A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages; volume I

[1] Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. lib. IV. cap. iii.—Honor. Augustod. Summ. Glor. de Apost. cap. v., viii.—Innocent PP. III. Regest. de Negot. Rom. Imp. xviii.; Ejusd. Serm. de Sanctis vii.; Serm. de Diversis iii.—Eymerici Direct. Inquisit. Ed. Venet. 1607, p. 353.

[2] Gratiani P. I. Dist. lxii.—Concil Lateran. IV. c. xxiii.-xxv.—Isambert, Anciennes Loix Françaises, I. 145.—P. Damiani Lib. I. Epist. ii.

[3] Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 261.—P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. cv.—Alex. PP. III. Epist. 395.—Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist. VI. c. 5.—Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1050 c. 2.—Rodolphi Glabri Hist. Lib. v. c. 5.—Guibert. Noviogent. de Vita sua Lib. III. c. 2.—Joann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. Lib. VII. c. 19.—Hist. Monast. Andaginens. c. 81.—Ruperti Tuitens. Chron. S. Laurent. c. 28, 45.—Hist. Monast. S. Laurent. Leodiens. Lib. v. c. 62, 121-3.—Chron. Cornel. Zantfliet ann. 1305.

A story very similar to that of Philip Augustus is told of the Chancellor of Roger of Sicily and three competitors for the see of Avellana—Joann. Saresberiens. ubi sup.

[4] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. xxxvi.—Chron. Turon. ann. 1097.—Ivon. Carnotens. Lib. I. Epp. lxvi., lxvii.

[5] Chron. Senonens. Lib. v. cap. xiii.-xv.—Chron. S. Trudon. Lib. v.—Fulbert. Carnotens. Epist. 112.—Metzleri de Viris Illust. S. Gallens. Lib. ii. cap. 28, 30, 36, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 45, 49, 53, 54, 56, 57, 60.—Martene Collect. Ampliss. I. 1188-9.—Vaissette, Hist. Gén. de Languedoc. T. IV. p. 7 (Ed. 1742).—Gerhohi Reichersperg. Exposit. in Psalm lxiv. cap. 34.—Ejusd. Lib. de Ædificio Dei cap. 5.—Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. II. cap. 9.—Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1196.—Rog. Hovedens. ann. 1197.—Benedicti Gesta Henrici II. ann 1188.—Baggiolini, Dolcino e i Patarini, p. 53 (Novara, 1838).—Martene Thesaur. II. 90-93, 99, 100, 150, 151, 192.

A clerical rhymer of the thirteenth century describes the prelates of the day—

[6] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. liv.—Pet. Blesens. Epist. ccxl.—Cæsar. Heisterb. Dial. Mirac. Dist. II. c. 27, 28; Dist. VI. c. 20.—Varior. ad Alex. PP. III. Epist. xxi. (Migne, Patrolog. CC. 1379).—Pet. Blesens. Tract. quales sunt P. II. IV.

[7] Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 277; XIV. 125; XVI. 63, 158.—II. 34; VII. 84.—III. 24; VII. 75, 76; VIII. 106; IX. 66; X. 68; XIII. 88; XV. 93. See also II. 236; VI. 216; X. 182, 194; XI. 142; XII. 24, 25; XV. 186, 235; XVI. 12.—Gollut, République Séquanoise (Ed. Duvernoy, Arbois, 1846, pp. 80, 1724).—La Porte du Theil (Académie des Inscriptions, Notices des MSS. III. 617 sqq.).—Opusc. Tripartiti P. III. cap. iv. (Fasciculi Rer. Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, II. 225, Ed. 1690).

In May, 1212, Legate Arnauld is addressed as Archbishop-elect of Narbonne (Innocent. PP. III. Regest. XV. 93, 101), but in the necrology of the Abbey of Saint-Just of Narbonne, Berenger, at his death, Aug. 11, 1213, is qualified as archbishop (Chron. de S. Just, Vaissette, Ed. Privat, VIII. 218).

[8] P. Cantor. Verb, abbrev. cap. 71.—S. Bernardi Tract, de Mor. et Offic. Episc. c. vii. No. 25.—Gesta Treviror. Archiep. cap. 92.—Prutz, Malteser Urkunden und Registen, München, 1883, p. 38.—Guillel. Nangiac. Contin. ann. 1305.—Hist. Prior. Grandimont. (Martene Ampliss. Coll. VI. 122, 135-137).—Matt. Paris Hist. Angl. ann. 1245, 1248, 1250, 1252, 1255, 1256.—Hincmari Epist. xxxii. 20.—Hildeberti Cenoman. Epist. Lib. ii. No. 41, 47.—S. Bernard. de Consideratione Lib. i. cap. 4.—Innocent. PP. III. Gesta xli.—Ejusd. Regest. I. 330; II. 265; v. 33, 34; X. 188.—Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. Desiderantes plurimum (Potthast Regesta, I. 673).—Chron. Augustan, ann. 1260.—Stephani Tornacens. Epist. 43.—Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. II. cap. VII.

[9] Can. 43, Extra Lib. I. tit. iii.—Petri Exoniens. Summula Exigendi Confessionis (Harduin. VII. 1126).—Concil. Herbipolens. ann. 1187 c. 37.—Concil. apud Campinacum ann. 1238 c. 1, 2, 7.—Concil. apud Castrum Gonterii ann. 1253 can. unic.—C. Nugariolens. ann. 1290 c. 3.—C. Avenionens. ann. 1326 c. 49; ann. 1337 c. 59.—C. Bituricens. ann. 1336 c. 5.—C. Vaurens. ann. 1368 c. 10, 11.—Lucii. PP. III. Epist. 252.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. Lib. I. Epist. 235, 349, 405, 456, 536, 540; II. 29; III. 37; VI. 120, 233, 234; VII. 26; X. 15, 79, 93; XI. 144, 161, 275; XV. 218, 223; Supplem. 234.—Berger, Registre d’Innocent. IV. pp. lxxvi-lxxvii., No. 2591, 3214, 3812, 4086.—Theiner Vet. Monument. Hibern. et Scotor. No. 196, p. 75.—De Reiffenberg, Chron. de Ph. Mouskes, I. ccxxv.

When the comprehensive annual curse, known as the Bull in Cæna Domini, came in fashion, falsifiers of papal letters were included in its anathemas, until the abrogation of the custom in 1773.

[10] Fascic. Rerum Expetendarum et Fugiendarum II. 7, 254-255 (Ed. 1690).

[11] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 24.—Cf. Petri. Blesensis Epist. 23; Johann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. Lib. VII. cap. 21, Lib. VIII. cap. 17.

[12] Concil. Juliobonens. ann. 1080 c. 3, 5.—Concil. Bremens. ann. 1266.—Eadmer. Hist. Novor. Lib. IV.—Concil. Melfitan. ann. 1284 c. 5.—P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 24, 79.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. X. 85; XII. 37.—Pet. Blesensis Epist. 209.

[13] Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1231 c. 48.—P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 23.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 376.—Chron. Andres. Monast.—Narrat. Restaur. Abbat. S. Mart. Tornacens. cap. 113, 114.—Joann. Saresberiens. Polycrat. Lib. v. cap. 15. Cf. Lib. VI. cap. 24.

[14] P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 86.

[15] Concil. Lemovicens. ann. 1031.—Concil. Avenionens. ann. 1209 c. 1.—Concil. Lateranens. ann. 1215 c. 10.—Millot, Hist. Litt. des Troubadours, II. 61.

[16] S. Bernard. Epistt. 271, 274, 276.—Can. 2, 3, Extra Lib. i. Tit. xiii.—Thomassin, Discip. de l’Église. P. IV. Lib. ii. cap. 38.—Gaufridi Vosiensis Chron. ann. 1181.—Concil. Turon. ann. 1231. c. 16.—Concil. Lugdun. ann. 1274 c. 12.—P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 55, 60, 61.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. XI. 142.—Even a pontiff such us Innocent III. was not above intruding his dependants upon the churches everywhere. His registers are full of such missives.

[17] Concil. Lateran. III. ann. 1179 c. 13, 14; IV. ann. 1215 c. 29.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 82, 191, 471.—P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 31, 32, 34. 80.—Honor. PP. III. Epist. ad Archiep. Bituricens. ann. 1219.—Urbani. PP. V. Constit. 1367 (Harduin. Concil. VII. 1767).—Isambert. Anc. Loix Franç. I. 252.—Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1246 (Ed. 1644 p. 483)—Wadding. Annal. Minor, ann. 1238, No. 8.—D’Argentré, Collect. Judicior. de Nov. Error. I. I. 143.

The correspondence of the papal chancery under Innocent IV., as preserved in the official register, for the first three months of 1245, embraces three hundred and thirty-two letters, and of these about one fifth are dispensations to sixty-five persons to hold pluralities (Berger, Registres d’Innoc. IV. t. I.). A considerable proportion of the remainder are licenses for violations of canon law, showing how exhaustless were the vices of the clergy as a source of profit to the curia. For the rapacity with which the benefices of the dying were sought and disputed, see ibid. No. 1611.

[18] Clement. PP. IV. Epist. 456. (Martene Thesaur. II. 461).—Alcuini Epist. i. ad Arnon. Salisburg. (Pez Thesaur. II. i. 4).—Decreti P. II. Caus. XIII. Gratiani Comment, in Q. I. cap. i; Caus. XVI. Q. i. cap. 42, 43, 45-47, 56, 57; Caus. XVI. Q. vii. cap. 1-8.—Extra Lib. III. tit. xxx.—Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1189 c. 23.—Concil. Wigorn. ann. 1240 c. 44, 45.—Concil Mertonens. ann. 1300.—Concil. apud Pennam Fidelem ann. 1302 c. 7.—Concil. Maghfeldens. ann. 1332.—Concil. Londin. ann. 1342 c. 4, 5.—Concil. Nimociens. ann. 1298 c. 16.—Concil. Nicosiens. ann. 1340 c. 1.—Concil. Marciac. ann. 1326 c. 30.—Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368 c. 68-70.—Gerhohi Reichersperg. Lib. de Ædificio Dei c. 46.

[19] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. iii. cap. 40, 41.—Hist. Monast. S. Laurent. Leodiens. Lib. v. cap. 39.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. I. 220; II. 104.—Pet. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 27-29, 38-40.—Grandjean, Registre de Benoit XI. No. 975.—Concil. Lateran. IV. ann. 1215, c. 63-66.—Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1231, c. 14.—Teulet, Layettes II. 306, No. 2428.—Const. Provin. S. Edmund. Cantuar. ann. 1236, c. 8.—Synod. Wigorn. ann. 1240, c. 16, 26, 29.—Concil. Turon. ann. 1239, c. 4, 17.

[20] Synod. Andegav. ann. 1294, c. 3.—Capit. Car. Mag. II. ann. 811, cap. 5.—Concil. Cabillon. II. ann. 813, c. 6.—Concil. Turonens. III. ann. 813, c. 51.—Concil. Remens. ann. 813.—Concil. Mogunt. ann. 813, c. 6.—Can. 10, Extra Lib. III. tit. xxvi.—Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1227, c. 5.—Concil. Tolosan. ann. 1228, c. 5; ann. 1229, c. 16.—Concil. Rotomag. ann. 1231. c. 23.—Concil. Arelatens. ann. 1234, c. 21; ann. 1275, c. 8.—Constit. Provin. S. Edmund. Cantuar. ann. 1236, c. 33.—Concil. Albiens. ann. 1254, c. 11.—Concil. Andegav. ann. 1206; 1300.—Respons. Episc. Carcassonn. ann. 1275 (Martene Thesaur. I. 1151).—Concil. Nemausiens. ann. 1284, c. 8.—Concil. Reatinens. ann. 1303, c. 8.—Concil. Cameracens. ann. 1317.

[21] Decreti. II. Caus. xiii. Q. 2.—Can. 1-10, Sexto Lib. III. Tit. xxviii.—Anon Zwetlens. Hist. Rom. Pontif. No. 155 (Pez Thesaur. I. iii. 383).—Narrat. Restaur. Abbat. S. Martini Tornacens. cap. 86-89.—Synod. Wigorn. ann. 1240, c. 50.—Ripoll Bullar. Ord. Prædic. VII. 5.—Grandjean, Registre de Benoit XI. No. 974.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. VII. 165.—G.B. de Lagrèze, La Navarre, t. II. p. 165.—Concil. Avenion. ann. 1326, c. 27; ann. 1237, c. 32.—Teulet, Layettes II. 306, No. 2428.—Concil. Nimociens. ann. 1296, c. 17.—Constit. Joann. Arch. Nicosiens. ann. 1321, c. 10.—Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368, c. 63, 64.

[22] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. III. cap. 27.—P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 138.—Löwenfeld Epistt. Pont. Rom. ined. No. 92, 114 (Lipsiæ, 1885).—See the Author’s “Historical Sketch of Sacerdotal Celibacy,” 2d edition, 1884.

[23] Stephani Tornacens. Epist. xii.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. vi. 183; viii. 192-193; x. 209-210, 215; xv. 202. For the subsequent career of Waldemar of Sleswick, see Regest. xi. 10, 173; xii. 63; xiii. 158; xv. 3; Supplement. 187, 224, 228, 243. Cf. Arnold. Lubecens. vi. 18; vii. 12, 13; and Vaissette, Hist. Gén. de Languedoc, IV. 80 (ed. 1742). For details of clerical immunity, see the author’s “Studies in Church History,” 2d edition, 1883.

[24] Concil. ap. Campinacum ann. 1238, c. 1, 6.

[25] Varior. ad Alex. PP. III. Epist. xcv. (Migne, Patrolog. CC. 1457). Cf. Pet. Blesens. Epist. xc.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. i. 386, 476, 483, 499; v. 159; viii. 12; ix. 209; xiii. 132; xv. 105.—Pet. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 44.—Gerhohi Lib. de Ædificio Dei cap. 33; Ejusd. Exposit. in Psalm. lxiv. cap. 35.—Chron. S. Trudon. Libb. iii., iv., v.—Hist. Vezeliacens. Libb. ii.-iv.—Chron. Senoniens. Libb. iv., v.—Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. iv. cap. 65-67. For ample details as to the immorality of the monasteries, see the author’s “History of Celibacy.”

[26] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. I. cap. 3, 24, 31.—Hist Monast. Andaginens. cap. 34.

[27] Gregor. PP. I. Dialog. IV. 55.—D’Achery Spicileg. III. 382.—Chron. S. Trudon. Lib. VI.

[28] Augustin. de Op. Monachor. ii. 3.—Cassiani. de Cœnob. Instit. ii. 3.—Hieron. Epistt. XXXIX.; cxxv. 16.—Regul. S. Benedicti. cap. 1.—S. Isidor. Hispal. de Eccles. Offic. II. xvi. 3, 7.—Ludov. Pii de Reform. Eccles. cap. 100.—Smaragd. Comment. in Regul. Benedict. c. 1.—Ripoll Bull. Ord. FF. Prædic. I. 38.—Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. VI. cap. 20.—Catalog. Varior. Hæreticor. (Bib. Max. Patrum. Ed. 1618, t. XIII. p. 309).

[29] Brevis Hist. Prior. Grandimont.—Stephani Tornacens. Epistt. 115, 152, 153, 156, 162.

Prior Peter’s fear that the convent would be converted into a market-place and a fair is illustrated by the complaint of the Council of Béziers in 1233, that many religious houses were in the habit of retailing their wine within the sacred enclosure, and attracting consumers by having jugglers, actors, gamblers, and strumpets there.—Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1233, c. 23.

[30] Giberti Gemblac. Epistt. v. vi.

[31] Petri Exoniens. Summ. Exigendi Confess. ann. 1287 (Harduin. VII. 1128).—Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. III. cap. 45.—Martene Ampliss. Coll. I. 357.

[32] P. Damiani Opusc. V.—Concil. Trident. Sess. vi. Decret. de Justific. c. 16, 30.—Migne, Encyclopédic Theologique. t. XXVII. pp. 59-63, 118.—Abælardi Ethica, cap. 25.—Cap. 14 Extra Lib. v. tit. iii.—Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 72.—Alani de Insulis contra Hæret. Lib. II. cap. xi.—Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. 29 Apr. 1228; 18 Jul. 1237 (Potthast Regesta, I. 705, 884).—Addis and Arnold’s Catholic Dict. s. v. Portiuncula.—Lib. Conformitatum S. Fran. Lib. II. tract. ii. (fol. 135-138. Ed. 1513).—Bonifacii PP. VIII. Bull. Antiquorum habet.—Concil. Claromont. ann. 1195, c. 2.—Urbani PP. II. Synodalis Concio.—Concil. Lateran. IV. can. ult.—Le Grand d’Aussy, Fabliaux, I. 379, 392.—Prediche del B. Frà Giordano da Rivalto (Firenze, 1831, I. 253).—Nicolai PP. IV. Bull. Illuminit, ann. 1291.—Gregor. PP. XI. Bull. Dudum, 23 Apr. 1372.

The mediæval doctrine of indulgence is truly expressed by Alonso, Bishop of Avila, in 1443, when disculpating himself to Eugenius IV. from an accusation of doubting the papal power: “Papa etiam potest absolvere ab omnibus peccatis et potest dare plenariam indulgentiam, liberando homine a tota pœna Purgatorii, scilicet faciendo quod non veniet in illum etiamsi multa pœna (peccata) commiserit” (D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Error. I. ii. 241). Yet when an enthusiastic Franciscan taught at Tournay, in 1482, that the pope at will could empty purgatory, the University of Paris qualified the proposition as doubtful and scandalous (Ibid. I. ii. 305). The same year the University again interfered, when the church of Saintes, having procured a bull of indulgence from Sixtus IV., announced publicly that, no matter how long a period of punishment had been assigned by divine justice to a soul, it would fly from purgatory to heaven as soon as three sols were paid in its behalf to be expended in repairing the church (Ibid. 307). In 1518 the university was obliged to repeat its condemnation of the same promises made to those who would contribute a teston for the crusade which was always under way and never attempted (Ib. 355). Yet the doctrine thus condemned by the university was pronounced to be unquestionable Catholic truth by the Dominican Silvestro Mozzolino, in his refutation of Luther’s Theses, dedicated to Leo X. (F. Silvest. Prieriatis Dialogus, No. 27). As Silvestro was made general of his order and master of the sacred palace, it is evident that no exceptions to his teaching were taken at Rome. Those who doubt that the abuses of the system were the proximate cause of the Reformation can consult Van Espen, Jur. Eccles. Universi P. II. tit. vii. cap. 3 No. 9-12. Cf. Ibid. P. II. tit. xxxvii. cap. 6 No. 43-46, for their continuance into the eighteenth century.

The modern commercial spirit has not failed to take advantage of the indulgence. The Libreria Religiosa of Barcelona is enabled to advertise that various Spanish prelates have granted an indulgence of 2320 days (fifty-eight quarantaines) to every one who will read or hear read a chapter or even a single page of any of its publications.

[33] Concil. Turon. ann. 1236, c. 1.—Établissements de S. Louis, Liv. i. cap. 84.—Berger, Les Registres d’Innocent IV. No. 2230.

[34] Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1251 (p. 553, Ed. 1644).—Chron. Turon. ann. 1226.—Joannis PP. XXII. Regest. IV. 73, 74, 76, 77, 95, 97, 99.—Baluz. et Mansi Miscell. III. 242.—Concil. Ravennat. ann. 1314, c. 20.

[35] Concil. Avenion. ann. 1326, c. 3.—Concil. Marciacens. ann. 1326, c. 45.—Concil. Vaurens. ann. 1368, c. 127.—Concil. Narbonn. ann. 1374, c. 27.

The magic character attributed to these formulas of devotion is well illustrated by the story of Thierry d’Avesnes, who, during a raid into the territories of Baldwin of Mons, burned the convents of St. Waltruda of Mons, and St. Aldegonda of Maubeuge. Thereupon a holy hermit had a vision in which he saw the two angry saints demanding from the Virgin satisfaction for their injuries. This the Virgin refused, because Ada, the wife of Thierry, rendered to her the most grateful service by repeating the Ave Maria sixty times a day—twenty standing, twenty on her knees, and twenty prostrate. The saints still insisted on their wrongs, and the Virgin at length promised them revenge, when it could be inflicted without injury to Ada. Some years afterwards Thierry incautiously procured a divorce from her on the plea of consanguinity, because she remained barren after twenty years of marriage, and in a short time, while hunting, he was ambushed and slain by an enemy. His nephew and successor, Joscelin, took warning by this, and was very particular in constantly repeating the Ave Maria, and forcing his troopers to do likewise, so that, although he wrought much evil, yet he made a good ending.—Narrat. Restaur. S. Martini Tornacens. cap. 57.

Somewhat similar is the story of the knight, who, though cruel and revengeful, had such veneration for the cross that he never passed one without descending from his horse and adoring it. Once, when riding alone through a dense forest, he was assailed by the kinsmen of a noble whom he had slain, and was forced to seek safety in flight. Coming to a cross-road, where stood a cross, he dismounted and knelt before it, when his enemies, coming up, were struck with sudden blindness, and groped vainly around, while he rode quietly away.—Lucæ Tudensis de Altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 6.

[36] Concil. Lateran. IV. c. 62.—P. de Pilichdorf contr. Waldenses cap. xxx.—Concil. Biterrens. ann. 1246, c. 5.—Concil. Cenomanens. ann. 1248.—Concil. Burdegalens. ann. 1255, c. 2.—Concil. Vienn. ann. 1311 (Clementin. Lib. v. tit. ix. c. 2).—Concil. Remens. ann. 1303.—Concil. Carnotens. ann. 1325, c. 18.—Martene Thesaur. IV. 858.—Martene Ampliss. Collect. VII. 197, etc.—Concil. Moguntin. ann. 1261, c. 48.—La Secchia Rapita, xii. 1. For the repression of these abuses after the Reformation see cap. 1, 2 in Septimo iii. 15.

[37] Gesta. Consulum. Andegavens. iii. 23.—Roger. Hoveden. ann. 1177.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. IX. 243.—Cæesar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. VIII. cap. 53.—Muratori. Antiq. Med. Ævi Dissert. lviii.—Anon. Passaviens. adv. Waldens. cap. 5 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 301).

[38] Hartzheim. Concil. German. III. 543.—Campana, Storia di San Piero Martire Lib. II. cap. 3.—Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. IX. cap. 6, 8, 24, 25.

[39] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. X. cap. 56.—Wibaldi Abbat. Corbeiens. Epist. 157.—P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 29.

[40] Cæsar. Heisterbac. Dial. Mirac. Dist. III. cap. 2, 3, 6; Dist. v. cap. 3.

[41] S. Bernardi Serm. de Conversione cap. 19, 20.—Ejusd. Serm. 77 in Cantica cap. 1.—Cf. Ejusd. Serm. 33 in Cantica cap. 16; Tract. de Moribus et Offic. Episc. cap. vii. No. 25, 27, 28.—De Consideratione Lib. III. cap. 4, 5.—Pothon. Prumiens. de Statu Domus Dei Lib. I.

[42] Cod. Diplom. Viennens. No. 163.—P. Cantor. Verb. abbrev. cap. 57, 59—Guiberti Abbat. Gemblacens. Epist. 1.—S. Hildegardæ Revelat. Vis. X. cap. 16.

[43] Honor. PP. III. Epist. ad Archiep. Bituricens. (Martene Collect. Amplis. I. 1149-1151; Thesaur. Anecdot. I. 875-877).—Fascic. Rer. Expetendarum et Fugiendarum, II. 251 (Ed. 1690).—W. Preger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Waldesier, München, 1875, pp. 64-67.

[44] Guill. Pod. Laurent. Chron. Proœm.—Narrat. Restaur. Abbat S. Martini Tornacens. cap. 38.—Panniers Walthers von der Vogelweide sämmtliche Gedichte, No. 110, p. 118. Cf. No. 85, 111-113.

[45] From “La Gesta de Fra Peyre Cardinal,” Raynouard, Lexique Roman, I. 464. See also pp. 446, 451. Cardinal was of noble birth and high consideration at the courts of Aragon and Toulouse; he was born in 1206, and is said to have lived until 1306. He was no heretic, although “los fals clerques reprendia molt.”—(Miquel de la Tor, Vie de Peire Cardinal, ap. Meyer, Anciens Textes p. 100.)—See also his Sirvente, “Un sirventes vuelh for dels autz glotos” (Raynouard, Lexique Roman, I. 447).

[46] Pelayo, Heterodoxos Españoles I. 405 (Madrid, 1880).—Petri Venerab. Opp. pp. 650 sqq. (Ed. Migne).—F. Francisci Pipini Chron. cap. 16.—Rigord. de Gest. Phil. Aug. ann. 1210.—Concil. Paris. ann. 1210.—Gregor. PP. IX. Bull. Cum salutem, 29 Apr. 1231.—S. Bernardi de Consideratione Lib. i. cap. 4.

For the adoration paid to Aristotle by the schoolmen of the twelfth century see John of Salisbury’s Metalogicus Lib. ii. c. 16.

[47] Reinerii contra Waldenses cap. 3.—Tractatus de Modo procedendi contra Hæreticos (MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat XXX. 185 sqq.).—Lucæ Tudensis de Altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 7-10.—P. de Pilichdorf contra Waldenses cap. 16.—Passaviens. Anon. (Preger, Beiträge, pp. 64-67).—Raynouard, Lexique Roman, V. 471.

[48] Concil. Roman. ann. 1059, can. 3.—Lambert. Hersfeld. ann. 1074.—Gregor. PP. VII. Epist. Extrav. 4; Regist. Lib. IV. Ep. 20.—Concil. Remens. ann. 1131, c. 5.—Concil. Lateran. II. ann. 1139, c. 7.—c. 5, 6, Decret. I. xxxii.; c. 15; I. lxxxi.—Gerhohi Dial. de Different. Cleri. Cf. Ejusd. Lib. contr. duas Hæreses c. 3, 6; Dialogus de Clericis Sæcul. et Regular.—Anon. Libell. adv. Errores Alberonis (Martene Ampliss. Collect. IX. 1251-1270).—Can. 10 Extra Lib. III. tit. ii.—D’Argentré, Collect. Judic. de novis Erroribus, I. ii. 154.—Fortalicium Fidei, fol. 62 b (Ed. 1494). The importance of the question in the twelfth century is shown by the number of canons devoted to it by Gratian.

[49] Hartzheim Concil. German. III. 763-766.—Meyeri Annal. Flandriæ Lib. IV. ann. 1113-1115.—Sigeberti Gemblacens. Contin. Valcellens. ann. 1115.—P. Abælardi Introd. ad Theolog. Lib. II. cap. 4.—Trithem. Chron. Hirsaug. ann. 1127.—Vit. S. Norbert. Archiep. Magdeburg, cap. iii. No. 79, 80.

[50] Sigibert. Gemblac. Continuat. Gemblac. ann. 1146.—Ejusd. Continuat. Præmonstrat. ann. 1148.—Roberti de Monte Chron. ann. 1148.—Guillel. de Newburg. Lib. I. cap. 19.—Otton. Frising. de Gest. Frid. I. Lib. I. cap. 54, 55.—Hugon. Rothomag. contr. Hæret. Lib. III. cap. 6.—Schmidt, Histoire des Cathares, I. 49.

[51] Saige, Les Juifs du Languedoc. P. I. ch. ii.; P. II. ch. ii. (Paris, 1881). The same causes were at work in Spain, where the faithful complained that they were not allowed to persecute the Jew (Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. III. cap. 3), and missionary work among the slaves of Jews was rendered costly by forcing the bishop of the diocese to pay to the master an extortionate price for every slave converted to Christianity and thus set free, for Jews could not hold Christian slaves. They were also relieved from the oppressive tax of the tithe (Innocent. III. Regest. VIII. 50; IX. 150). Even until late in the thirteenth century we find Jews freely holding real estate in Languedoc. See MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat. T. XXXVII. fol. 20, 146, 148, 149, 151, 152.

For the independence of the communes, see Fauriel’s edition of William of Tudela, Introd. pp. lv. sq., and Mazure et Hatoulet, Fors de Béarn, p. xliii.

[52] Jonæ. Aureliens. de Cultu Imaginum.—Petri Venerab. Tract. contra Petrobrusianos.—P. Abælardi Introd. ad Theolog. Lib. II. cap. 4.—Alphonsi a Castro adv. Hæreses Lib. III. p. 163 (Ed. 1571).—Fisquet, La France Pontificale, Embrun, p. 848.

[53] S. Bernardi Epistt. 241, 242.—Gesta Pontif. Cenomanens. (D. Bouquet T. XII. pp. 547-551, 554).—Hildebert. Cenoman. Epistt. 23, 24.—S. Bernardi Vit. Prim. Lib. III. cap. 6; Lib. VII. p. iii. ad calcem; Lib. VII. cap. 17.—Guill. de Podio-Laurent. cap. 1.—Alberic. Trium Font. Chron. ann. 1148.

[54] Matt. Paris. Hist. Angl. ann. 1151.—S. Bernardi Epist. 472.—Hereberti Monachi Epist. (D. Bouquet. XII. 550-551).

[55] S. Bernardi Epistt. 189, 195, 196, 243, 244.—Gualt. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. I. cap. xxiv.—Otton. Frisingens. de Gestis Frid. I. Lib. I. cap. 27; Lib. II. cap. 20.—Harduin. Concil. VI. ii. 1224.—Martene Ampliss. Collect. II. 554-558.—Guntheri Ligurin. Lib. III. 262-348.—Gerhohi Reichersperg. de Investigat. Antichristi I.—Baronii Annal. ann. 1148, No. 38.—Jaffé Regesta, No. 6445.—Vit. Adriani PP. III. (Muratori III. 441, 442).—Sächsische Weltchronik, No. 301.—Cantù, Eretici d’Italia, I. 61-63.—Tocco, L’Eresia nel Medio Evo, pp. 242, 243.—Comba, La Riforma in Italia, I. 193, 194.—Bonghi, Arnaldo da Brescia, Città di Castello, 1885.

[56] Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.—Bonacursi Vit. Hæreticor. (D’Achery T.I. 214, 215).—Constit. General. Frid. II. ann. 1220 § 5.—Ejusd. Constit. Ravennat. ann. 1232.—Conrad. Urspergens. ann. 1210.—Pauli Æmilii de Rebus. Gest. Fran. Lib. VI. p. 316 (Ed. 1569).—Nicolai PP. III. Bull. Noverit Universitas, 5 Mart. 1280.—Julii PP. II. Bull Consueverunt, 1 Mart. 1511.—Innocent. PP. III. Regest. II. 228.—Joann. Andreæ Gloss. super cap. Excommunicamus (Eymerici Direct. Inquisit. p. 182). The name of the Poor Men of Lyons was likewise forgotten, for Andreas’s only remark with respect to them is that poverty is not a crime in itself.

The differences between the Italian and French Waldenses are set forth in a very interesting letter from the former to the German brethren, subsequently to a conference held at Bergamo in 1218. This was discovered about twelve years ago by Wilhelm Preger in a MS. of the Royal Library of Munich, and is printed in his Beiträge zur Geschichte der Waldesier im Mittelalter, 1875.

[57] Chron. Canon. Laudunens. ann. 1173 (Bouquet XIII. 680).—Steph. de Borbone s. Bellavilla Lib. de Sept. Donis Spiritus, P. IV. Tit. vii. cap. 3 (D’Argentré Coll. Judicior. de Nov. Error. I. i. 85 sqq.)—Richard. Cluniacens. Vit. Alex. PP. III. (Muratori III. 447).—David Augustens. Tract. de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1778).—Monetæ adv. Cath. et Waldens. Lib. v. cap. 1 § 4.—Pet. Sarnens. cap. 2.—Passaviens. Anon. ap. Gretser (Mag. Bib. Pat. Ed. 1618, T. XIII. p. 300).—Petri de Pilichdorf contr. Hæres. Waldens. cap. 1.—Pegnæ Comment. 39 in Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. 280.

The pretension of the Waldenses to descend from the primitive Church through the Leonistæ and Claudius of Turin is, I believe, now generally abandoned. See Edouard Montet, Histoire Litt. des Vaudois, Paris, 1885, pp. 32, 33; Prof. Emilio Comba, in the Rivista Christiana, Giugno, 1882, pp. 200-206, and his Riforma in Italia, I. 233 sqq.—Bernard Gui, in his Practica, P. v. (MSS. Bib. Nat. Coll. Doat. T. XXX. fol. 185 sqq.), following Richard of Cluny and Stephen of Bourbon, places the rise of Peter Waldo about 1170, and the Canon of Laon gives the date of 1173.

The time and place of Peter Waldo’s death are unknown. His French disciples affectionately revered his memory and that of his assistant Vivet, to the extent of asserting, as a point of belief, that they were in Paradise with God; the Lombard branch, however, would only prudently admit that they might be saved if they had satisfied God before death; both sides were obstinate, and at the Conference of Bergamo, in 1218, this promised to make a schism (Rescript. Paup. Lombard. 15.—W. Preger, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Waldesier, pp. 58, 59).

Waldensian literature long retained the impress given to it by Waldo of stringing together extracts from the Fathers of the Church. The slavishness with which these were followed is curiously exemplified in an exposition of Canticles analyzed by M. Montet (op. cit. p. 66). The verse “Take us the little foxes, the little foxes that spoil the vines” (Cant. ii. 15) in mediæval exegesis was traditionally explained by the ravages of heretics in the Church. In the papal bulls urging the Inquisition to redoubled activity the heretics are habitually alluded to as the foxes which ravage the vineyard of the Lord. If any originality could be looked for in Waldensian exposition, we might expect it in this passage, and yet Angelomus, Bruno, and Bernard are duly quoted by the Waldensian teacher to show that the foxes are heretics and the vines are the Church.

[58] Chron. Canon. Laudunens. ann. 1177, 1178 (Bouquet XIII. 682).—Stephani de Borbone 1. c.—Richard. Cluniac. 1. c.—David Augustens. 1. c.—Monetæ 1. c.—Gault. Mapes de Nugis Curialium Dist. 1. cap. xxxi.—Lucii PP. III. Epist. 171.—Conrad. Ursperg. ann. 1210—Bernardi Fontis Calidi adv. Waldenses Liber.

[59] Alani de Insulis contra Hæreticos Lib. II.—Disputat. inter Cathol. et Paterin. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1754).—Rescript. Pauperum Lombard. 21, 22 (W. Preger, Beiträge, pp. 60, 61).—Eymerici Direct. Inquis. p. ii. q. 14. (pp. 278, 279).—Petri Sarnaii Hist. Albigens. cap. 2.—In 1321, a man and wife brought before the Inquisition of Toulouse both refused to swear, and they alleged as a reason, in addition to the sinful nature of the oath, the man that it would subject him to falling sickness, the woman that she would have an abortion (Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. Ed. Limborch, p. 289).

In the persecution of the Waldenses of Piedmont towards the close of the fourteenth century, one of the crucial questions of the inquisitors was as to belief in the validity of the sacraments of sinful priests.—Processus contra Valdenses (Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 39, p. 48).

[60] Rivista Cristiana, Marzo, 1887, p. 92.—Pegnæ Comment. 39 in Eymerici Director. p. 281.—Steph. de Borbone 1. c.—Concil. Gerundens. ann. 1197 (Aguirre, V. 102, 103).—Marca Hispanica, p. 1384.

[61] See the Sentences of Pierre Cella in Doat, XXII—Montet, Hist. Litt. des Vaudois, pp. 116 sq.

[62] Tract. de Paup. de Lugd. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1792).—Wadding. Annal. Minor. Ann. 1332, No. 6.—Bern. Guidon. Practica P. v. (Doat, XXX.).—Montet Hist. Litt. pp. 38, 44, 45, 89, 142.—Haupt, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte, 1885 p. 551.—Pet. Cœlest. (Preger, Beiträge, pp. 68, 69).—Kaltner, Konrad von Marburg, pp. 69-71.—Rescript. Paup. Lombard. §§ 4, 5, 17, 19, 22, 23.—Nobla Leyczon, 409-413; cf. Montet. pp. 49, 50, 103, 104, 143.—Passaviens. Anon. cap. 5 (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 300).—Disput. inter Cath. et Paterin. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1754).—David Augustens. (ibid. p. 1778).—Lucæ Tudens. de altera Vita Lib. I. cap. 4-7.—Tract. de modo procedendi contra Hæret. (Doat XXX.).—Index Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 340).—P. de Pilichdorf contra Waldens. cap. 34.—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. pp. 200, 201.—Nobla Leyczon, 17-24, 387-405, 416-423.

Yet it was impossible to resist the contagion of superstition. The Pomeranian Waldenses, in 1394, are described as believing that if a man died within a year after confession and absolution, he went directly to heaven. Even speaking with a minister preserved one from damnation for a year. There is even a case of a legacy of eight marks for prayers for the soul of the deceased.—Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss. Akad. 1886, pp. 51, 52.

[63] Passaviens. Anon. cap. 5.—Bernard. Guidon. Practica P. v.—David Augustens. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1786).—Steph. de Borbone, l. c.—Wattenbach, ubi sup.—Lib. Sententt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 352.

[64] Wattenbach, Sitzungsberichte der Preuss. Akad. 1886, p. 51.—Lib. Sentt. Inq. Tolosan. p. 367.—Anon. Passaviens. cap. 7, 8.—Refutat. Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 336).—David Augustens. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1771-1772).—Archivio Storico Italiano, 1865, No. 38, pp. 39, 40.—Rorengo, Memorie Istoriche, Torino 1649, p. 12.—Even as late as the end of the fourteenth century, in the extensive inquisitions of the Celestinian Peter, from Styria to Pomerania, there is no allusion to immoral practices. (Preger, Beiträge, pp. 68-72; Wattenbach, ubi sup.).

For the ascetic tendency of the Waldenses, recognizing vows of chastity, and the seduction of nuns as incest, see Montet, pp. 97, 98, 108-110. For the merit of fasting, see p. 99.

[65] Lib. Sententt. Inquis. Tolosan. p. 367.—Anon. Passaviens. cap. 1, 3, 7, 8.—Refutat. Error. Waldens. (Mag. Bib. Pat. XIII. 336).—David Augustens. (Martene Thesaur. V. 1771, 1772, 1782, 1794).—P. de Pilichdorf contra Error. Waldens. cap. 1.—Innocent PP. III. Regest. II. 141.—La Nobla Leyczon, 368-373.—Frat. Jordani Chron. (Analecta Franciscana, T. I. p. 4. Quaracchi, 1885).