue from hence, as the king of Spain from all his vast possessions in America. Its capital is Bahia, or St Salvador, besides which there are many other towns, as Siara, Olinda, Rio de Janeiro, St Vincent, and others. The country was discovered in 1590; but even at this day the Portuguese have not penetrated above eighty leagues into the interior. The soil is good, and the country would doubtless produce abundance of corn and wine for the use of its inhabitants; but, from a principle of policy, the colonists are not permitted to cultivate these productions, and are consequently supplied with them from Portugal. It is the common opinion that the ancient inhabitants were anthropophagi, or cannibals, and it is even said that human flesh was sold in their markets, as commonly as beef and mutton, but of this there is no authentic proof.4

Such of the natives as were seen were large dark-complexioned men, having thick lips, flat noses, and very white teeth. The Portuguese are numerous in Brazil, both Creoles, and such as come from time to time from Portugal, to repair their broken fortunes. A little time before the arrival of Roggewein, the Portuguese had discovered a diamond mine not far from St Sebastian, of which at that time they were not in full possession, but were meditating an expedition against the Indians, in order to become sole masters of so valuable a prize; and with this view they invited the Dutch to join them, promising them a share in the riches in the event of success. By these means, nine of our soldiers were tempted to desert. I know not the success of this expedition; but it is probable that it succeeded, as great quantities of diamonds have since been imported from Brazil into Europe. They are said to be found on the tops of mountains among a peculiar red earth containing a great deal of gold; and, being washed down by the great rains and torrents into the vallies, are there gathered in lavaderas by negroes employed for the purpose.

Brazil abounds with numerous sorts of beasts, birds, and fish, both wild and tame. They have tigers that do a great deal of mischief, also elephants in great abundance, the teeth of which are of great value.5 There is no country on earth where serpents, and other venomous reptiles, are more frequent, or of larger size. So far as the Portuguese power and colonization extends, the popish religion is established; but vast numbers of the indigenous natives of the country remain unsubdued, and continue their original idolatry, being of such cruel and vindictive dispositions, that when a Christian falls into their hands, the best thing that can happen to him is to have his throat cut, as they are, for the most part, put to death by means of cruel tortures. The air of the country, though excessively hot at certain times of the year, is extremely wholesome, as we experienced by our speedy recovery from the scurvy and other distempers. About St Sebastian there are vast quantities of venomous musquetoes, which sting to such a degree that we were all covered over with blisters. Our pilot, having drank too freely of the country rum, and afterwards fallen asleep in the open air, had his head, face, arms, and legs so severely stung, that his life was in imminent danger, and he recovered after a long time, not without much care.

While here, the commodore kept up a very strict discipline over his people; and some of his sailors being complained against as having maltreated some Indian women, he caused them to be severely punished, and would never afterwards allow them to go on shore. The Dutch and Portuguese agreed extremely well, but the governor was far from being pleased with his visitors, more especially because he had learnt from some of the deserters that the object of the expedition was to make discoveries in the south. For this reason he practised every art he could devise to hinder and distress them, and furnished them with provisions only from day to day, that they might not increase their sea-stores. He also frequently talked of there being five or six Portuguese men-of-war in Rio de Janeiro, in order to put the Dutch in fear of being attacked, and actually sent for the only ship that was there at the time, to come to St Sebastian. Roggewein perfectly understood the meaning of all this, of which he took no notice, and complied exactly with the terms of the agreement entered into with the deputy governor, saving part of the fresh provisions daily and salting them, cleaned and repaired his ship in succession, and took on board tobacco, sugar, and every thing else he wanted, till in a condition to continue the voyage. He then fully satisfied the governor for every thing procured at this place, making payment in fire-arms, hats, silk stockings, linen, stock-fish, and other European articles, and made him a considerable present besides. In return, the governor sent him some black cattle, and gave him a certificate of his honourable behaviour.

Footnote 1: (return)

There must be a considerable mistake here in regard to the latitude of Porto, said to be in 21° S. as Rio Janeiro is in lat. 22° 54' S. and must therefore have been eighty leagues distant. Perhaps the eight miles in the text, as the distance to Rio Janeiro, ought to have been eighty leagues or Dutch miles.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

This is a most inconclusive mode of expression, perhaps meaning Dutch florins, and if so, about £636,363 sterling.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

It is impossible to reconcile this longitude with any of the first meridians mentioned in a former note, or indeed with any known geographical principles. It is 45° 30' W. from Greenwich. If reckoned from the meridian of Teneriffe, said to be that used by the Dutch, this would place it 21° 10' too far west, as Teneriffe is 16° 40' W. from Greenwich. This place, in an island of the same name, has to be carefully distinguished from the city of St Sebastian, now more commonly known by the name of Rio de Janeiro.E.

Footnote 4: (return)

There is no doubt that at least some of the tribes roasted and eat their prisoners, like the Caribs of the West Indies. But certainly they had not arrived to that state of civilization as to have markets; and beef and mutton were unknown in America, till carried there from Europe.E.

Footnote 5: (return)

There are animals of the tyger kind in Brazil and other parts of America, and the Jaguar, Owza, or Brazilian tyger, is probably the one here meant. No elephants exist in America, and their teeth, mentioned in the text, must have come from some of the Portuguese African possessions.E.

SECTION III.

Incidents during the Voyage from Brazil to Juan Fernandez, with a Description of that Island.

Every thing being settled at St Sebastian, Roggewein set sail towards the S.W. and falling in with a desert island about three leagues from the coast, he set on shore the swabber who had attempted to murder the cook, pursuant to his sentence, as formerly related. Leaving the coast of Brazil, the commodore proposed to have visited an island called Aukes Magdeland, after the name of its supposed discoverer, who is said to have seen a light on that island about an hundred years before, but did not go on shore. This island was said to be situated in the latitude of 30° S. and as being in the route of the navigation towards the South Sea, and in a good climate, he proposed to have settled a colony there for the service of such ships as might afterwards be bound for the Southern Indies, the object he was now in search of, where they might be supplied with wood, water, and other refreshments. But after much pains, he could neither discover that nor any other island in or near the latitude of 30° S. He therefore altered his coarse, steering for those called the New Islands by the Dutch, and the Islands of St Lewis, by a French privateer who first discovered them. Keeping always within forty or fifty leagues of the American coast, the squadron prosecuted its course very happily, having always the advantage of the land and sea-breezes; whereas, if it had kept farther from land, it would infallibly have fallen in with the western trade-wind.

On the 21st December, being in lat. 40°. S. they were assailed by a hurricane, attended with thunder and lightning, during which storm the Tienhoven parted company, and did not rejoin till three months afterwards. The extreme violence of this hurricane only lasted about four hours, during which they every moment expected to have been swallowed up by the waves, which ran mountain-high. These hurricanes are extremely dangerous, and are far more frequent in the American seas than in the East Indies. They usually happen at that season of the year when the west monsoon reigns, which is from the 20th July to the 15th October, for which reason ships usually remain then in port till they think the danger is over. Yet as storms of this kind are not exactly periodical, ships that trust to such calculations are often caught, as there are some years in which there are no hurricanes, and others in which they are more frequent and violent, and at unusual periods. The ordinary, or at least the surest sign of an approaching hurricane, is very fair weather, and so dead a calm that not even a wrinkle is to be seen on the surface of the sea. A very dark cloud is then seen to rise in the air, not larger than a man's hand, and in a very little time the whole sky becomes overcast. The wind then begins to blow from the west, and in a short space of time, whirls round the compass, swelling the sea to a dreadful height; and as the wind blows now on one side and then on the other, the contrary waves beat so forcibly on the ships that they seldom escape foundering or shipwreck. On first perceiving the before-mentioned small cloud, the best thing a ship can do is to stand out to sea. It is remarkable that the hurricanes are less frequent as we approach the higher latitudes in either hemisphere, so that they are not to be feared beyond the lat. of 55° either S. or N. It is also remarked, that hurricanes rarely happen in the middle of the wide ocean, but chiefly on the coasts of such countries as abound with minerals, and off the mouths of large rivers. Another surprising phenomenon at sea is what is called a whirlwind water-spout, or syphon, which often carries up high into the air whatever comes within the circle of its force, as fish, grasshoppers, and other things, where they appear like a thick vapour or cloud. The English fire at a water-spout or whirlwind, and often succeed in stopping its progress; the circular motion ceasing, and all that it had taken up falling immediately down, when the sea becomes presently calm.

On the cessation of the hurricane, the commodore and his remaining consort, the African galley, continued their course to the S.S.W. till in the height of the Straits of Magellan. They here fell in with an island of near 200 leagues in circumference, and about 14 leagues from the mainland of America, and seeing no smoke, nor any boat, or other kind of embarkation, they concluded that it was uninhabited. The west coast of this island was discovered by a French privateer, and named the Island of St Lewis; but being seen afterwards by the Dutch, who fancied its many capes to be distinct islands, they called it New Islands. Considering that, if ever it should be inhabited, its inhabitants would be the antipodes of the Dutch, Roggewein gave it the name of Belgia Australis. It is in the lat. of 52° S. and long. of 95° W.1

The land appeared extremely beautiful and very fertile, being chequered with mountains and vallies, all of which were cloathed with fine straight trees. The verdure of the meadows, and freshness of the woods, afforded a delightful prospect, insomuch that all the people believed they should have found abundance of excellent fruits. But the commodore would not delay by permitting them to land, being anxious to get round Cape Horn, and chose therefore to defer a thorough examination of this new country till his return from discovering the southern continent and islands: This, however reasonable, proved vain in the sequel, as he was forced to return with his squadron by the East Indies; and this fine island, therefore, is likely to continue in a great measure unknown.

Quitting this island, they made for the Straits of Magellan, in order to wait a wind favourable for their navigation, which took place in a few days: for, if it had continued to blow from the west, they could not possibly have got into the South Seas. They now resolved to attempt the Straits of Le Maire, as infinitely more commodious than the Strait of Magellan, in which latter the sea has but small depth, and the meeting of the north and south currents occasion continual rough seas. The bottom also of the Straits of Magellan is rocky, affording no good anchorage; and the flows of winds from the mountains on both sides are apt to endanger all ships that endeavour to pass through these perilous straits. Having now a fair wind, they continued their course to the south for the Straits of Le Maire, seeing on their way abundance of whales and other large fish of that kind. Among the rest, they were followed for a whole month by that kind of fish which is called the Sea Devil by the Dutch sailors, which they took the utmost pains to catch, but to no purpose. It has a large head, a thick short body, and a very long tail, like that which painters bestow on the dragon.

Arriving in the lat. of 55° S. they soon after saw State Island, or Staten-land, which forms one side of the Straits of Luttaire. The fury of the waves, and the clashing of contending currents, gave such terrible shocks to their vessels, that they expected every moment their yards should have been broken, and their masts to come by the board. They would gladly have come to anchor, especially on finding the bottom to be good, but the weather and the sea were so rough that they durst not. They passed through the straits, which are about ten leagues long, by six over, with a swiftness not to be expressed, owing to the force and rapidity of the current. After getting through, this current, together with the westerly winds, carried them a great way from the coast of America; and, that they might be sure to sail free of Cape Horn, they sailed as high as the lat. of 62° 30' S. For three weeks together, they sustained the most dreadful gusts of a furious west wind, accompanied with hail and snow, and the most piercing frost. While enveloped in thick mists, they were apprehensive of being driven by the extreme violence of the winds upon mountains of ice, where they must inevitably have perished.

Whenever the weather was in any degree clear or serene, they had scarcely any night; for, being in the middle of January, 1722, the summer was then in its height, and the days at their utmost length.

These mountains of ice, of which they were so much afraid, are certain proofs that the southern countries extend quite to the pole, as well as those under the north; for, without question, these vast hills of ice cannot be produced in the sea, nor formed by the common force of cold. It must therefore he concluded, that they are occasioned by the sharp piercing winds blowing out of the mouths of large rivers.2 It is no less certain, that the currents discerned in this ocean must all proceed from the mouths of large rivers, which, rolling down from a high continent, fall with such impetuosity into the sea, as to preserve a great part of their force long after they have entered it.3 The great quantity of birds seen here was an additional proof that land was not far off. It may be asked, whether this land be inhabited or not? For my part I believe it is. It may be again asked, How men should live in such a climate, in the lat. of 70° S. where the winter is so very long, the summer so short, and where they must be involved for so great a portion of the year in perpetual night? To this I answer, That such as dwell there come only in the fine season in order to fish, and retire on the approach of winter, as is done by many of the inhabitants of Russia and of Davis Straits, who, when they have provided themselves with fish on the coasts of a frozen climate, retire farther inland, and eat in their cabins during the winter the fish they have caught in the summer. If the people who inhabit Greenland and Davis Straits are to be believed, the country is inhabited even as high as 70° N. both winter and summer; and what is practicable in one country, cannot justly be reputed impracticable when supposed in another.4

Being driven 500 leagues from the continent by the contrary winds, the commodore now believed that he was beyond Cape Horn to the westwards, and steered therefore N.E. by N. in order to fall in with the coast of Chili. On the 10th March, being in lat. 37° 30' S. they discovered the coast of Chili to their great joy, and anchored soon after on the coast of the island of Mocha, which is three leagues from the continent.5 They were in hopes of finding on this island at least a part of the refreshments of which they were in want, especially fresh meat and vegetables, but were disappointed, by finding the island entirely abandoned, all its inhabitants having removed to the main land. They saw, however, in the island a multitude of horses and birds, and found some dogs in two cabins near the shore. They also discovered the wreck of a Spanish ship, from which they supposed the dogs had got on shore. The horses were supposed to have been left here to graze, and that the owners came at certain times from the main to take them, as wanted. They here killed abundance of geese and ducks; and finding the coast extremely rocky, and having no safe place of anchorage, they resolved to put to sea. In a council of the officers, it was determined to continue for some time longer on the coast of Chili, in hopes of meeting with some port in which they could safely anchor, in order to get some refreshments; but perceiving the Spaniards to be every where on their guard, they steered W.N.W. for the island of Juan Fernandez, which they reckoned to be at the distance of ninety leagues in that direction. Although the coast of Chili appears to be enormously high when seen from a distance, they discovered, by sailing along shore, that it was not higher than the coast of England, and that they had been deceived by the enormous height of the inland mountains, the tops of which are hid in the clouds, and cloathed in perpetual snow.

Having a favourable wind, they made way at a great rate, and got sight of the island of Juan Fernandez, on the fourth day after leaving the coast of Chili, but could not get to anchor that day in the road, owing to its falling calm. Next day, when ready to go in, they were astonished by seeing a ship riding at anchor, which they conjectured to be either a Spanish ship of force or a French interloper, but at last concluded to be a pirate. While consulting what to do, they saw the boat belonging to the ship coming towards them, carrying a Spanish flag, on which they began to prepare for an engagement, but were astonished beyond measure, on its nearer approach, to find that it belonged to their consort the Tienhoven, which they concluded had foundered. Captain Bowman was himself on board the boat, and shewed how well he had followed his instructions, as, by the commodore's orders in case of separation, this was to be the first place of rendezvous; whence, after cruizing six weeks, they were to repair to lat. 28° S. and cruize there a similar time: But, in case of not meeting the commodore in either of these places, they were then to open their sealed instructions, and follow them exactly. As soon as Captain Bowman was on board the commodore, he made a signal agreed on to his own ship, to acquaint them that the two ships were their consorts, After this, the Eagle and African entered the harbour.

When leisure permitted, Captain Bowman gave an account of the dangers he had encountered in passing the Straits of Magellan: That he had met with many storms on the coast of America, and that his ship was in a very bad condition, having only arrived at Juan Fernandez the evening before his consorts, both of which he believed had been lost in the hurricane at the time of their separation. The three captains afterwards dined together very cheerfully in the Tienhoven, where they recounted and reciprocally commiserated their past misfortunes, and rejoiced at their present happy meeting. As it still continued a dead calm, they were unable to come to anchor at the place intended, but they next day got close beside the Tienhoven, anchoring in forty fathoms, within musket-shot of the shore. The sick were now landed, and proper persons sent ashore along with them to construct cabins or huts for their accommodation; and to search for provisions and refreshments.

According to the author of this voyage, the island of Juan Fernandez is one of the finest and best situated in the world, having a pleasant, wholesome, and temperate climate, fit to restore health to the sick, and to give a constant flow of spirits to those who are in health, which this author personally experienced, having here recovered from a complication of disorders to perfect health. The hills are covered with tall trees of various kinds, fit for all kinds of uses; and the vallies are fertile, and able to produce all the necessaries of life with very little cultivation. It abounds with small streams and brooks, the banks of which are covered with wholesome giants; and the waters which run down from the mountains, though not in the least disagreeable to the taste, or injurious to health, are so impregnated with some mineral particles, that they never corrupt. On the east side of the bay in which the Dutch ships anchored, there are three mountains, the middlemost of which resembles the Table Mountains at the Cape of Good Hope. Behind these there are many other mountains which rise to a prodigious height, and are generally covered by very thick mist, especially in the mornings and evenings, whence I am apt to suspect that these mountains may contain rich mines. To give a just idea of the island in few words, it resembles in all respects the country at the Cape of Good Hope.

This author also mentions the sea-lions and seals of other writers, and adds, that there are sea-cows also of enormous size, some weighing near half a ton. He also mentions the abundance and excellence of the fish, of which the Dutch cured many thousands during their short stay, which proved extraordinarily good, and were of great service during the rest of the voyage. He mentions goats also on the island in abundance, but says the Dutch were unable to catch them, and at a loss how to get at their bodies when shot; but they were frightened from this sport by an unlucky accident which happened to the steward of one of the ships, soon after their arrival, who, rambling one evening in the mountains, fell suddenly from the top of a rock and was dashed to pieces. They found here the remains of a wreck, supposed by them to have been of a Spanish ship; but it was more probably the vestiges of the Speedwell, lost a year before, and from which, by diving, some of the sailors recovered several pieces of silver plate.

Having attentively considered the advantageous situation and many conveniences of this island, Roggewein conceived the design of settling on it, as the most proper place that could be thought of for ships bound, as he was, for the Terra Australis, or southern islands, and was the more encouraged in this design by considering the fertility of the island, which could not fail to afford sufficient subsistence for six hundred families at least. He postponed this, however, as also the settlement of Belgia Australis, or Falkland islands, till his proposed return, owing to which they never were settled. A settlement at the latter might have afforded a proper place for ships to careen and refit at, and to procure wood and water, after the long voyage from Europe, before entering the Straits of Magellan, and Juan Fernandez would have afforded every convenience for repairing any injuries that might have been sustained in passing through these straits, or going round Cape Horn. Whatever nation may revive and prosecute this plan, will certainly acquire in a few years as rich and profitable a commerce as is now possessed by the Spaniards with Mexico and Peru, or the Portuguese with Brazil.6

Footnote 1: (return)

There is not the smallest doubt that the text refers to the Falkland islands or Malouines, which consist of two principal islands, called West and East Islands, besides a number of islets, about 360 English miles from the continent of South America. The centre of the west, or principal island, is in lat. 51° 25' S. and long. 60° W. from Greenwich.E.

Footnote 2: (return)

This is quite erroneous, as it is now well known that the sea water freezes, when reduced to a sufficient degree of cold, considerably lower than what is requisite for freezing fresh water. On this occasion, the salt precipitates from the freezing water, and the ice of sea water is sufficiently fresh for use when melted, if the first running be thrown away, which often contains salt, either adhering to the surface, or contained in cells.E.

Footnote 3: (return)

This is poor reasoning to support a preconceived theory of a southern continent, and might easily have been answered by themselves, as the prodigious current which set them through the Straits of Le Maire with such rapidity, could not have originated from any such cause. Currents are well known to be occasioned by the tides, the diurnal revolution of the earth, and by prevailing winds, influenced and directed by the bendings of coasts, the interposition of islands, and the position of straits. No such currents could possibly come from rivers in an austral land, locked up in ever-during frost, should any such land exist.E.

Footnote 4: (return)

It might be asked, whence are these fishers to come? Not surely from among the miserable inhabitants of Terra del Fuego. A miserable hypothesis is thus often obstinately defended by wretched arguments.E.

Footnote 5: (return)

Mocha is in lat. 36° 20' S. and about 20 miles from the coast of Chili.E.

Footnote 6: (return)

Britain once tried a settlement at Falkland islands, and had nearly gone to war with Spain on the occasion; and there can be no doubt that Spain could never have submitted to the settlement of Juan Fernandez by any other power. There is now a fort and small garrison kept in that island.E