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A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6) cover

A history of England principally in the seventeenth century, Volume 2 (of 6)

Chapter 62: FOOTNOTES:
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About This Book

The volume traces political developments in seventeenth-century England, focusing on periods when the crown governed without parliamentary consent, its fiscal and religious policies, and the growth of ecclesiastical and constitutional conflict. It examines diplomatic relations and military engagements with continental powers, the escalation of disputes with Scotland over church governance and covenanting resistance, and efforts at negotiation that repeatedly failed. The narrative follows the widening breach between royal authority and representative institutions, the reorganization of military forces, factional divisions at home, and the progression from political crisis into armed struggle culminating in the monarch’s downfall.

FOOTNOTES:

[313] She told Grecy: ‘Les personnes qu’il (le roi) haissoit, lorsqu’elle étoit sans crédit, elle les avoit retablies depuis qu’elle a pris créance auprès de lui (du roi).’

[314] Montague: L’état des affaires d’Angleterre en 1642: ‘le prétexte du parlement n’est pas contre la royauté même, mais contre les personnes.’

[315] So she herself soon after related to Grecy: ‘LL. MM. s’étoient resolu de se retirer de Londres en une de leurs maisons pour de là s’emparer d’une place forte, qui n’est pas beaucoup éloignée.’

[316] Cp. Letters of Queen Henrietta Maria 117.

[317] The Life of Prince Rupert, probably by his secretary, in Warburton’s Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers i. 460. ‘It was not found proper at that time to make any countenance of a war, matters not being as yet come to that height as to despair of an accommodation.’

[318] This expectation is loudly expressed in the pamphlet, Joyful Tidings to all True Christians, Jan. 1642. According to it the King had declared ‘that hereafter he would altogether join with them.’ (the Parliament).

[319] ‘That the powers granted shall continue until it shall be otherwise ordered or declared by both houses of Parliament.’ Ordinance of both houses.

[320] D’Ewes characterises the debate as ‘full of sadness and evil augury.’ Sanford 482.

[321] Message from Huntingdon. ‘His Majesty being resolved to observe the laws himself, and to require obedience to all them from all his subjects.’ Journals 481.

[322] In the Lords with the addition ‘notwithstanding anything expressed in this message.’

[323] Letters of John Byron in State Paper Office, Jan 22. ‘Though I carry ever so fairly, they are resolved to pick quarrels with me.’

[324] ‘I cannot promise to keep that place long, in the condition I am in, yet I will sell both it and my life at as dear a rate as I can.’ A worthy ancestor of the great poet!

[325] The younger Hotham had written, ‘Fallback, fall edge, he would put it to the hazard.’ Sanford 475.

[326] In the pamphlet ‘Five matters of note.’ ‘The Parliament being called and established by the authority of the King and consent of the kingdom to effect all things that are agreeable to law tending to the preservation of His Majesty’s peace an welfare and the general good of the subject—if they, foreseeing a danger—endeavour to prevent it, and the persons by them commanded falsifie their trust, they are traitors.’

[327] ‘York is a sanctuary to all those that despise the Parliament.’ Letter sent by a Yorkshire gentleman to a friend in London, June 3, 1642.

[328] So says Giustiniani: ‘Protesto ad alta voce, eleggere di perdere le tre corone, che porta sopra il capo, piutosto che lasciare senza severo castigo aggravio di tanta consequenza.’

[329] A diurnal out of the north. July, 1642.

[330] England’s absolute monarchie or government of Great Britain. Thomas Bankes, 1642. He ascribes to the House of Commons the right ‘of impeaching those who for their own ends, though countenanced by any surreptitiously gotten command of the King have violated that law, which he (the King) is bound ... to protect, and to the protection of which they were bound to advise him.’

[331] ‘That the King’s vote was included in the Lords’ vote.’

[332] ‘Touching the fundamental laws or politique constitution of this kingdom.’ Pamphlet of Feb. 24, 1642/3. ‘Whenever circumscribed by written laws, it ceaseth to be supreme. Its superlative and uncircumscribed power I intend only as relating to the universe and the affairs thereof, where it is to work by its fundamental principle, not by particular precepts or statutes.’

[333] Hallam ii: ‘The nineteen propositions went to abrogate in spirit the whole existing constitution.’

[334] May’s History of the Long Parliament, ch. iv. 175: ‘In a very short space those lords became the greater number, and their departure began therefore to seem less strange than the constant sitting of the rest.’

[335] Parliamentary History xi, 208.

[336] Journals of the House of Lords v. 92.

[337] ‘They do find a disaffection in those persons about His Majesty, and therefore it concerned us to take care to provide for the safety of the King and the kingdom.’ June 17. Journals ii. 629.

[338] See their declaration from a pamphlet of the time in Lady Theresa Lewis’ Lives of Friends of the Chancellor Clarendon i. 119.

[339] The state of the difference between the King and the Houses of Parliament, for the direction of conscience.

[340] On the origin of this the History of the Rebellion, as originally composed, went into more detail than the later account printed in Clarendon’s Life, vol. vi. p. 335; ed. 1849.

[341] ‘The meaner sort thought it a fine thing to set up against the great ones.’ Stanley’s Report.

[342] Butler. Letter from Mercurius, in Somers iv. 580.

[343] New propositions to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Common Council. June 1642. Pamphlet.

[344] Giustiniani: ‘Capo il piu accreditato fra li malcontenti e che con palese ostinatione ha impugnato sempre senza rispetto gli interessi reali.’

[345] Nugent’s Memorials of Hampden ii. 200.