We favor the associated policy of reciprocity, so directed as to open our markets on favorable terms for what we do not ourselves produce, in return for free foreign markets.
RESTRICTION OF IMMIGRATION, AND OTHER LABOR LEGISLATION.
In the further interest of American workmen we favor a more effective restriction of the immigration of cheap labor from foreign lands, the extension of opportunities of education for working-children, the raising of the age limit for child-labor, the protection of free labor as against contract convict labor, and an effective system of labor insurance.
SHIPPING.
Our present dependence upon foreign shipping for nine-tenths of our foreign-carrying trade is a great loss to the industry of this country. It is also a serious danger to our trade, for its sudden withdrawal in the event of European war would seriously cripple our expanding foreign commerce. The national defense and naval efficiency of this country, moreover, supply a compelling reason for legislation which will enable us to recover our former place among the trade carrying fleets of the world.
DEBT TO SOLDIERS AND SAILORS.
The nation owes a debt of profound gratitude to the soldiers and sailors who have fought its battles, and it is the government's duty to provide for the survivors and for the widows and orphans of those who have fallen in the country's wars. The pension laws, founded on this just sentiment, should be liberally administered, and preference should be given, wherever practicable, with respect to employment in the public service, to soldiers and sailors and to their widows and orphans.
THE CIVIL SERVICE.
We commend the policy of the Republican Party in maintaining the efficiency of the civil service. The administration has acted wisely in its effort to secure for public service in Cuba, Porto Rico, Hawaii, and the Philippine Islands, only those whose fitness has been determined by training and experience. We believe that employment in the public service in these territories should be confined, as far as practicable, to their inhabitants.
THE RACE QUESTION.
It was the plain purpose of the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution to prevent discrimination on account of race or color in regulating the elective franchise. Devices of state governments, whether by statutory or constitutional enactment, to avoid the purpose of this amendment are revolutionary and should be condemned.
PUBLIC ROADS.
Public movements looking to a permanent improvement of the roads and highways of the country meet with our cordial approval, and we recommend this subject to the earnest consideration of the people and of the legislatures of the several states.
RURAL FREE DELIVERY.
We favor the extension of the rural free delivery service wherever its extension may be justified.
LAND LEGISLATION.
In further pursuance of the constant policy of the Republican Party to provide free homes on the public domain we recommend adequate national legislation to reclaim the arid lands of the United States, reserving control of the distribution of water for irrigation to the respective states and territories.
NEW STATES PROPOSED.
We favor home-rule for, and the early admission to statehood of, the territories of New Mexico, Arizona and Oklahoma.
REDUCTION OF WAR TAXES.
The Dingley Act, amended to provide sufficient revenue for the conduct of the war, has so well performed its work that it has been possible to reduce the war debt in the sum of $40,000,000. So ample are the government's revenues and so great is the public confidence in the integrity of its obligations, that its newly funded 2 per cent. bonds sell at a premium. The country is now justified in expecting, and it will be the policy of the Republican Party to bring about, a reduction of the war taxes.
ISTHMIAN CANAL AND NEW MARKETS.
We favor the construction, ownership, control, and protection of an isthmian canal by the government of the United States. New markets are necessary for the increasing surplus of our farm products. Every effort should be made to open and obtain new markets, especially in the Orient, and the administration is to be warmly commended for its successful efforts to commit all trading and colonizing nations to the policy of the open door in China.
DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE.
In the interest of our expanding commerce we recommend that Congress create a Department of Commerce and Industries, in the charge of a secretary with a seat in the cabinet. The United States consular system should be reorganized under the supervision of this new department, upon such a basis of appointment and tenure as will render it still more servicable to the nation's increasing trade.
PROTECTION OF CITIZENS.
The American government must protect the person and property of every citizen wherever they are wrongfully violated or placed in peril.
SERVICES OF WOMEN.
We congratulate the women of America upon their splendid record of public service in the Volunteer Aid Association and as nurses in camp and hospital during the recent campaigns of our armies in the East and West Indies, and we appreciate their faithful co-operation in all works of education and industry.
FOREIGN AFFAIRS, SAMOAN AND HAWAIIAN ISLANDS.
President McKinley has conducted the foreign affairs of the United States with distinguished credit to the American people. In releasing us from vexatious conditions of a European alliance for the government of Samoa, his course is especially to be commended. By securing to our undivided control the most important island of the Samoan group and the best harbor in the Southern Pacific, every American interest has been safeguarded.
We approve the annexation of the Hawaiian islands to the United States.
THE HAGUE CONFERENCE, THE MONROE DOCTRINE, THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR.
We commend the part taken by our government in the Peace Conference at The Hague. We assert our steadfast adherence to the policy announced in the Monroe doctrine. The provisions of The Hague convention was wisely regarded when President McKinley tendered his friendly offices in the interest of peace between Great Britain and the South African Republic. While the American Government must continue the policy prescribed by Washington, affirmed by every succeeding president, and imposed upon us by The Hague Treaty, of non-intervention in European controversies, the American people earnestly hope that a way may soon be found, honorable alike to both contending parties, to terminate the strife between them.
SOVEREIGNITY IN NEW POSSESSIONS.
In accepting, by the Treaty of Paris, the just responsibility of our victories in the Spanish War, the President and the Senate won the undoubted approval of the American people. No other course was possible than to destroy Spain's sovereignity throughout the West Indies and in the Philippine Islands. That course created our responsibility before the world and with the unorganized population whom our intervention had freed from Spain, to provide for the maintenance of law and order, and for the establishment of good government, and for the performance of international obligations.
Our authority could not be less than our responsibility, and wherever sovereign rights were extended it became the high duty of the government to maintain its authority, to put down armed insurrection, and to confer the blessings of liberty and civilization upon all the rescued people.
The largest measure of self-government consistent with their welfare and our duties shall be secured to them by law.
INDEPENDENCE OF CUBA.
To Cuba, independence and self-government were assured in the same voice by which war was declared, and to the letter this pledge shall be performed.
INVOKES THE JUDGMENT OF THE PEOPLE.
The Republican Party, upon its history and upon this declaration of its principles and policies, confidently invokes the considerate and approving judgment of the American people.
On the third day of the Convention, Thursday, June 21, 1900, Mr. Quay, of Pennsylvania, withdrew a plan of representation which he had presented the previous day, and the Convention proceeded to the nominations for President and Vice-President. Alabama yielded to Ohio, and Senator Joseph B. Foraker, of Ohio, who had the same great honor four years previous, went to the platform and in a speech of great vigor and eloquence nominated William McKinley, of Ohio, for President. The nomination was seconded by Theodore Roosevelt, of New York, Senator John M. Thurston, John W. Yerkes, of Kentucky, George Knight, of California, and Governor James A. Mount, of Indiana. There were no further nominations. The ballot showed that 930 votes had been cast, and that William McKinley had received 930, and pandemonium broke loose. After it had subsided, Col. Lafe Young, in a remarkable speech, withdrew the name of Jonathan P. Dolliver for Vice-President and nominated Theodore Roosevelt of New York. Butler Murray, of Massachusetts, and James A. Ashton, of Washington, seconded the nomination, and in response to demands for "Depew! Depew!" that gentleman came forward and with his customary eloquence and wit also seconded the nomination. The balloting then proceeded and Theodore Roosevelt received 929 votes, he having refrained from voting for himself. Thus, in this Convention, for the first time in the history of the party, the candidates for President and Vice-President were practically nominated by acclamation.
The Democratic National Convention met at Kansas City, Mo., July 4-6, 1900. There was a long wrangle in the Committee on Resolutions over the silver plank in the platform, but it was finally adopted by a vote of 26 to 24, and the Convention adopted the platform by acclamation. The platform declared that while not taking a backward step from any position of the party, Imperialism growing out of the Spanish war was the paramount issue. The Kansas City platform is here given in full as of great interest in the pending campaign.
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM, 1900.
We, the representatives of the Democratic Party of the United States, assembled in national convention, on the anniversary of the adoption of the declaration of independence, do reaffirm our faith in that immortal proclamation of the inalienable rights of man, and our allegiance to the constitution framed in harmony therewith by the fathers of the republic. We hold with the United States Supreme Court that the declaration of independence is the spirit of our government, of which the constitution is the form and letter.
We declare again that all governments instituted among men derive their just powers from the consent of the governed; that any government not based upon the consent of the governed is a tyranny, and that to impose upon any people a government of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for those of a republic. We hold that the constitution follows the flag, and denounce the doctrine that an executive or Congress, deriving their existence and their powers from the constitution, can exercise lawful authority beyond it, or in violation of it.
We assert that no nation can long endure half republic and half empire, and we warn the American people that imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home.
PORTO RICO LAW DENOUNCED.
Believing in these fundamental principles, we denounce the Porto Rico law, enacted by a Republican Congress against the protest and opposition of the Democratic minority, as a bold and open violation of the nation's organic law, and a flagrant breach of the national good faith.
It imposes upon the people of Porto Rico a government without their consent, and taxation without representation. It dishonors the American people by repudiating a solemn pledge made in their behalf by the commanding General of our army, which the Porto Ricans welcomed to a peaceful and unresisted occupation of their land. It doomed to poverty and distress a people whose helplessness appeals with peculiar force to our justice and magnanimity.
In this, the first act of its imperialistic programme, the Republican party seeks to commit the United States to a colonial policy, inconsistent with Republican institutions, and condemned by the Supreme Court in numerous decisions.
PLEDGES TO THE CUBANS.
We demand the prompt and honest fulfillment of our pledge to the Cuban people and the world that the United States has no disposition or intention to exercise sovereignity, jurisdiction, or control over the Island of Cuba, except for its pacification. The war ended nearly two years ago, profound peace reigns over all the island, and still the administration keeps the government of the island from its people, while Republican carpet-bag officials plunder its revenues and exploit the colonial theory, to the disgrace of the American people.
THE PHILIPPINE QUESTION.
We condemn and denounce the Philippine policy of the present administration. It has involved the republic in unnecessary war, sacrificed the lives of many of our noblest sons, and placed the United States, previously known and applauded throughout the world as the champion of freedom, in the false and un-American position of crushing with military force the efforts of our former allies to achieve liberty and self-government. The Filipinos cannot become citizens without endangering our civilization; they cannot become subjects without imperiling our form of government, and we are not willing to surrender our civilization or to convert the republic into an empire; we favor an immediate declaration of the nation's purpose to give to the Filipinos first, a stable form of government; second, independence; and, third, protection from outside interference such as has been given for nearly a century to the republics of Central and South America.
The greedy commercialism which dictated the Philippine policy of the Republican administration attempts to justify it with the plea that it will pay, but even this sordid and unworthy plea fails when brought to the test of facts. The war of criminal aggression against the Filipinos, entailing an annual expense of many millions, has already cost more than any possible profit that could accrue from the entire Philippine trade for years to come. Furthermore, when trade is extended at the expense of liberty the price is always too high.
We are not opposed to territorial expansion when it takes in desirable territory which can be erected into states in the Union and whose people are willing and fit to become American citizens.
We favor trade expansion by every peaceful and legitimate means. But we are unalterably opposed to the seizing or purchasing of distant islands to be governed outside the constitution and whose people can never become citizens.
We are in favor of extending the republic's influence among the nations, but believe that influence should be extended, not by force and violence, but through the persuasive power of a high and honorable example.
The importance of other questions now pending before the American people is in no wise diminished, and the Democratic party takes no backward step from its position on them, but the burning issue of imperialism growing out of the Spanish war involves the very existence of the republic and the destruction of our free institutions. We regard it as the paramount issue of the campaign.
[Illustration: Marcus A. Hanna.]
THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
The declaration in the Republican platform adopted at the Philadelphia convention, held in June, 1900, that the Republican party "steadfastly adheres to the policy announced in the Monroe doctrine" is manifestly insincere and deceptive. This profession is contradicted by the avowed policy of that party in opposition to the spirit of the Monroe doctrine to acquire and hold sovereignity over large areas of territory and large numbers of people in the Eastern hemisphere. We insist on the strict maintenance of the Monroe doctrine and in all its integrity, both in letter and in spirit, as necessary to prevent the extension of European authority on this continent and as essential to our supremacy in American affairs. At the same time we declare that no American people shall ever be held by force in unwilling subjection to European authority.
OPPOSITION TO MILITARISM.
We oppose militarism. It means conquest abroad and intimidation and oppression at home. It means the strong arm which has ever been fatal to free institutions. It is what millions of our citizens have fled from in Europe. It will impose upon our peace-loving people a large standing army and unnecessary burden of taxation and a constant menace to their liberties.
A small standing army with a well-disciplined state militia are amply sufficient in time of peace. This republic has no place for a vast military service and conscription.
When the nation is in danger the volunteer soldier is his country's best defender. The national guard of the United States should ever be cherished in the patriotic hearts of a free people. Such organizations are ever an element of strength and safety.
For the first time in our history and co-evil with the Philippine conquest has there been a wholesale departure from our time-honored and approved system of volunteer organization. We denounce it as un-American, un-Democratic, and un-Republican, and as a subversion of the ancient and fixed principles of a free people.
TRUSTS DENOUNCED.
Private monopolies are indefensible and intolerable. They destroy competition, control the price of all material, and of the finished product, thus robbing both producer and consumer. They lessen the employment of labor and arbitrarily fix the terms and conditions thereof, and deprive individual energy and small capital of their opportunity for betterment. They are the most efficient means yet devised for appropriating the fruits of industry to the benefit of the few at the expense of the many, and unless their insatiate greed is checked all wealth will be aggregated in a few hands and the republic destroyed.
The dishonest paltering with the trust evil by the Republican party in state and national platforms is conclusive proof of the truth of the charge that trusts are the legitimate product of Republican policies; that they are fostered by Republican laws, and that they are protected by the Republican administration in return for campaign subscriptions and political support.
We pledge the Democratic party to an increasing warfare in nation, state, and city against private monopoly in every form. Existing laws against trusts must be enforced and more stringent ones must be enacted providing for publicity as to the affairs of corporations engaged in interstate commerce and requiring all corporations to show, before doing business outside the state of their origin, that they have no water in their stock and that they have not attempted and are not attempting, to monopolize any branch of business or the production of any articles of merchandise, and the whole constitutional power of Congress over interstate commerce, the mails, and all modes of interstate communication shall be exercised by the enactment of comprehensive laws upon the subject of trusts.
Tariff laws should be amended by putting the products of trusts upon the free list to prevent monopoly under the plea of protection.
The failure of the present Republican administration, with an absolute control over all the branches of the national government, to enact any legislation designed to prevent or even curtail the absorbing power of trusts and illegal combinations, or to enforce the anti-trust laws already on the statute books, proves the insincerity of the high-sounding phrases of the Republican platform.
Corporations should be protected in all their rights and their legitimate interests should be respected, but any attempt by corporations to interfere with the public affairs of the people or to control the sovereignity which creates them should be forbidden under such penalties as will make such attempts impossible.
We condemn the Dingley tariff law as a trust-breeding measure, skillfully devised to give the few favors which they do not deserve and to place upon the many burdens which they should not bear.
INTERSTATE COMMERCE LAW.
We favor such an enlargement of the scope of the interstate commerce law as will enable the commission to protect individuals and communities from discriminations and the public from unjust and unfair transportation rates.
DECLARATION FOR 16 TO 1.
We reaffirm and indorse the principles of the national Democratic platform adopted at Chicago in 1896, and we reiterate the demand of that platform for an American financial system, made by the American people for themselves, which shall restore and maintain a bimetalic level, and as part of such system the immediate restoration of the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid or consent of any other nation.
CURRENCY LAW DENOUNCED.
We denounce the currency bill enacted at the last session of Congress as a step forward in the Republican policy which aims to discredit the sovereign right of the national government to issue all money, whether coin or paper, and to bestow upon national banks the power to issue and control the volume of paper money for their own benefit.
A permanent national bank currency, secured by government bonds, must have a permanent debt to rest upon, and if the bank currency is to increase with population and business the debt must also increase. The Republican currency scheme is therefore a scheme for fastening upon taxpayers a perpetual and growing debt for the benefit of the banks.
We are opposed to this private corporation paper circulated as money, but without legal-tender qualities, and demand the retirement of the national bank notes as fast as government paper or silver certificates can be substituted for them.
SENATORS ELECTED BY THE PEOPLE.
We favor an amendment to the Federal constitution providing for the election of United States Senators by direct vote of the people, and we favor direct legislation wherever practicable.
GOVERNMENT BY INJUNCTION.
We are opposed to government by injunction; we denounce the blacklist, and favor arbitration as a means of settling disputes between corporations and their employes.
DEPARTMENT OF LABOR.
In the interest of American labor and the uplifting of the workingmen, as the cornerstone of the prosperity of our country, we recommend that Congress create a department of labor, in charge of a secretary, with a seat in the Cabinet, believing that the elevation of the American labor will bring with it increased production and increased prosperity to our country at home and to our commerce abroad.
PENSIONS.
We are proud of the courage and fidelity of the American soldier and sailors in all our wars; we favor liberal pensions to them and their dependents, and we reiterate the position taken in the Chicago platform in 1896, that the fact of enlistment and service shall be deemed conclusive evidence against disease and disability before enlistment.
NICARAGUA CANAL.
We favor the immediate construction, ownership, and control of the Nicaraguan canal by the United States and we denounce the insincerity of the plank in the national Republican platform for an Isthmian canal in face of the failure of the Republican majority to pass the bill pending in Congress.
We condemn the Hay-Pauncefote treaty as a surrender of American rights and interests, not to be tolerated by the American people.
STATEHOOD FOR THE TERRITORIES.
We denounce the failure of the Republican party to carry out its pledges, to grant statehood to the territories of Arizona, New Mexico, and Oklahoma, and we promise the people of those territories immediate statehood and home rule during their condition as territories, and we favor home rule and a territorial form of government for Alaska and Porto Rico.
ARID LANDS.
We favor an intelligent system of improving the arid lands of the West, storing the waters for purposes of irrigation, and the holding of such lands for actual settlers.
CHINESE EXCLUSION LAW.
We favor the continuance and strict enforcement of the Chinese exclusion law and its application to the same classes of all Asiatic races.
ALLIANCE WITH ENGLAND.
Jefferson said: "Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliances with none."
We approve this wholesome doctrine and earnestly protest against the Republican departure which has involved us in so-called politics, including the diplomacy of Europe and the intrigue and land-grabbing of Asia, and we especially condemn the ill-concealed Republican alliance with England, which must mean discrimination against other friendly nations, and which has already stifled the nation's voice while liberty is being strangled in Africa.
SYMPATHY FOR THE BOERS.
Believing in the principles of self-government, and rejecting, as did our forefathers, the claim of monarchy, we view with indignation the purpose of England to overwhelm with force the South African republics. Speaking, as we do, for the entire American nation except its Republican officeholders, and for all free men everywhere, we extend our sympathy to the heroic burghers in their unequal struggle to maintain their liberty and independence.
REPUBLICAN APPROPRIATIONS.
We denounce the lavish appropriations of recent Republican Congresses, which have kept taxes high, and which threaten the perpetuation of the oppressive war levies.
SHIP SUBSIDY BILL.
We oppose the accumulation of a surplus to be squandered in such bare-faced frauds upon the taxpayers as the shipping subsidy bill, which under the false pretense of prospering American ship-building, would put unearned millions into the pockets of favorite contributors to the Republican campaign fund.
REPEAL OF THE WAR TAXES.
We favor the reduction and speedy repeal of the war taxes, and a return to the time-honored Democratic policy of strict economy in governmental expenditures.
CONCLUDING PLEA TO THE PEOPLE.
Believing that our most cherished institutions are in great peril, that the very existence of our constitutional republic is at stake, and that the decision now to be rendered will determine whether or not our children are to enjoy those blessed privileges of free government which have made the United States great, prosperous, and honored, we earnestly ask for the foregoing declaration of principles the hearty support of the liberty-loving American people, regardless of previous party affiliations.
William J. Bryan, of Nebraska, was again nominated for President, and Adlai E. Stevenson, of Illinois, for Vice-President, both on the first ballots. While the Democratic Convention was in session, the Silver Republicans met in Convention in the same city. The Chairman pro tem. was Henry M. Teller, who had withdrawn from the Republican Convention in 1896. This Convention nominated William J. Bryan for President, and the National Committee was authorized to name the Vice-President, which they did on July 7th, by endorsing Adlai E. Stevenson.
The campaign of 1900 was as animated throughout as was that of 1896.
Imperialism was the issue raised by the Democrats, and the result in
November was an overwhelming victory for the Republican candidates,
McKinley and Roosevelt, who carried enough States to assure them of 292
electoral votes to 155 for Bryan and Stevenson. The popular vote for the
leading candidates was as follows: McKinley (Rep.), 7,207,923; Bryan
(Dem.), 6,358,133; Woolley (Prohib.), 208,914; Debs (Soc. Dem.), 87,814;
Barker (M. R. Peop.), 50,373; Malloney (Soc. L.), 39,739.
William McKinley was inaugurated for his second term on March 4, 1901. On September 6, 1901, the almost unbelievable news was telegraphed over the country that President McKinley, while in the Temple of Music at the Pan-American Exposition at Buffalo, had been shot twice by an assassin, an anarchist named Leon Czolgosz. But it proved only too true, and for a week the people of the country watched the bulletins and prayed for the President, who fought bravely against death. The wound in the stomach was fatal, and William McKinley, the third martyred President of the Republican Party, passed away on September 14, 1901, at the home of John G. Milburn in Buffalo. The great purity and simplicity of his life, his devotion to his wife, his courageous struggle for the great economical principles which had brought the country to the highest degree of prosperity ever known, and the splendid record of his administration made his loss deeply felt by the nation, and he was enshrined beside Lincoln in American history. The last words of William McKinley exhibited the Christian character of a great life: "It is God's way; His will be done."
[Illustration: By special permission of C. M. Bell Photo Co., Washington D. C.
Theodore Roosevelt.]
CHAPTER XX.
ROOSEVELT.
"I feel that we have a right to appeal not merely to Republicans, but to all good citizens, no matter what may have been their party affiliations in the past, and to ask them, on the strength of the record … to stand shoulder to shoulder with us, perpetuating the conditions under which we have reached a degree of prosperity never before attained in the Nation's history and under which, abroad, we have put the American Flag on a level which it never before in the history of the country has been placed."
Theodore Roosevelt, to the Notification Committee, Sagamore Hill, L. I., July, 1900.
Theodore Roosevelt took the oath of office as President at Buffalo, New York, on September 14, 1901, and became the twenty-sixth President of the United States, and the third to succeed a martyred Republican President. He was born in New York City, October 27, 1858. He graduated from Harvard and spent some years in traveling; served in the New York Legislature in 1882, 1883 and 1884, and was prominent as a champion of Civil Service Reform. Was Chairman of the New York delegation to the Convention in 1884, and ran for Mayor of New York in 1886, as the Independent candidate, endorsed by the Republicans, but was defeated; was appointed Civil Service Commissioner in May, 1889, by President Harrison, and served till 1895, exhibiting great energy and establishing Civil Service principles in all Executive Departments, acquiring a splendid reputation throughout the country for fearlessness and honesty. He resigned from the Civil Service Commission to accept the appointment of Police Commissioner of New York City in May, 1895, and displayed his usual energy in the suppression of corruption and in the establishment of law and order in New York City. He was appointed Assistant Secretary of the Navy by President McKinley, and worked with great vigor to place the Navy on a proper footing, and the success of the Navy in the Spanish-American war was due in no small degree to his preliminary work. When the war broke out in April, 1898, he resigned his position in the Navy Department and organized a volunteer cavalry regiment, recruited mainly from the Western plains, the members of which were called the "Rough Riders." They were commanded at first by Col. Leonard Wood, and Mr. Roosevelt was made Lieutenant-Colonel. His previous military experience had been several years' service in the New York National Guard. For his gallant conduct at San Juan Hill and in the Cuban campaign he was commissioned Colonel July 11, 1898, though many of the officers at Washington were opposed to him. He was elected Governor of New York in the Fall of 1898. In all of these positions he devoted himself to his work with energy and enthusiasm amazing to all. His published works on American History rank him as one of the great historians of the country, and his interests in out-door sports and his delightful home life have endeared him to the people as a typical American. The nomination for Vice-President came to him unsought and undesired, but in response to the demands of the people he fell in line promptly. Coming to the Presidential Chair under trying circumstances he immediately displayed the highest ability and tact in taking charge of the administration of the national affairs. The policies of President McKinley were pursued without deviation, and President Roosevelt conducted the domestic and foreign affairs in a way that has marked him as a great statesman, and the country and its new possessions are eminently in a condition of prosperity and satisfaction.
On May 20, 1902, the United States partially redeemed its pledge in regard to Cuba by hauling down its flag at the Government Palace, Havana, after which the flag of the new Republic of Cuba was raised. This pledge fulfilled, the Republican Party rounded it out with the approval of the Cuban Reciprocity Treaty, ratified in the Senate March 19, 1903.
The long continued agitation for the construction of a canal, by the United States, connecting the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, resulted in the Isthmian Canal Act, approved June 28, 1902, in which the President was authorized to acquire the rights of the new Panama Canal Company of France, and if the title proved satisfactory, and a treaty could be obtained from the Republic of Colombia for the necessary territory, the President was authorized to pay the Canal Company $40,000,000 for this property, but if this could not be done within a reasonable time then the Nicaraguan route was to be considered. An Isthmian Canal Commission was created. Attorney General P. C. Knox reported to the President (October 26, 1902) that the title to the canal was valid, and on January 22, 1903, a treaty between the United States and Colombia for the construction of the canal was signed at Washington and was ratified by the United States Senate March 17, 1903, but was rejected by the Colombian Senate September 14, 1903, who suggested the negotiation of a new treaty. But early in November, 1903, Panama declared its independence, and was recognized as a Republic by the United States on November 6th. A new Canal Treaty was signed at Washington by Secretary of State John Hay, representing the United States, and Philippe Bunau-Varilla representing Panama, and the treaty was ratified by the Government of Panama on December 2, 1903, and is now under consideration in the United States Senate. These various events, all justified by the laws of nations, brought Colombia to terms, and late in November, 1903, she offered the United States a free canal concession if the latter would permit the subjugation of Panama, but the matter had gone too far, and it is now probable that the Panama Canal will be built by this Government, acting with the new Republic of Panama.
The legislation and the course of events in the Philippines has been equally satisfactory. On July 1, 1902, Congress provided for the termination of military rule in these islands and the establishment of civil government. William H. Taft, of Ohio, who had been President of the Commission, was appointed Governor, and in that capacity continued the splendid work which had been begun by the Commission. In December, 1903, Governor Taft was appointed Secretary of War by President Roosevelt, taking the place of Elihu Root, resigned, and his successor in the Philippines is Luke E. Wright, of Tennessee. On July 4, 1902, the insurrection in the Philippines against the authority of the United States having ended in all parts of the Islands except in the part inhabited by the Moro Tribes, President Roosevelt issued a Proclamation of pardon and amnesty to all political offenders on their taking the oath of allegiance to the United States.
The great combinations of capital called Trusts, in so far as they concentrate the industries of the country in the hands of a few, stifling competiton and dictating wages and prices, have received the emphatic condemnation of the Republican Party, and President Roosevelt and Attorney General Knox have done their utmost, under the existing laws, to suppress these combinations when unlawful. The Republican Party has done more than any other party to curb the evils of the Trusts, and it is probable that the question can only be adequately handled by an amendment to the United States Constitution giving Congress direct supervision over their organization. The settlement of the coal strike in the United States by President Roosevelt is remembered gratefully, and was to the satisfaction of both sides, and was in keeping with his record of direct and fearless action in emergencies. His administration saw the dedication of the Louisiana Purchase Exposition buildings at St. Louis on April 30, 1903, and on July 4, 1903, the completion of the Pacific Cable, the first message having been sent by the President to Governor Taft. The report of the Alaskan Boundary Commission on October 7, 1903, gave to the United States all points, except one, in dispute. This called attention to the work of the Department of State, but we are too close to the splendid diplomacy of John Hay to fully appreciate its far-reaching effect for the advancement of the interests of this country.
Such is a brief record of recent events that will close this history of the splendid achievements of the Republican Party. The history of the administrations of the eight Republican Presidents, Lincoln, Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Harrison, McKinley and Roosevelt, may be read at least with interest by every citizen of the United States, regardless of his party affiliations, and assuredly with pride and satisfaction by those who count themselves as members of the Grand Old Party.
APPENDIX
THE REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE.
The Republican National Committee is composed of one member from each State and Territory. The Committee is chosen by the several State delegations at the National Conventions of the party.
The Committee is the national executive head of the Republican Party. It decides the time and place, and issues the calls for the National Conventions. The call states the number of delegates to be chosen for each district, and sometimes prescribes the manner of their selection. The National Committee also selects the temporary officers of the convention, subject to its ratification, and after the nominations have been made takes general charge of the campaign. The Chairmen of the Republican National Committee have been as follows:
1856. Edwin D. Morgan, New York. 1860. Edwin D. Morgan, New York. 1864. Marcus L. Ward, New Jersey. 1868. William Claflin, Massachusetts. 1872. Edwin D. Morgan, New York. 1876. { Zachariah Chandler, Michigan. { J. Donald Cameron, Pennsylvania. 1880. { M. Jewell, Connecticut. { Dwight M. Sabin, Minnesota. 1884. B. F. Jones, Pennsylvania. 1888. M. S. Quay, Pennsylvania. 1892. Thomas H. Carter, Montana. 1896. Marcus A. Hanna, Ohio. 1900. Marcus A. Hanna, Ohio.
THE NATIONAL REPUBLICAN LEAGUE.
The National Republican League, an organization of the greatest help to the party in National and State Campaigns, was organized in Chickering Hall, New York City, December 15-17, 1887. It is made up of the active Republican Clubs of the country, which are first organized into a State League, and then joined in the National League. It now has a membership of fully 500,000. The first President of the League was Jas. P. Foster, of New York, who was most active in the founding of the organization. National Conventions of the League have been held as follows: Baltimore, 1889; Nashville, 1890; Cincinnati, 1891; Buffalo, 1892; Louisville, 1893; Denver, 1894; Cleveland, 1895; Milwaukee, 1896; Detroit, 1897; Omaha, 1898; St. Paul, 1900; Chicago, 1902. The Conventions have been held biennially since 1898. The 1904 Convention will be held at Indianapolis. The following have served as Presidents of the National Republican League:
1889-1890. Jas. P. Foster, New York. 1890-1892. John M. Thurston, Nebraska. 1892-1893. John S. Clarkson, Iowa. 1893-1895. W. W. Tracy, Illinois. 1895-1896. E. A. McAlpin, New York. 1896-1897. D. D. Woodmansee, Ohio. 1897-1898. L. J. Crawford, Kentucky. 1898-1900. Wm. Stone, California. 1900-1902. I. N. Hamilton, Illinois. 1902. J. Hampton Moore, Pennsylvania.
REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTIONS.
TIME. PLACE. NOMINEES.
June 17-18, 1856. Philadelphia, Pa. { John C. Fremont, Cal.
{ Wm. L. Dayton, N. J.
May 16-18, 1860. Chicago, Ill. { Abraham Lincoln, Ill.
{ Hannibal Hamlin, Me.
June 7-8, 1864. Baltimore, Md. { Abraham Lincoln, Ill.
{ Andrew Johnson, Tenn.
May 20-22, 1868. Chicago, Ill. { Ulysses S. Grant, Ill.
{ Schuyler Colfax, Ind.
June 5-6, 1872. Philadelphia, Pa. { Ulysses S. Grant, Ill.
{ Henry Wilson, Mass.
June 14-16, 1876. Cincinnati, O. { Rutherford B. Hayes, Ohio.
{ Wm. A. Wheeler, N. Y.
June 2-8, 1880. Chicago, Ill. { Jas. A. Garfield, Ohio.
{ Chester A. Arthur, N. Y.
June 3-6, 1884. Chicago, Ill. { James G. Blaine, Me.
{ John A. Logan, Ill.
June 19-25, 1888. Chicago, Ill. { Benj. Harrison, Ind.
{ Levi P. Morton, N. Y.
June 7-11, 1892. Minneapolis, Minn. { Benj. Harrison, Ind.
{ Whitelaw Reid, N. Y.
June 16-18, 1896. St. Louis, Mo. { Wm. McKinley, Ohio.
{ Garret A. Hobart, N. J.
June 19-21, 1900. Philadelphia, Pa. { Wm. McKinley, Ohio.
{ Theodore Roosevelt, N. Y.
June 21, 1904. Chicago, Ill.
PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS.
The Constitution requires each State to appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in Congress; but no Senator or Representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the United States, shall be appointed an elector.
The original clause in the Constitution provided that after the electors had been chosen they should elect the President as follows: The electors shall meet in their respective States and vote by ballot for two persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State with themselves. A list of the votes shall then be sent to the President of the Senate; the person having the greatest number of votes shall be President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; but in the event of no person having a majority, or in case of a tie vote, the House of Representatives shall immediately choose the President. In every case, after the choice of President, the person having the greatest number of votes shall be Vice-President. But, if there should remain two or more having equal votes, then the Senate shall choose from them by ballot the Vice-President.
Under this clause in the original Constitution there were four elections: Washington (two terms), John Adams and Jefferson. The last election (Jefferson) brought on a contest that resulted in the Twelfth Amendment of the Constitution. It will be noticed that the original clause did not require the electors to name the person they voted for as President and the person voted for as Vice-President; they were simply to vote for two persons. On counting the electoral votes as a result of the election of 1800, it was found that Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, and Aaron Burr, of New York, had an equal electoral vote—73. This threw the election into the House, and a bitter contest followed, which resulted in the victory of Jefferson, making Burr Vice-President; and the curious situation was present of an aspirant to the presidency occupying the subordinate position of Vice-President.
To correct this evil, the Twelfth Amendment was proposed, ratified by a sufficient number of States, and went into effect in 1804, and has governed the presidential elections to this day. This amendment provides that the electors, instead of voting for two candidates for President, shall distinctly name in their ballots the person voted for as President and the person voted for as Vice-President. The certificates of the ballots are opened by the President of the Senate in the presence of the Senate and the House. If no person have a majority, then the House chooses the President, each State having one vote. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be Vice-President. But if no person has a majority, then the Senate chooses the Vice-President. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President is eligible to the vice-presidency.
Since the Jefferson-Burr contest there has been but one election by the House of Representatives, that of 1824, when none of the candidates having received a majority of the electoral vote, the House, between Andrew Jackson, John Q. Adams and William H. Crawford, selected John Q. Adams as President. John Q. Adams was a son of John Adams, the second President, and this has been the only time in the history of the nation that father and son have occupied the Presidential chair. There has been but one instance of an election of a Vice-President by the Senate, that of R. M. Johnston, in 1837.
Two methods of choosing the presidential electors preceded the present system. It will be remembered that the Constitution gives the various Legislatures the power of naming the manner in which the electors shall be chosen. Originally, the Legislatures exercised this power themselves; then the district system was tried; that is, each voter cast a ballot for three electors, two for the State at large (representing the Senators) and one for the Congressional district in which he lived. The system now in vogue is an election by a "general ticket;" that is to say, each voter uses a ballot on which are printed the names of all the electors to which his State is entitled.
The tendency of the district system was to divide the electoral vote, while the "general ticket" tends to a solid vote from each State. In the "Mugwump" campaign of 1884—Cleveland-Blaine—no State divided its electoral votes. No State divided its vote in the Harrison-Cleveland election of 1888. In 1892, owing to the People's Party candidate breaking the vote, and owing to other circumstances, five States divided their votes. In the McKinley-Bryan contest of 1896 the votes were only divided in two States—California and Kentucky—where the popular voting was so close that each State named one Bryan elector.
The present system of naming electors increases the chances of electing Presidents who have received less than a majority of the popular vote, and it is even possible to elect a President who has received less than a plurality of votes, which has happened in two instances—the election of Hayes and Benjamin Harrison. It can be seen in the following instances how both of the cases may happen: A candidate may carry Kansas by a majority of 43,000, as Blaine did in 1884, and gain nine electoral votes, and lose New York, with its thirty-six electoral votes by 1,149 popular votes, as happened in the same election; or in 1896, when Bryan carried Colorado by 133,000 majority and gained four electoral votes, and perhaps lost twelve electoral votes in Kentucky by the narrow margin of 281 popular votes.
The following Presidents have failed to receive a majority of the total popular vote: Adams in 1824 (elected by the House), Polk in 1844, Taylor in 1848, Buchanan in 1856, Lincoln in 1860, Hayes in 1876, Garfield in 1880, Cleveland in 1884, Harrison in 1888, and Cleveland in 1892. McKinley, in 1896, was the first President since 1872 to receive a clear majority of the popular votes.
Only States vote at the presidential elections, each State being entitled to a number of electors equal to the whole number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in Congress. New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois and Ohio rank in the order named as to largest number of electors. Since the first election of Jackson, in 1828, no President has been chosen in direct opposition to the combined votes of New York and Pennsylvania.
The theory of the electoral college, as conceived by the Federal Convention, was never realized. The aim was to constitute this peculiar body as a check on the popular excitement attendant on these elections. It was meant that the electors should meet some time after the election day and calmly discuss the merits of the best men. Under the present system, the National Conventions of the various parties present their candidates; on the Tuesday next after the first Monday in November of every fourth year the people vote for the electors, and the result is known the next day, although the electors do not meet until the second Monday in January next after the election. There is nothing in the Constitution to compel an elector to vote for any particular candidate, yet custom is often stronger than law, and the elector who would frustrate the wishes of the people who elected him would be guilty of the basest of political treachery, although no law could punish him.
In the early history of the country, presidential candidates were first presented by the party leaders, then by Congressional caucuses, by State Legislatures, local conventions, and since 1832 the method of nominating has been by National Conventions of the various parties. Each State is generally allowed twice as many delegates as it has electors. In the Democratic Conventions a two-thirds vote of the delegates is necessary for choice, while the Republican Conventions only require a majority vote of the delegates for choice.
The Constitution requires, among other things, that the President shall be thirty-five years of age. Mr. Roosevelt is the youngest President we have had, being three years younger than Ulysses S. Grant, who was forty-seven years old when inaugurated. The eldest was William H. Harrison, who was sixty-eight years of age when inaugurated.
The manner of counting the electoral vote is prescribed in the Twelfth
Amendment to the Constitution as follows:
"The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted; the person having the greatest number of votes for President shall be President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the President. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list the Senate shall choose the Vice-President; a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of Senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice."
The procedure of the two houses, in case the returns of the election of electors from any State are disputed, is provided in the "Electoral Count" Act, passed in 1886. The "Electoral Count" Act remedied the strained situation brought about by the Hayes-Tilden controversy in 1876. Congress counts the ballots on the second Wednesday in February succeeding the meeting of the electors.
THE ELECTORAL VOTE IN 1904.
ELECTORAL ELECTORAL
STATES. VOTES. STATES. VOTES.
Alabama …………… 11 Nevada ……………. 3
Arkansas ………….. 9 New Hampshire ……… 4
California ………… 10 New Jersey ………… 12
Colorado ………….. 5 New York ………….. 39
Connecticut ……….. 7 North Carolina …….. 12
Delaware ………….. 3 North Dakota ………. 4
Florida …………… 5 Ohio ……………… 23
Georgia …………… 13 Oregon ……………. 4
Idaho …………….. 3 Pennsylvania ………. 34
Illinois ………….. 27 Rhode Island ………. 4
Indiana …………… 15 South Carolina …….. 9
Iowa ……………… 13 South Dakota ………. 4
Kansas ……………. 10 Tennessee …………. 12
Kentucky ………….. 13 Texas …………….. 18
Louisiana …………. 9 Utah ……………… 3
Maine …………….. 6 Vermont …………… 4
Maryland ………….. 8 Virginia ………….. 12
Massachusetts ……… 16 Washington ………… 5
Michigan ………….. 14 West Virginia ……… 7
Minnesota …………. 11 Wisconsin …………. 13
Mississippi ……….. 10 Wyoming …………… 3
Missouri ………….. 18 —-
Montana …………… 3 Total …………… 476
Nebraska ………….. 8 Necessary to a choice . 239
PRESIDENTS AND THEIR CABINETS SINCE THE ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
1856.
JAMES BUCHANAN, Pa., Dem. J. C. BRECKINRIDGE, Ky., Dem.
Lewis Cass ……….. Sec. State. Jacob Thompson ……. Sec. Int'r.
Jeremiah S. Black …. " Moses Kelly ………. "
Howell Cobb ………. Sec. Treas. Jeremiah S. Black …. Att. Gen'l.
Jacob Thomas ……… " Edwin M. Stanton ….. "
John A. Dix ………. " Aaron V. Brown ……. Post. Gen'l.
John B. Floyd …….. Sec. War. J. Holt ………….. "
Joseph Holt ………. " H. King ………….. "
Isaac Toucey ……… Sec. Navy.
1860.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Ill., Rep. HANNIBAL HAMLIN, Me., Rep.
Wm. H. Seward …….. Sec. State. Salmon P. Chase …… Sec. Treas.
Simon Cameron …….. Sec. War. Wm. P. Fessenden ….. "
Edwin M. Stanton ….. " Edward Bates ……… Att. Gen'l.
Caleb B. Smith ……. Sec. Int'r. James Speed ………. "
John P. Usher …….. " Montgomery Blair ….. Post. Gen'l.
Gideon Welles …….. Sec. Navy. William Denison …… "
1864.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN, Ill., Rep. ANDREW JOHNSON, Tenn., Rep.
William H. Seward …. Sec. State. Hugh McCulloch ……. Sec. Treas.
Edwin M. Stanton ….. Sec. War. Gideon Welles …….. Sec. Navy.
John P. Usher …….. Sec. Int'r. James Speed ………. Att. Gen'l.
Henry Harlan ……… " Wm. Denison ………. Post. Gen'l.
1865.
ANDREW JOHNSON, Tenn., Rep.
Wm. H. Seward …….. Sec. State. Gideon Welles …….. Sec. Navy.
Edwin M. Stanton ….. Sec. War. James Speed ………. Att. Gen'l.
Lorenzo Thomas ……. " Henry Stanbery ……. "
John Schofield ……. " Wm. M. Evarts …….. "
Hugh McCulloch ……. Sec. Treas. Wm. Denison ………. Post. Gen'l.
Henry Harlan ……… Sec. Int'r. Alex. W. Randall ….. "
Orville H. Browning .. "
1868.
ULYSSES S. GRANT, Ill., Rep. SCHUYLER COLFAX, Ind., Rep.
E. B. Washburne …… Sec. State. J. D. Cox ………… Sec. Int'r.
Hamilton Fish …….. " Columbus Delano …… "
G. S. Boutwell ……. Sec. Treas. George M. Robeson …. Sec. Navy.
J. A. Rawlins …….. Sec. War. George A. Williams … Att. Gen'l.
Wm. W. Belknap ……. " John A. J. Creswell .. Post. Gen'l.
1872.
ULYSSES S. GRANT, Ill., Rep. HENRY WILSON, Mass., Rep.
Hamilton Fish …….. Sec. State. Columbus Delano …… Sec. Int'r.
Wm. M. Belknap ……. Sec. War. Zachariah Chandler … "
Alphonso Taft …….. " Wm. M. Richardson …. Sec. Treas.
J. D. Cameron …….. " Benj. H. Bristow ….. "
John A. J. Creswell .. Post. Gen'l. Lot M. Morrill ……. "
Marshall Jewell …… " George A. Williams … Att. Gen'l.
James N. Tyner ……. " Edwards Pierrepont … "
George M. Robeson …. Sec. Navy. Alphonso Taft …….. "
1876.
RUTH'FORD B. HAYES, O., Rep. WM. A. WHEELER, N. Y., Rep.
Wm. M. Evarts …….. Sec. State. John Sherman ……… Sec. Treas.
R. W. Thompson ……. Sec. Navy. G. W. McCrary …….. Sec. War.
Nathan Goff, Jr …… " Alex. Ramsay ……… "
D. M. Key ………… Post. Gen'l. Carl Schurz ………. Sec. Int'r.
Horace Maynard ……. " Charles Devens ……. Att. Gen'l.
1880.
JAMES A. GARFIELD, Ohio, Rep. CHESTER A. ARTHUR, N. Y., Rep.
J. G. Blaine ……… Sec. State. Wm. Windom ……….. Sec. Treas.
R. T. Lincoln …….. Sec. War. S. J. Kirkwood ……. Sec. Int'r.
W. H. Hunt ……….. Sec. Navy. T. L. James ………. Post. Gen'l.
Wayne McVeagh …….. Att. Gen'l.
1881.
CHESTER A. ARTHUR, N. Y., Rep.
J. G. Blaine ……… Sec. State. Wm. Windom ……….. Sec. Treas.
F. T. Frelinghuysen .. " C. J. Folger ……… "
R. T. Lincoln …….. Sec. War. S. J. Kirkwood ……. Sec. Int'r.
W. H. Hunt ……….. Sec. Navy. H. M. Teller ……… "
W. E. Chandler ……. " T. L. James ………. Post. Gen'l.
Wayne McVeagh …….. Att. Gen'l. T. O. Howe ……….. "
B. H. Brewster ……. "
1884.
G. CLEVELAND, N. Y., Dem. THOS. A. HENDRICKS, Ind., Dem.
Thos. F. Bayard …… Sec. State. Daniel Manning ……. Sec. Treas.
Wm. C. Endicott …… Sec. War. Chas. Fairchild …… "
Wm. C. Whitney ……. Sec. Navy. Augustus Garland ….. Att. Gen'l.
Wm. F. Vilas ……… Post. Gen'l. Lucius Q. C. Lamar … Sec. Int'r.
Don M. Dickinson ….. " William F. Vilas ….. "
Norman J. Coleman …. Sec. Agric.
1888.
BENJ. HARRISON, Ind., Rep. LEVI P. MORTON, N. Y., Rep.
James G. Blaine …… Sec. State. William Windom ……. Sec. Treas.
Redfield Proctor ….. Sec. War. Wm. H. H. Miller ….. Att. Gen'l.
Benj. F. Tracy ……. Sec. Navy. John W. Noble …….. Sec. Int'r.
John Wanamaker ……. Post. Gen'l. Jeremiah M. Rusk ….. Sec. Agric.
1892.
G. CLEVELAND, N. Y., Dem. ADLAI E. STEVENSON, Ill., Dem.
Richard Olney …….. Sec. State. John G. Carlisle ….. Sec. Treas.
Daniel S. Lamont ….. Sec. War. Judson Harmon …….. Att. Gen'l.
Hilary A. Herbert …. Sec. Navy. David R. Francis ….. Sec. Int'r.
Wm. L. Wilson …….. Post. Gen'l. J. Sterling Morton … Sec. Agric.
1896.
WM. McKINLEY, Ohio, Rep. GARRET A. HOBART, N. J., Rep.
John Sherman ……… Sec. State. Lyman J. Gage …….. Sec. Treas.
William R. Day ……. " Jos. McKenna ……… Att. Gen'l.
John Hay …………. " John W. Griggs ……. "
Russell A. Alger ….. Sec. War. Cornelius N. Bliss … Sec. Int'r.
Elihu Root ……….. " Ethan A. Hitchcock … "
John D. Long ……… Sec. Navy. James Wilson ……… Sec. Agric.
James A. Gary …….. Post. Gen'l.
Chas. Emory Smith …. "
1900.
WM. McKINLEY, Ohio, Rep. THEO. ROOSEVELT, N. Y., Rep.
John Hay …………. Sec. State. John D. Long ……… Sec. Navy.
Lyman J. Gage …….. Sec. Treas. Chas. Emory Smith …. Post. Gen'l.
Elihu Root ……….. Sec. War. Philander C. Knox …. Att. Gen'l.
Ethan A. Hitchcock … Sec. Int'r. Jas. Wilson ………. Sec. Agric.
1901.
THEO. ROOSEVELT, N. Y., Rep.
John Hay …………. Sec. State. John D. Long ……… Sec. Navy.
Lyman J. Gage …….. Sec. Treas. Wm. H. Moody ……… "
Leslie M. Shaw ……. " Philander C. Knox …. Att. Gen'l.
Elihu Root ……….. Sec. War. Ethan A. Hitchcock … Sec. Int'r.
Wm. H. Taft ………. " Jas. Wilson ………. Sec. Agric.
Chas. Emory Smith …. Post. Gen'l. G. B. Cortelyou …… Sec. Com. & Lab.
Henry C. Payne ……. "
PRESIDENTS PRO TEM. OF THE UNITED STATES SENATE SINCE THE ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
CONGRESS. YEAR. NAME. 32-33 1852-54 D. R. Atchison, Missouri. 33-34 1854-57 Jesse D. Bright, Indiana. 34 1857 James M. Mason, Virginia. 35-36 1857-61 Benj. Fitzpatrick, Alabama. 36-38 1861-64 Solomon Foot, Vermont. 38 1864-65 Daniel Clark, New Hampshire. 39 1865-67 Lafayette S. Foster, Connecticut. 40 1867-69 Benj. F. Wade, Ohio. 41-42 1869-73 Henry B. Anthony, Rhode Island. 43 1873-75 M. H. Carpenter, Wisconsin. 44-45 1875-79 Thos. W. Ferry, Michigan. 46 1879-81 A. G. Thurman, Ohio. 47 1881 Thos. F. Bayard, Delaware. 47 1881-83 David Davis, Illinois. 48 1883-85 Geo. F. Edmunds, Vermont. 49 1885-87 John Sherman, Ohio. 49-51 1887-91 Jno. J. Ingalls, Kansas. 52 1891-93 C. F. Manderson, Nebraska. 53 1893-95 Isham G. Harris, Tennessee. 54-58 1895 Wm. P. Frye, Maine.
SPEAKERS OF THE U. S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES SINCE THE ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
CONGRESS. YEAR. NAME. 32-33 1851-55 Linn Boyd, Kentucky. 34 1855-57 Nathaniel P. Banks, Massachusetts. 35 1857-59 Jas. L. Orr, South Carolina. 36 1859-61 Wm. Pennington, New Jersey. 37 1861-63 Galusha A. Grow, Pennsylvania. 38-40 1863-69 Schuyler Colfax, Indiana. 41-43 1869-75 Jas. G. Blaine, Maine. 44 1875-76 Michael C. Kerr, Indiana. 44-46 1876-81 Samuel J. Randall, Pennsylvania. 47 1881-83 J. Warren Keifer, Ohio. 48-50 1883-89 John G. Carlisle, Kentucky. 51 1889-91 Thos. B. Reed, Maine. 52-53 1891-95 Chas. F. Crisp, Georgia. 54-55 1895-99 Thos. B. Reed, Maine. 56-57 1899-1903 David B. Henderson, Iowa. 58 1903 Jos. G. Cannon, Illinois.
THE PRESIDENTIAL SUCCESSION.
By Act approved January 18, 1886, the presidential succession is fixed as follows: In case of the removal, death, resignation, or inability of both the President and Vice-President of the United States, the Secretary of State, or if there be none, or in case of his removal, death, etc., then the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War, the Attorney-General, the Postmaster-General, Secretary of the Navy, and Secretary of the Interior, shall act until the disability is removed, or a President elected; if Congress is not in session when the presidential powers devolve on any of these persons, or does not meet twenty days thereafter, then the said person must call an extraordinary session. This law applies only to such persons who are appointed by the advice and with the consent of the Senate, and who are eligible under the Constitution for the office of President.
POPULAR AND ELECTORAL VOTE, 1856.
——————————————————————————————————————————-
Popular | Electoral
Vote | Vote
——————————————————————————————————————————-
Fillmore |
and |
Buchanan Fremont Donelson |
and and American |
Breckinridge Dayton and | Buchanan Fremont Fillmore
STATES Dem. Rep. Whigs | and B and D and D
——————————————————————————————————————————-
Alabama ………… 46,739 …… 28,552 9 … …
Arkansas ……….. 21,910 …… 10,787 4 … …
California ……… 53,365 20,691 36,165 4 … …
Connecticut …….. 34,995 42,715 2,615 … 6 …
Delaware ……….. 8,004 308 6,175 3 … …
Florida ………… 6,358 …… 4,833 3 … …
Georgia ………… 56,578 …… 42,228 10 … …
Illinois ……….. 105,348 96,189 37,444 11 … …
Indiana ………… 118,670 94,375 22,386 13 … …
Iowa …………… 36,170 43,954 9,180 … 4 …
Kentucky ……….. 74,642 314 67,416 12 … …
Louisiana ………. 22,164 …… 20,709 6 … …
Maine ………….. 39,080 67,379 3,325 … 8 …
Maryland ……….. 39,115 281 47,460 … … 8
Massachusetts …… 39,240 108,190 19,626 … 13 …
Michigan ……….. 52,136 71,762 1,660 … 6 …
Mississippi …….. 35,446 …… 24,195 7 … …
Missouri ……….. 58,164 …… 48,524 9 … …
New Hampshire …… 32,789 38,345 422 … 5 …
New Jersey ……… 46,943 28,338 24,115 7 … …
New York ……….. 195,878 276,007 124,604 … 35 …
North Carolina ….. 48,246 …… 36,886 10 … …
Ohio …………… 170,874 187,497 28,126 … 23 …
Pennsylvania ……. 230,710 147,510 82,175 27 … …
Rhode Island ……. 6,680 11,467 1,675 … 4 …
*South Carolina …. …… …… …… 8 … …
Tennessee ………. 73,638 …… 66,178 12 … …
Texas ………….. 31,169 …… 15,639 4 … …
Vermont ………… 10,569 39,561 545 … 5 …
Virginia ……….. 89,706 291 60,310 15 … …
Wisconsin ………. 52,843 66,090 579 … 5 …
————- ————- ———- —- —- —-
Total ………. 1,838,169 1,341,264 874,534 174 114 8