A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels, Volume 16

There are a greater variety of plants at Oonalashka, and most of them were in flower the latter end of June. Several of them are such as we find in Europe, and in other parts of America, particularly in Newfoundland; and others of them, which are also met with in Kamtschatka, are eat by the natives both there and here. Of these, Krascheninicoff has given us descriptions. The principal one is the saranne, or lily root, which is about the size of a root of garlic, round, made up of a number of small cloves, and grains like groats. When boiled, it is somewhat like saloop; the taste is not disagreeable, and we found means to make some good dishes with it. It does not seem to be in great plenty; for we got none but what Ismyloff gave us. We must reckon amongst the food of the natives, some other wild roots; the stalk of a plant resembling angelica, and berries of several different sorts; such as bramble-berries, cran-berries, hurtle-berries, heath-berries, a small red berry, which, in Newfoundland, is called partridge-berry, and another brown berry, unknown to us. This has somewhat of the taste of a sloe, but is unlike it in every other respect. It is very astringent, if eaten in any quantity. Brandy might be distilled from it. Captain Clerke attempted to preserve some; but they fermented, and became as strong as if they had been steeped in spirits.

There were a few other plants, which we found serviceable, but are not made use of by either Russians or natives. Such as wild purslain, pea-tops, a kind of scurvy-grass, cresses, and some others. All these we found very palatable, dressed either in soups or in sallads. On the low ground, and in the vallies, is plenty of grass, which grows very thick, and to a great length. I am of opinion, that cattle might subsist at Oonalashka all the year round, without being housed. And the soil, in many places, seemed capable of producing grain, roots, and vegetables. But, at present, the Russian traders, and the natives, seem satisfied with what nature brings forth.

Native sulphur was seen amongst the inhabitants of the island; but I had no opportunity of learning where they got it. We found also ochre, a stone that gives a purple colour, and another that gives a very good green. It may be doubted, whether this last is known. In its natural state, it is of a greyish green colour, coarse and heavy. It easily dissolves in oil; but when put into water it entirely loses its properties. It seemed to be scarce in Oonalashka; but we were told, that it was in greater plenty on the island Oonemak. As to the stones about the shore and hills, I saw nothing in them that was uncommon.²²

The people of Oonalashka bury their dead on the summits of hills, and raise a little hillock over the grave. In a walk into the country, one of the natives, who attended me, pointed out several of these receptacles of the dead. There was one of them, by the side of the road leading from the harbour to the village, over which was raised a heap of stones. It was observed, that every one who passed it, added one to it. I saw in the country several stone-hillocks, that seemed to have been raised by art. Many of them were apparently of great antiquity.

What their notions are of the Deity, and of a future state, I know not. I am equally unacquainted with their diversions; nothing having been seen that could give us an insight into either.

They are remarkably cheerful and friendly amongst each other, and always behaved with great civility to us. The Russians told us, that they never had any connections with their women, because they were not Christians. Our people were not so scrupulous; and some of them had reason to repent that the females of Oonalashka encouraged their addresses without any reserve; for their health suffered by a distemper that is not unknown here. The natives of this island are also subject to the cancer, or a complaint like it, which those whom it attacks are very careful to conceal. They do not seem to be long-lived. I no where saw a person, man or woman, whom I could suppose to be sixty years of age; and but very few who appeared to be above fifty. Probably their hard way of living may be the means of shortening their days.

I have frequently had occasion to mention, from the time of our arrival in Prince William's Sound, how remarkably the natives, on this north-west side of America, resemble the Greenlanders and Esquimaux, in various particulars of person, dress, weapons, canoes, and the like. However, I was much less struck with this, than with the affinity which we found subsisting between the dialects of the Greenlanders and Esquimaux, and those of Norton's Sound and Oonalashka. This will appear from a table of corresponding words which I put together.

It must he observed, however, with regard to the words which we collected on this side of America, that too much stress is not to be laid upon their being accurately represented; for, after Mr Anderson's death, we had few who took much pains about such matters; and I have frequently found, that the same words written down by two or more persons, from the mouth of the same native, on being compared together, differed not a little. But still, enough is certain, to warrant this judgment, that there is great reason to believe, that all these nations are of the same extraction; and if so, there can be little doubt of there being a northern communication of some sort, by sea, between this west side of America and the east side, through Baffin's Bay, which communication, however, may be effectually shut up against ships by ice, and other impediments. Such, at least, was my opinion at this time.²³

I shall now quit these northern regions, with a few particulars relative to the tides and currents upon the coast, and an account of the astronomical observations made by us in Samganoodha harbour.

The tide is no where considerable but in the great river.²⁴

The flood comes from the south or south-east, every where following the direction of the coast to the north-westward. Between Norton Sound and Cape Prince of Wales, we found a current setting to the north-west, particularly off the cape and within Sledge Island. But this current extended only a little way from the coast, nor was it either consistent or uniform. To the north of Cape Prince of Wales, we found neither tide nor current, either on the American or on the Asiatic coast, though several times looked for. This gave rise to an opinion entertained by some on board our ships, that the two coasts were connected, either by land or by ice; which opinion received some strength, by our never having any hollow waves from the north, and by our seeing ice almost the whole way across.

The following are the results of the several observations made ashore, during our stay in the harbour of Samganoodha.

Footnote 1: (return)

Mr Arrowsmith has filled up the coast betwixt the two points now mentioned, and supplied it also with rivers, according to the conjecture of Captain Cook. But it is obvious, that this is not sufficient authority; and therefore, unless better be given, Mr Coxe seems to have done more correctly, in indicating the space by a dotted line, the usual mark of an unexplored region.—E.

Footnote 2: (return)

It is somewhat singular, that neither Arrowsmith nor Coxe mentions Anderson's Island. The former, on additional authority, has marked but one island in the position specified, under the name of Eivoogiena, or Clerke's Island.—E.

Footnote 3: (return)

Mr Arrowsmith, as in the case of the island mentioned in the last note, has given the native name to this island, viz. Matwi, retaining also, however, the name of Gore.—E.

Footnote 4: (return)

We must be allowed to notice some particulars in the history of this remarkable enough man, well known, it is probable, to most readers, who have been interested in the operations of the African Association, but, perhaps, not immediately recognised in the humble situation of a corporal of marines. Some years after this voyage, viz. in 1786, Lediard, by birth an American, resolved on a pedestrian excursion across his native continent; for which purpose, he, first of all, fixed on travelling to Siberia, whence he expected to be able to obtain a passage to its north-west coast. Sir Joseph Banks, and other gentlemen, favouring his project, subscribed a sum of money, not much exceeding fifty pounds, to enable him to put it into execution. He proceeded to Hamburgh; from thence to Copenhagen; and, as the gulf of Bothnia was not frozen over, actually walked round its shores by the way of Tornea, till he arrived at Petersburgh, in the beginning of March 1787. Here he remained till May, when he obtained permission to go with a convoy of military stores, intended for Captain Billings, formerly his ship-mate in Cook's voyage, and now waiting for it to commence his own examination of the American coast, &c. With this convoy, Lediard, in the month of August, reached Irkutsk, in Siberia, at which place, after having gone to Yakutsk, where he met with Billings, he purposed to remain a part of the winter, till an opportunity occurred of going to Ochotsk, from which his passage to America seemed very practicable. So far, then, he had to congratulate himself on his success. But his enterprise was speedily interrupted, and all his hopes frustrated, by an order from the empress; in consequence of which he was arrested, and, under the guard of an officer and two soldiers, hurried off in a sledge for Moscow, without being suffered to carry with him either his clothes, his money, or his papers. The reason of this extraordinary conduct has not been explained in the communication made by Sir Joseph Banks to the Biographia Britannica, from which we have collected these particulars. We are told, however, that the disappointed adventurer was successively conveyed from Moscow to Moialoff, in White Russia, and Tolochin, in Poland; at which last place, he was informed, that the empress had directed he should never enter her dominions again without her express permission. During the whole of his route, since he had been made a prisoner, he suffered extreme hardship from ill health, fatigue, and mortification. At last he reached Konigsberg; and, to use his own words, in a letter to his patron, after "a miserable journey, in a miserable country, in a miserable season, in miserable health, and with a miserable purse," arrived in England. The ardour of his mind, however, was still entire; and he appeared as ready as ever to engage in any service, however perilous, which promised to gratify his own curiosity, and was recommended by men whose judgment he respected. Accordingly, almost immediately on his return, it was proposed to him to undertake the first speculative excursion which the society alluded to projected. On this occasion it was, as is noticed by the ingenious Mr Forster, in his valuable Essay on Decision of Character, that he surprised the official person, who put the Question to him, "When he would be ready for his African journey?" by instantly answering, "To-morrow!" It may be doubted, if his acquirements were altogether equally well suited to this undertaking, as his undaunted spirit and enterprising disposition. These, indeed, promised interest; and no one could hesitate to believe, that he would zealously employ every faculty he possessed in accomplishing the objects committed to him. It was appointed him to traverse the continent of Africa from east to west, in the latitude of the river Niger. But this he never accomplished; as, on his arrival at Cairo, he was seized with a bilious disorder, which terminated in his death. So much, it seemed but justice to record in this place, of the person now employed by Captain Cook.—E.

Footnote 5: (return)

See the little that is known of Synd's voyage, accompanied with a chart, in Mr Coxe's Russian Discoveries, p. 300.—D.

Footnote 6: (return)

This may be considered as a very decisive testimony to the truth of the character given of him in Mr Coxe's publication. We are indebted to the same work for ample evidence in proof of the following remarks of Captain Cook—E.

Footnote 7: (return)

The latest expedition of this kind, taken notice of by Mr Muller, was in 1724. But in justice to Mr Ismyloff, it may be proper to mention, which is done on the authority of a MS. communicated by Mr Pennant, and the substance of which has been published by Mr Coxe, that, so late as 1768, the Governor of Siberia sent three young officers over the ice in sledges to the islands opposite the mouth of the Kovyma. There seems no reason for not supposing, that a subsequent expedition of this sort might also be undertaken in 1773. Mr Coxe, p. 324, places the expedition on sledges in 1764, but Mr Pennant's MS. may be depended upon.—D.

Footnote 8: (return)

There is nothing at all unlikely in the voyage now spoken of. According to Captain Krusenstern, whose information is in all probability quite unexceptionable, the Kuril islands and Jesso have been often visited by Russian merchants since 1741, when Spanberg and Walton reached the coast of Japan; though without any positive advantage, he says, accruing either to science or commerce from their visits.—E.

Footnote 9: (return)

English translation, p. 83, 84.

Footnote 10: (return)

This passage is marked on all the modern maps, no doubt on the somewhat scanty authority here given. With respect to most of the islands now alluded to, the opinion entertained of their utter insignificance, will account for and perhaps justify the sparing solicitude we have used to ascertain their number and position. Some less suspicious data than are to be met with in the accounts of early Russian voyages, would be requisite, to induce much attention to a subject of even greater importance.—E.

Footnote 11: (return)

A Russian ship had been at Kodiak in 1776, as appears from a MS. obligingly communicated by Mr Pennant.—D.

Footnote 12: (return)

Stæhlin's New Northern Archipelago, p. 15.

Footnote 13: (return)

36 lb.

Footnote 14: (return)

The Russians began to frequent Oonalashka in 1762. See Coxe's Russian Discoveries, ch. viii. p. 80.—D.

Footnote 15: (return)

Captain Cook says nothing of the condition of these furriers, and probably indeed knew nothing of it. According to Krusenstern, who cannot be supposed to seek for occasion to censure his countrymen, it is wretched in the extreme. He himself admits that his transcript, though softened down from his original notes made at the time, will nevertheless expose him to the anger of a number of persons for whom, in other respects, he entertains the highest regard. But one may question if any of the accounts that have been given of the African slave-trade produce greater horror than this modified description occasions. The reader must not imagine that the physical difficulties of the climate constitute the misery of these deluded beings. These are certainly very formidable, and of themselves present a sufficient barrier to the enjoyment of any thing bearing the shape of comfort. But evils of another sort, arising from avarice and the abuse of power, are so galling, as would induce a man "to fly from even the most beautiful and the best-gifted country," if his residence in it subjected him to their tyranny. The agents of the Russian-American Company, as the reader will instantly divine, are chargeable with the enormous barbarity and injustice to which these remarks apply; and the fearless seaman does not scruple to expose them to public indignation, in consequence. We shall communicate a few particulars, referring those who desire more information on the subject to the work itself. The persons who engage in the Company's service, we are informed, are vagabonds and adventurers,—but not criminals, be it remembered,—to whom the fabulous reports of the state of affluence to be easily attained, which are industriously circulated, operate as an incentive to sail to America in the condition of Promiischleniks, a word originally signifying any who carry on a trade, but here, as it is the only occupation, restricted to those who collect furs. Their misery commences with their voyage, which is generally performed in vessels so exceedingly crowded, that a large proportion of the passengers are necessitated to sleep upon the deck, which, in such a climate, it is obvious, must expose them to almost certain disease and death. This last, indeed, is the most desirable destiny they can experience, as those who have the misfortune to survive are subjected to almost incalculable calamities from the want of proper food and clothing, under the rigours of the climate, and the still more relentless severity of their task-masters. From the treatment which the sick receive, we may perhaps, with some exercise of imagination, infer, what the mode of life must be, of those whom superior force of constitution preserves in health. Speaking of a particular case which he had an opportunity of witnessing, Captain K. says, "We went to visit the sick, and it is impossible for me to describe the shocking, the disgusting state in which we found them; nearly all appeared to labour under incurable scorbutic and venereal sores, although they had been ten months on shore, and had enjoyed the assistance of the surgeon of St Peter and St Paul. Even of this they were now about to be deprived, and on the point of being removed, by a long and tedious navigation, to places where they must either forego all surgical attendance, or obtain it from people totally unskilled in the practice. I was curious to learn on what food the sick were kept, and was shewn two casks of salt meat destined for them. I requested to see a piece of it; but, on opening the cask, so disgusting and pestilential a smell took possession of the hold as compelled me instantly to quit it. Two tons of this stinking salt meat, and some sacks of mouldy black biscuit, were the only nourishing provisions on board for twenty invalids, for, to this number, (out of seventy,) they actually amounted before the Maria (the vessel they were on board) left St Peter and St Paul (for Kodiak)." Was not the practice said to have been adopted at Jaffa by an extraordinary character, to be esteemed for mercifulness in comparison of this? Train oil and the flesh of the sea-lion, with a mixture of rye-meal and water, form the choicest provisions of those who are well, either on board a ship or on shore; these, it must be owned, are quite suitable to the iron rule of the agent, under whom there can be neither personal property nor individual security, because he is subject to no law, and there are no courts of justice in Kodiak, or any other of the company's possessions. Few of these wretched outcasts ever again reach Russian ground, very few indeed attain the object of their wishes (we dare not say hopes) to return to Europe. Disease, disappointment, innumerable sufferings, continual drunkenness, the only solace in which, for obvious reasons, they are indulged, bring them speedily to the end of their unhappy existence, and leave a vacant stage for the miseries of new victims. Should a remnant have a more lengthened career, and having, by infinite pain and trouble, amassed a little property, get back to Ochotsk, thinking to return home and spend their days in comfort with their relatives, they are beset by fresh and perhaps still more aggravated vexations. They cannot leave that place, it seems, till they have closed accounts with the agents, and, as this is frequently protracted, no doubt with the most diabolical design, they become idle, spend what they had acquired, run into debt, (for sufficient credit is allowed them), and at last are necessitated to revert to their former slavery with perhaps far less ability than formerly, and with no other expectation of relief than what is afforded by the certainty of their dissolution. It is impossible to contemplate this distressing picture a moment longer. Let us leave it.—E.

Footnote 16: (return)

See the particulars of hostilities between the Russians and the natives, in Coxe, as cited above.—D.

It will readily be inferred from what has already been mentioned of the conduct of the Russian agents towards their own countrymen, that the circumstance of the unfortunate islanders, who are also subjected to their sway, cannot be very eligible. A single quotation from the work referred to, will answer every purpose we can have in view in alluding to them in this place. "The chief agent of the American Company is the boundless despot over an extent of country, which, comprising the Aleutic islands, stretches from 57 to 61 degrees of latitude, and from 130 to 190 degrees of east longitude. The population of the islanders annually decreasing, and the wretched condition of the Russians living there, sufficiently proves, that, from their first migration to these islands and to the American coast, up to the present moment, the Company's possessions have been entrusted to people, who were, indeed, zealous for its own advantage, but frequently more so for that of a few subordinate agents." A Lieutenant Davidoff, he gives us to understand, had collected some very important notices respecting these possessions of the Company, and had imparted to him a fragment of them relative to the situation of the islanders and their conquerors. This however is not communicated, apparently for a reason mentioned, viz. that this officer proposed publishing on the subject when he returned to St Petersburg; and that though unfortunately he lost his life in the Neva before that took place, his manuscript, which was in the hands of Admiral Schischkoff, will be printed by the Admiralty. We shall wonder if it be so, concluding as to its contents from what is already made known. Though it is possible, indeed, to imagine, that it may be made use of as a testimony against the bad management and inhuman conduct of the agents of the Company, in order to justify the interference of the legislature in their concerns, which certainly appears to be much wanted. Altogether, it is obvious then, that the statement of matters which Captain Cook has given in the text, applies to a golden age, in comparison of what we are assured was lately existing in these regions. What changes have been wrought by the representations of Krusenstern we have not heard.—E.

Footnote 17: (return)

Mr Coxe's description of the habitations of the natives of Oonalashka, and the other Fox Islands, in general, agrees with Captain Cook's. See Russian Discoveries, p. 149. See also Histoire des differents Peuples soumis à la Domination des Russes, par M. Levesque, tom. i. p. 40, 41.—D.

Footnote 18: (return)

We formerly hazarded some observations, on this subject, which may properly claim regard, if the concurrent opinion of Cook be any commendation. It is rare with him to venture on theoretic conjectures; but his truly excellent remarks, so indicative of candid and unbiassed enquiry, may justly serve as the basis of very extensive reasoning. His professional career, in short, may be considered as a course of experimental investigations, from which there results a system of philosophy of no ordinary interest or importance. Can one help regretting, that he did not live, like Newton, to deduce the legitimate consequences of his own discoveries? But, alas! how rapidly are we now approaching to the last suggestions of his sagacious mind!—E.

Footnote 19: (return)

History of Kamtschatka. Eng. Trans. p. 160.

Footnote 20: (return)

History of Kamtschatka, p. 99.

Footnote 21: (return)

More extensive observations than what Cook's time allowed him to make, would be requisite to determine the questions which he has just now started. Besides, it is fair to remark, that there is some reason for demurring at one of the premises, with which he sets out, viz. that the islands, he speaks of, are as well situate for receiving seeds, as any of the coasts are that abound in wood. At least, before admitting it, we ought to be assured of the equal vicinity of sources from which these seeds might be received, the predominance or occasional alteration of currents fit for their conveyance, &c. On the other hand, what is conjectured about the variety of soils, is so obvious, as to need no pointing out. With respect to the drift-wood, it may be right to state, by way of corroborating a supposition hazarded by Cook, that there is reason to believe, that much of the internal parts of North America, and even the declivities, though not the summits of most of the high ranges of mountains traversing it, either have been, or are, well covered with trees. Here, it is worth while to allude to a very singular circumstance mentioned in the account of Lewis and Clarke's Travels to the Source of the Missouri, &c. viz. that a great number of the trunks of trees of the pine genus were found standing erect, and with their roots fixed, but in a state of decay, in the bottom of the Columbia river, on the west coast. It is difficult to explain this, but on the supposition of some considerable change in the course of the river; and it is sufficiently obvious, that such changes, which we know have often occurred elsewhere, might soon occasion the removal of trees from their original situation to any distance. We cannot spare time or room to carry on the investigation of the subject; but no reader can be at a loss to estimate the probable results of the fact now mentioned. To some persons, however, it may be necessary to mention, that the Missouri itself is a striking instance of both changeability of course, and a corresponding operation in transporting trees, &c.; the latter circumstance being apparently both the cause and the effect of the former. Thus we are informed in the work already referred to, that at the place where the party embarked on the last-mentioned river, its current, which was extremely rapid, brought down great quantities of drift-wood, that its bottom was full of logs of trees, and that the course of the water was frequently varying from the effects of sand-bars, &c. of its own formation. For an obvious reason, it is to be wished, that Cook had mentioned to what species of trees the drift-wood he found had belonged. How rarely are even intelligent persons quite aware of the importance of the facts which are presented to them; and how much has been lost, or which is, in fact, the same thing, not gained to science, in consequence of the carelessness with which they have been examined!—E.

Footnote 22: (return)

Very probably the stone that gave a green colour was an ore of copper; but the scanty description renders it difficult to ascertain the species. The other, which is said to have given a purple colour, may also have contained the same metal.—E.

Footnote 23: (return)

This subject has been alluded to in the Introduction, and will in all probability receive consideration in the course of this Collection. It is unnecessary, therefore, to enter upon it in this place. We shall merely mention a few particulars. The west coast of Greenland has not been explored beyond 72° latitude. Little or nothing, that can be relied on, is known concerning the sea of Davis or Baffin's Bay; the latter, indeed, being generally considered as imaginary, and having no other evidence for its existence, than the assertions, of a man conceived unworthy of credit. The whole distance from the coast of that bay, as commonly laid down, to the point where Hearne saw the sea, viz. in 69° latitude, being about sixty degrees of longitude, is totally unknown. The same thing is to be said of both the space betwixt the last mentioned spot, and that at which Mackenzie's river is conceived to enter, which is denominated the Arctic Sea, amounting to upwards of twenty degrees more, and also of about an equal space betwixt this last position and Icy Cape, the highest point at which Captain Cook arrived in this voyage. If any passage do exist, it is certain, that it must be beyond 69° latitude, as high as which, it has been indubitably proved by the labours of Cook, Mackenzie, and Hearne, that the continent of America is unbroken by any navigable passage from sea to sea. Above that latitude, it is not only possible, but also even probable, that the Arctic Sea, supposing it to be the same which Mackenzie and Hearne saw, and that it is equally low down, or nearly so, throughout the other spaces alluded to, may, in some peculiarly mild seasons, admit the passage of canoes, if not of larger vessels. The circumstance of a much higher latitude having been actually navigated in the Atlantic Ocean, might seem to warrant such an opinion, and would, of course, justify some renewed attempts in such an enterprise, were it not, that it has been proved by the present voyage, that the ice extends lower down in the Pacific Ocean, and that there is no small reason to believe, that Greenland forms an integral part of the American continent. Still, however, in every view of the subject, there does appear encouragement to make some experiments of the nature of Hearne's and Mackenzie's, particularly towards the east of the track explored by the former; and it is even extremely probable, that some marine co-operation in the direction of both Hudson's Bay and Davis' Strait, would facilitate and secure some discovery of more utility, than a mere improvement of our maps. But it is improper to disburden imagination on such a subject in this place.—E.

Footnote 24: (return)

Cook's River.

SECTION XII.

Departure from Oonalashka, and future Views,—The Island Amoghta.—Situation of a remarkable Rock.—The Strait between Oonalashka and Oonella repassed.—Progress to the South.—Melancholy Accident on board the Discovery.—Mowee, one of the Sandwich Islands, discovered.—Intercourse with the Natives.—Visit from Terreeoboo.—Another Island, called Owhyhee, discovered.—The Ships ply to windward to get round it.—An Eclipse of the Moon observed.—The Crew refuse to drink Sugar-cane Beer.—Cordage deficient in Strength.—Commendation of the Natives of Owhyhee.—The Resolution gets to Windward of the Island.—Her Progress down the South-East Coast.—Views of the Country, and Visits from the Natives.—The Discovery joins.—Slow Progress Westward.—Karakakooa Bay examined by Mr Bligh.—Vast Concourse of the Natives.—The Ships anchor in the Bay.

In the morning of Monday the 26th, we put to sea from Samganoodha harbour; and, as the wind was southerly, stood away to the westward.

My intention was now to proceed to Sandwich Islands, there to spend a few of the winter months, in case we should meet with the necessary refreshments, and then to direct our course to Kamtschatka, so as to endeavour to be there by the middle of May, the ensuing summer. In consequence of this resolution, I gave Captain Clerke orders how to proceed, in case of separation; appointing Sandwich Islands for the first place of rendezvous, and the harbour of Petropaulowska, in Kamtschatka, for the second.

Soon after we were out of the harbour, the wind veered to the S.E. and E.S.E., which, by the evening, carried us as far as the western part of Oonalashka, where we got the wind at S. With this we stretched to the westward, till seven o'clock the next morning, when we wore, and stood to the E. The wind, by this time, had increased in such a manner as to reduce us to our three courses. It blew in very heavy squalls, attended with rain, hail, and snow.

At nine o'clock in the morning of the 28th, the island of Oonalashka bore S.E., four leagues distant. We then wore and stood to the westward. The strength of the gale was now over, and toward evening the little wind that blew insensibly veered round to the E., where it continued but a short time before it got to N.E., and increased to a very hard gale with rain. I steered first to the southward, and as the wind inclined to the N. and N.W., I steered more westerly.

On the 29th, at half past six in the morning, we saw land extending from E. by S. to S. by W., supposed to be the island Amoghta. At eight, finding that we could not weather the island, as the wind had now veered, to the westward, I gave over plying, and bore away for Oonalashka, with a view of going to the northward and eastward of that island, not daring to attempt a passage to the S.E. of it, in so hard a gale of wind. At the time we bore away, the land extended from E. by S. 1/2 S. to S.S.W., four leagues distant. The longitude by the time-keeper was 191° 17', and the latitude 53° 38'. This will give a very different situation to this island from that assigned to it upon the Russian map. But it must be remembered, that this is one of the islands which Mr Ismyloff said was wrong placed. Indeed, it is a doubt if this be Amoghta;¹ for after Ismyloff had made the correction, no land appeared upon the map in this latitude; but, as I have observed before, we must not look for accuracy in this chart.

At eleven o'clock, as we were steering to the N.E., we discovered an elevated rock, like a tower, bearing N.N.E. 1/2 E., four leagues distant. It lies in the latitude of 53° 57', and in the longitude of 191° 2', and hath no place in the Russian map.² We must have passed very near it in the night. We could judge of its steepness from this circumstance, that the sea, which now run very high, broke no where but against it. At three in the afternoon, after getting a sight of Oonalashka, we shortened sail, and hauled the wind, not having time to get through the passage before night. At day-break the next morning, we bore away under courses, and close-reefed top-sails, having a very hard gale at W.N.W., with heavy squalls, attended with snow. At noon, we were in the middle of the Strait, between Oonalashka, and Oonella, the harbour of Samganoodha bearing S.S.E., one league distant. At three in the afternoon, being through the Strait, and clear of the isles, Cape Providence bearing W.S.W., two or three leagues distant, we steered to the southward, under double-reefed top-sails and courses, with the wind at W.N.W., a strong gale, and fair weather.

On Monday, the 2d of November, the wind veered to the southward; and, before night, blew a violent storm, which obliged us to bring to. The Discovery fired several guns, which we answered; but without knowing on what occasion they were fired. At eight o'clock, we lost sight of her, and did not see her again till eight the next morning. At ten, she joined us; and, as the height of the gale was now over, and the wind had veered back to W.N.W., we made sail, and resumed our course to the southward.

The 6th, in the evening, being in the latitude of 42° 12', and in the longitude of 201° 26'", the variation was 17° 15' E. The next morning, our latitude being 41° 20', and our longitude 202°, a shag, or cormorant, flew several times round the ship. As these birds are seldom, if ever, known to fly far out of sight of land, I judged that some was not far distant. However, we could see none. In the afternoon, there being but little wind, Captain Clerke came on board, and informed me of a melancholy accident that happened on board his ship, the second night after we left Samganoodha. The main tack gave way, killed one man, and wounded the boatswain, and two or three more. In addition to this misfortune, I now learned, that, on the evening of the 2d, his sails and rigging received considerable damage; and that the guns which he fired were the signal to bring to.'

On the 8th, the wind was at N.; a gentle breeze with clear weather. On the 9th, in the latitude of 39-1/2°, we had eight hours calm. This was succeeded by the wind from, the S., attended with fair weather. Availing ourselves of this, as many of our people as could handle a needle, were set to work to repair the sails; and the carpenters were employed to put the boats in order.

On the 12th at noon, being then in the latitude of 38° 14', and in the longitude of 206° 17', the wind returned back to the northward; and, on the 15th, in the latitude of 33° 30', it veered to the E. At this time, we saw a tropic-bird, and a dolphin, the first that we had observed during the passage. On the 17th, the wind veered to the southward, where it continued till the afternoon of the 19th, when a squall of wind and rain brought it at once round by the W. to the N. This was in the latitude of 32° 26', and in the longitude of 207° 30'.

The wind presently increased to a very strong gale, attended with rain, so as to bring us under double-reefed top-sails. In lowering down the main top-sail to reef it, the wind tore it quite out of the foot rope, and it was split in several other parts. This sail had only been brought to the yard the day before, after having had a repair. The next morning we got another top-sail to the yard. This gale proved to be the forerunner of the trade-wind, which, in, latitude 25°, veered to E. and E.S.E.

I continued to steer to the southward till day-light in the morning of the 25th, at which time we were in the latitude of 20° 55'. I now spread the ships, and steered to the W. In the evening we joined, and at midnight brought-to. At day-break, next morning, land was seen extending from S.S.E. to W. We made sail, and stood for it. At eight, it extended from S.E. 1/2 S. to W., the nearest part two leagues distant. It was supposed that we saw the extent of the land to the east, but not to the west. We were now satisfied, that the group of the Sandwich Islands had been only imperfectly discovered; as those of them which we had visited in our progress northward, all lie to the leeward of our present station.

In the country was an elevated saddle hill, whose summit appeared above the clouds. From this hill, the land fell in a gentle slope, and terminated in a steep rocky coast, against which the sea broke in a dreadful surf. Finding that we could not weather the island, I bore up, and ranged along the coast to the westward. It was not long before we saw people on several parts of the shore, and some houses and plantations. The country seemed to be both well wooded and watered, and running streams were seen falling into the sea in various places.

As it was of the last importance to procure a supply of provisions at these islands; and experience having taught me that I could have no chance to succeed in this if a free trade with the natives were to be allowed; that is, if it were left to every man's discretion to trade for what he pleased, and in the manner he pleased; for this substantial reason, I now published an order, prohibiting all persons from trading, except such as should be appointed by me and Captain Clerke; and even these were enjoined to trade only for provisions and refreshments. Women were also forbidden to be admitted into the ships, except under certain restrictions. But the evil I meant to prevent by this regulation, I soon found, had already got amongst them.

At noon, the coast extended from S., 81° E., to N. 56° W.; a low flat, like an isthmus, bore S., 42° W.; the nearest shore three or four miles distant; the latitude was 20° 59', and the longitude 203° 50'. Seeing some canoes coming off to us, I brought-to. As soon as they got alongside, many of the people, who conducted them, came into the ship, without the least hesitation. We found them to be of the same nation with the inhabitants of the islands more to leeward, which we had already visited; and, if we did not mistake them, they knew of our having been there. Indeed, it rather appeared too evident; for these people had got amongst them, the venereal distemper; and, as yet, I knew of no other way of its reaching them but by an intercourse with their neighbours since our leaving them.

We got from our visitors a quantity of cuttle-fish for nails and pieces of iron. They brought very little fruit and roots; but told us that they had plenty or them on their island, as also hogs and fowls. In the evening, the horizon being clear to the westward, we judged the westernmost land in sight to be an island, separated from that off which we now were. Having no doubt that the people would return to the ships next day, with the produce of their country, I kept plying off all night, and in the morning stood close in shore. At first, only a few of the natives visited us; but, toward noon, we had the company of a good many, who brought with them bread-fruit, potatoes, tarro, or eddy roots, a few plantains, and small pigs; all of which they exchanged for nails and iron tools. Indeed, we had nothing else to give them. We continued trading with, them till four o'clock in the afternoon, when, having disposed of all their cargoes, and not seeming inclined to fetch more, we made sail, and stood off shore.

While we were lying-to, though the wind blew fresh, I observed that the ships drifted to the east, consequently there must have been a current setting in that direction. This encouraged me to ply to windward, with a view to get round the east end of the island, and so have the whole lee-side before us. In the afternoon of the 30th, being off the N.E. end of the island, several canoes came off to the ships. Most of these belonged to a chief, named Terreeoboo, who came in one of them. He made me a present of two or three small pigs; and we got, by barter, from the other people, a little fruit. After a stay of about two hours they all left us, except six or eight of their company, who chose to remain on board. A double-sailing canoe came soon after to attend upon them, which we towed astern all night. In the evening, we discovered another island to windward, which the natives call Owhyhee. The name of that, off which we had been for some days, we were also told is Mowee.

On the 1st of December, at eight in the morning, Owhyhee extended from S., 22' E, to S. 12° W.; and Mowee from N. 41° to N. 83° W. Finding that we could fetch Owhyhee, I stood for it; and our visitors from Mowee not choosing to accompany us, embarked in their canoe, and went ashore. At seven in the evening, we were close up with the north side of Owhyhee; where we spent the night, standing off and on.

In the morning of the 2d, we were surprised to see the summits of the mountains on Owhyhee covered with snow. They did not appear to be of any extraordinary height; and yet, in some places, the snow seemed to be of a considerable depth, and to have lain there some time. As we drew near the shore, some of the natives came off to us. They were a little shy at first; but we soon enticed some of them on board; and at last prevailed upon them to return to the island, and bring off what we wanted. Soon after they reached the shore, we had company enough; and few coming empty-handed, we got a tolerable supply of small pigs, fruit, and roots. We continued trading with them till six in the evening; when we made sail, and stood off, with a view of plying to windward round the island.

In the evening of the 4th, we observed an eclipse of the moon. Mr King made use of a night-telescope, a circular aperture being placed at the object end, about one-third of the size of the common aperture. I observed with the telescope of one of Ramsden's sextants; which, I think, answers this purpose as well as any other. The following times are the means, as observed by us both:

The penumbra was visible at least ten minutes before the beginning and after the end of the eclipse. I measured the uneclipsed part of the moon with one of Ramsden's sextants, several times before, at, and after the middle of the eclipse; but did not get the middle so near as might have been effected by this method. Indeed, these observations were made only as an experiment, without aiming at much nicety. I also measured mostly one way; whereas I ought to have brought alternately the reflected and direct images on contrary sides with respect to each other; reading the numbers off the quadrant, in one case, to the left of the beginning of the divisions; and, in the other case, to the right hand of the same. It is evident, that half the sum of these two numbers must be the true measurement, independent of the error of the quadrant; and this is the method that I would recommend.

But I am well assured, that it might have been observed much nearer; and that this method maybe useful when neither the beginning nor end of an eclipse can be observed, which may often happen.

Immediately after the eclipse was over, we observed the distance of each limb of the moon from Pollux and α Arietis; the one being to the east, and the other to the west. An opportunity to observe, under all these circumstances, seldom happens; but when it does, it ought not to be omitted; as, in this case, the local errors to which these observations are liable, destroy each other; which, in all other cases, would require the observations of a whole moon. The following are the results of these observations:

The current which I have mentioned, as setting to the eastward, had now ceased; for we gained but little by plying. On the 6th, in the evening, being about five leagues farther up the coast, and near the shore, we had some traffic with the natives. But, as it had furnished only a trifling supply, I stood in again next morning, when we had a considerable number of visitors; and we lay-to, trading with them, till two in the afternoon. By that time, we had procured pork, fruit, and roots, sufficient for four or five days. We then made sail, and continued to ply to windward.

Having procured a quantity of sugar-cane; and having, upon a trial, made but a few days before, found, that a strong decoction of it produced a very palatable beer, I ordered some more to be brewed for our general use. But when the cask was now broached, not one of my crew-would even so much as taste it. As I had no motive in preparing this beverage, but to save our spirit for a colder climate, I gave myself no trouble, either by exerting authority, or by having recourse to persuasion, to prevail upon them to drink it; knowing that there was no danger of the scurvy, so long as we could get a plentiful supply of other vegetables. But, that I might not be disappointed in my views, I gave orders that no grog should be served in either ship. I myself, and the officers, continued to make use of the sugar-cane beer whenever we could get materials for brewing it. A few hops, of which we had some on board, improved it much. It has the taste of new malt beer; and I believe no one will doubt of its being very wholesome. And yet my inconsiderate crew alleged that it was injurious to their health.

They had no better reason to support a resolution, which they took on our first arrival in King George's Sound, not to drink the spruce-beer made there. But, whether from a consideration that it was not the first time of their being required to use that liquor, or from some other reason, they did not attempt to carry their purpose into actual execution; and I had never heard of it till now, when they renewed their ignorant opposition to my best endeavours to serve them. Every innovation whatever on board a ship, though ever so much to the advantage of seamen, is sure to meet with their highest disapprobation. Both portable soup, and sour krout, were, at first, condemned as stuff unfit for human beings. Few commanders have introduced into their ships more novelties, as useful varieties of food and drink, than I have done. Indeed, few commanders have had the same opportunities of trying such experiments, or been driven to the same necessity of trying them. It has, however, been, in a great measure, owing to various little deviations from established practice, that I have been able to preserve my people, generally speaking, from that dreadful distemper, the scurvy, which has, perhaps, destroyed more of our sailors, in their peaceful voyages, than have fallen by the enemy in military expeditions.³

I kept at some distance from the coast, till the 13th, when I stood in again, six leagues farther to windward than we had as yet reached; and, after having some trade with the natives who visited us, returned to sea. I should have got near the shore again on the 15th, for a supply of fruit or roots, but the wind happening to be at S.E. by S., and S.S.E., I thought this a good time to stretch to the eastward, in order to get round, or, at least, to get a sight of the S.E. end of the island. The wind continued at S.E. by S., most part of the 16th. It was variable between S. and E, on the 17th; and on the 18th, it was continually veering from one quarter to another; blowing, sometimes, in hard squalls, and, at other times, calm, with thunder, lightning, and rain. In the afternoon, we had the wind westerly for a few hours; but in the evening it shifted to E. by S., and we stood to the southward, close hauled, under an easy sail, as the Discovery was at some distance astern. At this time the S.E. point of the island bore S.W. by S., about five leagues distant; and I made no doubt that I should be able to weather it. But at one o'clock, next morning, it fell calm, and we were left to the mercy of a north-easterly swell, which impelled us fast towards the land; so that, long before day-break, we saw lights upon the shore, which was not more than a league distant. The night was dark, with thunder, lightning, and rain.

At three o'clock, the calm was succeeded by a breeze from the S.E. by E., blowing in squalls, with rain. We stood to the N.E., thinking it the best tack to clear the coast; but, if it had been day-light, we should have chosen the other. At day-break, the coast was seen extending from N. by W., to S.W. by W.; a dreadful surf breaking upon the shore, which was not more than half a league distant. It was evident that we had been in the most imminent danger. Nor were we yet in safety, the wind veering more easterly; so that, for some time, we did but just keep our distance from the coast. What made our situation more alarming, was the leach-rope of the main top-sail giving way, which was the occasion of the sail's being rent in two; and the two top-gallant sails gave way in the same manner, though not half worn out. By taking a favourable opportunity, we soon got others to the yards, and then we left the land astern. The Discovery, by being at some distance to the north, was never near the land, nor did we see her till eight o'clock.

On this occasion, I cannot help observing, that I have always found, that the bolt-ropes to our sails have not been of sufficient strength or substance. This at different times, has been the source of infinite trouble and vexation, and of much expence of canvas, ruined by their giving way. I wish also, that I did not think there is room for remarking, that the cordage and canvas, and, indeed, all the other stores made use of in the navy, are not of equal goodness with those, in general, used in the merchant service.

It seems to be a very prevalent opinion, amongst naval officers of all ranks, that the king's stores are better than any others, and that no ships are so well fitted out as those of the navy. Undoubtedly they are in the right, as to the quantity; but, I fear, not as to the quality of the stores. This, indeed, is seldom tried; for things are generally condemned, or converted to some other use, by such time as they are half worn out. It is only on such voyages as ours, that we have an opportunity of making the trial, as our situation makes it necessary to wear every thing to the very utmost.⁴

As soon as day-light appeared, the natives ashore displayed a white flag, which we conceived to be a signal of peace and friendship. Some of them ventured out after us; but the wind freshening, and it not being safe to wait, they were soon left astern.

In the afternoon, after making another attempt to weather the eastern extreme, which, failed, I gave it up, and run down to the Discovery. Indeed, it was of no consequence to get round the island; for we had seen its extent to the S.E., which was the thing I aimed at; and, according to the information which we had got from the natives, there is no other island to the windward of this. However, as we were so near the S.E. end of it, and as the least shift of wind, in our favour, would serve to carry us round, I did not wholly give up the idea of weathering it, and therefore continued to ply.

On the 20th, at noon, this S.E. point bore S., three leagues distant; the snowy hills W.N.W., and we were about four miles from the nearest shore. In the afternoon, some of the natives came off in their canoes, bringing with them a few pigs and plantains. The latter were very acceptable, having had no vegetables for some days; but the supply we now received was so inconsiderable, being barely sufficient for one day, that I stood in again the next morning, till within three or four miles of the land, where we were met by a number of canoes, laden with provisions. We brought-to, and continued trading with the people in them, till four in the afternoon, when, having got a pretty good supply, we made sail, and stretched off to the northward.

I had never met with a behaviour so free from reserve and suspicion, in my intercourse with any tribes of savages, as we experienced in the people of this island. It was very common for them to send up into the ship the several articles they brought off for barter; afterward, they would come in themselves, and make their bargains on the quarter-deck. The people of Otaheite, even after our repeated visits, do not care to put so much confidence in us. I infer from this, that those of Owhyhee must be more faithful in their dealings with one another, than the inhabitants of Otaheite are. For, if little faith were observed amongst themselves, they would not be so ready to trust strangers. It is also to be observed, to their honour, that they had never once attempted to cheat us in exchanges, nor to commit a theft. They understand trading as well as most people; and seemed to comprehend clearly the reason of our plying upon the coast. For, though they brought off provisions in great plenty, particularly pigs, yet they kept up their price; and, rather than dispose of them for less than they thought they were worth, would take them on shore again.⁵