A History of the United States

The inspiring motive of this man was hatred of the South. It seems probable that this sentiment had its origin in a genuine and honourable detestation of Slavery.

As a practising lawyer in Pennsylvania he had at an earlier period taken a prominent part in defending fugitive slaves. But by the time that he stood forward as the chief opponent of the Presidential policy of conciliation, Slavery had ceased to exist; yet his passion against the former slave-owners seemed rather to increase than to diminish. I think it certain, though I cannot produce here all the evidence that appears to me to support such a conclusion, that it was the negative rather than the positive aspect of his policy that attracted him most. Sumner might dream of the wondrous future in store for the Negro race—of whose qualities and needs he knew literally nothing—under Bostonian tutelage. But I am sure that for Stevens the vision dearest to his heart was rather that of the proud Southern aristocracy compelled to plead for mercy on its knees at the tribunal of its hereditary bondsmen.

Stevens was a great party leader. Not such a leader as Jefferson or Jackson had been: a man who sums up and expresses the will of masses of men. Nor yet such a leader as later times have accustomed us to; a man who by bribery or intrigue induces his fellow-professionals to support him. He was one of those who rule by personal dominance. His courage has already been remarked; and he knew how much fearlessness can achieve in a profession where most men are peculiarly cowardly. It was he who forced the issue between the President and Congress and obtained at a stroke a sort of captaincy in the struggle by moving in the House of Representatives that the consideration of Reconstruction by Congress would precede any consideration of the President's message asking for the admission of the representatives of the reorganized States.

By a combination of forceful bullying and skilful strategy Stevens compelled the House of Representatives to accept his leadership in this matter, but the action of Congress on other questions during these early months of the contest shows how far it still was from accepting his policy. The plan of Reconstruction which the majority now favoured is to be found outlined in the Fourteenth Constitutional Amendment which, at about this time, it recommended for adoption by the States.

The provisions of this amendment were threefold. One, for which a precedent had been afforded by the President's own action, declared that the public debt incurred by the Federal Government should never be repudiated, and also that no State should pay or accept responsibility for any debt incurred for the purpose of waging war against the Federation. Another, probably unwise from the point of view of far-sighted statesmanship but more or less in line with the President's policy, provided for the exclusion from office of all who, having sworn allegiance to the Constitution of the United States, had given aid to a rebellion against its Government. The third, which was really the crucial one, provided a settlement of the franchise question which cannot be regarded as extreme or unreasonable. It will be remembered that the original Constitutional Compromise had provided for the inclusion, in calculating the representation of a State, of all "free persons" and of three-fifths of the "other persons"—that is, of the slaves. By freeing the slaves the representation to which the South was entitled was automatically increased by the odd two-fifths of their number, and this seemed to Northerners unreasonable, unless the freedmen were at the same time enfranchised. Congress decided to recommend that the representation of the South should be greater or less according to the extent to which the Negro population were admitted to the franchise or excluded from it. This clause was re-cast more than once in order to satisfy a fantastic scruple of Sumner's concerning the indecency of mentioning the fact that some people were black and others white, a scruple which he continued to enforce with his customary appeals to the Declaration of Independence, until even his ally Stevens lost all patience with him. But in itself it was not, perhaps, a bad solution of the difficulty. Had it been allowed to stand and work without further interference it is quite likely that many Southern States would have been induced by the prospect of larger representation to admit in course of time such Negroes as seemed capable of understanding the meaning of citizenship in the European sense. Such, at any rate, was the opinion of General Lee, as expressed in his evidence before the Reconstruction Committee.

The South was hostile to the proposed settlement mainly on account of the second provision. It resented the proposed exclusion of its leaders. The sentiment was an honourable and chivalrous one, and was well expressed by Georgia in her protest against the detention of Jefferson Davis: "If he is guilty so are we." But the rejection of the Amendment by the Southern States had a bad effect in the North. It may be convenient here to remark that Davis was never tried. He was brought up and admitted to bail (which the incalculable Greeley found for him), and the case against him was not further pressed. In comparison with almost every other Government that has crushed an insurrection, the Government of the United States deserves high credit for its magnanimity in dealing with the leaders of the Secession. Yet the course actually pursued, more in ignorance than in malice so far as the majority were concerned, probably caused more suffering and bitterness among the vanquished than a hundred executions.

For the Radicals were more and more gaining control of Congress, now openly at war with the Executive. The President had been using his veto freely, and, as many even of his own supporters thought, imprudently. The Republicans were eager to obtain the two-thirds majority in both Houses necessary to carry measures over his veto, and to get it even the meticulous Sumner was ready to stoop to some pretty discreditable manœuvres. The President had taken the field against Congress and made some rather violent stump speeches, which were generally thought unworthy of the dignity of the Chief Magistracy. Meanwhile alleged "Southern outrages" against Negroes were vigorously exploited by the Radicals, whose propaganda was helped by a racial riot in New Orleans, the responsibility for which it is not easy to determine, but the victims of which were mostly persons of colour. The net result was that the new Congress, elected in 1866, not only gave the necessary two-thirds majority, but was more Radical in its complexion and more strictly controlled by the Republican machine than the old had been.

The effect was soon apparent. A Reconstruction Bill was passed by the House and sent up to the Senate. It provided for the military government of the conquered States until they should be reorganized, but was silent in regard to the conditions of their re-admission. The Republican caucus met to consider amendments, and Sumner moved that in the new Constitutions there should be no exclusion from voting on account of colour. This was carried against the strong protest of John Sherman, the brother of the general and a distinguished Republican Senator. But when the Senate met, even he submitted to the decision of the caucus, and the Amendment Bill was carried by the normal Republican majority. Johnson vetoed it, and it was carried by both Houses over his veto. The Radicals had now achieved their main object. Congress was committed to indiscriminate Negro Suffrage, and the President against it; the controversy was narrowed down to that issue. From that moment they had the game in their hands.

The impeachment of Johnson may be regarded as an interlude. The main mover in the matter was Stevens. The main instrument Ben Butler—a man disgraced alike in war and peace, the vilest figure in the politics of that time. It was he who, when in command at New Orleans (after braver men had captured it), issued the infamous order which virtually threatened Southern women who showed disrespect for the Federal uniform with rape—an order which, to the honour of the Northern soldiers, was never carried out. He was recalled from his command, but his great political "influence" saved him from the public disgrace which should have been his portion. Perhaps no man, however high his character, can mix long in the business of politics and keep his hands quite clean. The leniency with which Butler was treated on this occasion must always remain an almost solitary stain upon the memory of Abraham Lincoln. On the memory of Benjamin Butler stains hardly show. At a later stage of the war Butler showed such abject cowardice that Grant begged that if his political importance required that he should have some military command he should be placed somewhere where there was no fighting. This time Butler saved himself by blackmailing his commanding officer. At the conclusion of peace the man went back to politics, a trade for which his temperament was better fitted; and it was he who was chosen as the chief impugner of the conduct and honour of Andrew Johnson!

The immediate cause of the Impeachment was the dismissal of Stanton, which Congress considered, wrongly as it would appear, a violation of an Act which, after the quarrel became an open one, they had framed for the express purpose of limiting his prerogative in this direction. In his quarrel with Stanton the President seems to have had a good case, but he was probably unwise to pursue it, and certainly unwise to allow it to involve him in a public quarrel with Grant, the one man whose prestige in the North might have saved the President's policy. The quarrel threw Grant, who was already ambitious of the Presidency, into the hands of the Republicans, and from that moment he ceased to count as a factor making for peace and conciliation.

Johnson was acquitted, two or three honest Republican Senators declaring in his favour, and so depriving the prosecution of the two-thirds majority. Each Senator gave a separate opinion in writing. These documents are of great historical interest; Sumner's especially—which is of inordinate length and intensely characteristic—should be studied by anyone who thinks that in these pages I have given an unfair idea of his character.

In the meantime far more important work was being done in the establishment of Negro rule in the South. State after State was "reconstructed" under the terms of the Act which had been passed over the President's veto. In every case as many white men as possible were disfranchised on one pretext or another as "disloyal." In every case the whole Negro population was enfranchised. Throughout practically the whole area of what had been the Confederate States the position of the races was reversed.

So far, in discussing the Slavery Question and all the issues which arose out of it, I have left one factor out of account—the attitude of the slaves themselves. I have done so deliberately because up to the point which we have now reached that attitude had no effect on history. The slaves had no share in the Abolition movement or in the formation of the Republican Party. Even from John Brown's Raid they held aloof. The President's proclamation which freed them, the Acts of Congress which now gave them supreme power throughout the South, were not of their making or inspiration. In politics the negro was still an unknown factor.

There can be little doubt that under Slavery the relations of the two races were for the most part kindly and free from rancour, that the master was generally humane and the slave faithful. Had it not been so, indeed, the effect of the transfer of power to the freedmen must have been much more horrible than it actually was. On the other hand, it is certain that when some Southern apologists said that the slaves did not want their freedom they were wrong. Dr. Booker Washington, himself a slave till his sixth or seventh year, has given us a picture of the vague but very real longing which was at the back of their minds which bears the stamp of truth. It is confirmed by their strange and picturesque hymnology, in which the passionate desire to be "free," though generally apparently invoked in connection with a future life, is none the less indicative of their temper, and in their preoccupation with those parts of the Old Testament—the history of the Exodus, for instance—which appeared applicable to their own condition. Yet it is clear that they had but the vaguest idea of what "freedom" implied. Of what "citizenship" implied they had, of course, no idea at all.

It is very far from my purpose to write contemptuously of the Negroes. There is something very beautiful about a love of freedom wholly independent of experience and deriving solely from the just instinct of the human soul as to what is its due. And if, as some Southerners said, the Negro understood by freedom mainly that he need not work, there was a truth behind his idea, for the right to be idle if and when you choose without reason given or permission sought is really what makes the essential difference between freedom and slavery. But it is quite another thing when we come to a complex national and historical product like American citizenship. Of all that great European past, without the memory of which the word "Republic" has no meaning, the Negro knew nothing: with it he had no link. A barbaric version of the more barbaric parts of the Bible supplied him with his only record of human society.

Yet Negro Suffrage, though a monstrous anomaly, might have done comparatively little practical mischief if the Negro and his white neighbour had been left alone to find their respective levels. The Negro might have found a certain picturesque novelty in the amusement of voting; the white American might have continued to control the practical operation of Government. But it was no part of the policy of those now in power at Washington to leave either black or white alone. "Loyal" Governments were to be formed in the South; and to this end political adventurers from the North—"carpet-baggers," as they were called—went down into the conquered South to organize the Negro vote. A certain number of disreputable Southerners, known as "scallywags," eagerly took a hand in the game for the sake of the spoils. So of course did the smarter and more ambitious of the freedmen. And under the control of this ill-omened trinity of Carpet-Bagger, Scallywag, and Negro adventurer grew up a series of Governments the like of which the sun has hardly looked upon before or since.

The Negro is hardly to be blamed for his share in the ghastly business. The whole machinery of politics was new to him, new and delightful as a toy, new and even more delightful as a means of personal enrichment. That it had or was intended to have any other purpose probably hardly crossed his mind. His point of view—a very natural one, after all—was well expressed by the aged freedman who was found chuckling over a pile of dollar bills, the reward of some corrupt vote, and, when questioned, observed: "Wal, it's de fifth time I's been bo't and sold, but, 'fo de Lord, it's de fust I eber got de money!" Under administrations conducted in this spirit the whole South was given up to plunder. The looting went on persistently and on a scale almost unthinkable. The public debts reached amazing figures, while Negro legislators voted each other wads of public money as a kind of parlour game, amid peals of hearty African laughter.

Meanwhile the Governments presided over by Negroes, or white courtiers of the Negro and defended by the bayonets of an armed black militia, gave no protection to the persons or property of the whites.

Daily insults were offered to what was now the subject race. The streets of the proud city of Charleston, where ten years before on that fatal November morning the Palmetto flag had been raised as the signal of Secession, were paraded by mobs of dusky freedmen singing: "De bottom rail's on top now, and we's g'wine to keep it dar!" It says much for the essential kindliness of the African race that in the lawless condition of affairs there were no massacres and deliberate cruelties were rare. On the other hand, the animal nature of the Negro was strong, and outrages on white women became appallingly frequent and were perpetrated with complete impunity. Every white family had to live in something like a constant state of siege.

It was not to be expected that ordinary men of European origin would long bear such government. And those on whom it was imposed were no ordinary men. They were men whose manhood had been tried by four awful years of the supreme test, men such as had charged with Pickett up the bloody ridge at Gettysburg, and disputed with the soldiers of Grant every inch of tangled quagmire in the Wilderness. They found a remedy.

Suddenly, as at a word, there appeared in every part of the downtrodden country bands of mysterious horsemen. They rode by night, wearing long white garments with hoods that hid their faces, and to the terror-stricken Negroes who encountered them they declared themselves—not without symbolic truth—the ghosts of the great armies that had died in defence of the Confederacy. But superstitious terrors were not the only ones that they employed.

The mighty secret society called the Ku-Klux-Klan was justified by the only thing that can justify secret societies—gross tyranny and the denial of plain human rights. The method they employed was the method so often employed by oppressed peoples and rarely without success—the method by which the Irish peasantry recovered their land. It was to put fear into the heart of the oppressor. Prominent men, both black and white, who were identified with the evils which afflicted the State, were warned generally by a message signed "K.K.K." to make themselves scarce. If they neglected the warning they generally met a sudden and bloody end. At the same time the Klan unofficially tried and executed those criminals whom the official Government refused to suppress. These executions had under the circumstances a clear moral justification. Unfortunately it had the effect of familiarizing the people with the irregular execution of Negroes, and so paved the way for those "lynchings" for which, since the proper authorities are obviously able and willing to deal adequately with such crimes, no such defence can be set up.

Both sides appealed to Grant, who had been elected President on the expiration of Johnson's term in 1868.

Had he been still the Grant of Appomattox and of the healing message to which reference has already been made, no man would have been better fitted to mediate between the sections and to cover with his protection those who had surrendered to his sword. But Grant was now a mere tool in the hands of the Republican politicians, and those politicians were determined that the atrocious system should be maintained. They had not even the excuse of fanaticism. Stevens was dead; he had lived just long enough to see his policy established, not long enough to see it imperilled. Sumner still lived, but he had quarrelled with Grant and lost much of his influence. The men who surrounded the President cared little enough for the Negro. Their resolution to support African rule in the South depended merely upon the calculation that so long as it endured the reign of the Republican party and consequently their own professional interests were safe. A special Act of Congress was passed to put down the Ku-Klux-Klan, and the victorious army of the Union was again sent South to carry it into execution. But this time it found an enemy more invulnerable than Lee had been—invulnerable because invisible. The whole white population was in the conspiracy and kept its secrets. The army met with no overt resistance with which it could deal, but the silent terrorism went on. The trade of "Carpet-bagger" became too dangerous. The ambitious Negro was made to feel that the price to be paid for his privileges was a high one. Silently State after State was wrested from Negro rule.

Later the Ku-Klux-Klan—for such is ever the peril of Secret Societies and the great argument against them when not demanded by imperative necessity—began to abuse its power. Reputable people dropped out of it, and traitors were found in its ranks. About 1872 it disappeared. But its work was done. In the great majority of the Southern States the voting power of the Negro was practically eliminated. Negroid Governments survived in three only—South Carolina, Florida, and Louisiana. For these the end came four years later.

The professional politicians of the North, whose motive for supporting the indefensible régime established by the Reconstruction Act has already been noted, used, of course, the "atrocities" of the Ku-Klux-Klan as electioneering material in the North. "Waving the bloody shirt," it was called. But the North was getting tired of it, and was beginning to see that the condition of things in the conquered States was a national disgrace. A Democratic House of Representatives had been chosen, and it looked as if the Democrats would carry the next Presidential election. In fact they did carry it. But fraudulent returns were sent in by the three remaining Negro Governments, and these gave the Republicans a majority of one in the Electoral College. A Commission of Enquiry was demanded and appointed, but it was packed by the Republicans and showed itself as little scrupulous as the scoundrels who administered the "reconstructed" States. Affecting a sudden zeal for State Rights, it declared itself incompetent to inquire into the circumstances under which the returns were made. It accepted them on the word of the State authorities and declared Hayes, the Republican candidate, elected.

It was a gross scandal, but it put an end to a grosser one. Some believe that there was a bargain whereby the election of Hayes should be acquiesced in peaceably on condition that the Negro Governments were not further supported. It is equally possible that Hayes felt his moral position too weak to continue a policy of oppression in the South. At any rate, that policy was not continued. Federal support was withdrawn from the remaining Negro Governments, and they fell without a blow. The second rebellion of the South had succeeded where the first had failed. Eleven years after Lee had surrendered to Grant at Appomattox, Grant's successor in the Presidency surrendered to the ghost of Lee.

Negro rule was at an end. But the Negro remained, and the problem which his existence presented was, and is, to-day, further from solution that when Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation. The signs of the Black Terror are still visible everywhere in the South. They are visible in the political solidarity of those Southern States—and only of those States—which underwent the hideous ordeal, what American politicians call "the solid South." All white men, whatever their opinions, must vote together, lest by their division the Negro should again creep in and regain his supremacy. They are visible in those strict laws of segregation which show how much wider is the gulf between the races than it was under Slavery—when the children of the white slave-owner, in Lincoln's words, "romped freely with the little negroes." They are visible above all in acts of unnatural cruelty committed from time to time against members of the dreaded race. These things are inexplicable to those who do not know the story of the ordeal which the South endured, and cannot guess at the secret panic with which white men contemplate the thought of its return.

Well might Jefferson tremble for his country. The bill which the first slave-traders ran up is not yet paid. Their dreadful legacy remains and may remain for generations to come a baffling and tormenting problem to every American who has a better head than Sumner's and a better heart than Legree's.

CHAPTER XI

THE NEW PROBLEMS

Most of us were familiar in our youth with a sort of game or problem which consisted in taking a number, effecting a series of additions, multiplications, subtractions, etc., and finally "taking away the number you first thought of." Some such process might be taken as representing the later history of the Republican Party.

That party was originally founded to resist the further extension of Slavery. That was at first its sole policy and objective. And when Slavery disappeared and the Anti-Slavery Societies dissolved themselves it might seem that the Republican Party should logically have done the same. But no political party can long exist, certainly none can long hold power, while reposing solely upon devotion to a single idea. For one thing, the mere requirements of what Lincoln called "national housekeeping" involves an accretion of policies apparently unconnected with its original doctrine. Thus the Republican Party, relying at first wholly upon the votes of the industrial North, which was generally in favour of a high tariff, took over from the old Whig Party a Protectionist tradition, though obviously there is no logical connection between Free Trade and Slavery. Also, in any organized party, especially where politics are necessarily a profession, there is an even more powerful factor working against the original purity of its creed in the immense mass of vested interests which it creates, especially when it is in power—men holding positions under it, men hoping for a "career" through its triumphs, and the like. It may be taken as certain that no political body so constituted will ever voluntarily consent to dissolve itself, as a merely propagandist body may naturally do when its object is achieved.

For some time, as has been seen, the Republicans continued to retain a certain link with their origin by appearing mainly as a pro-Negro and anti-Southern party, with "Southern outrages" as its electoral stock-in-trade and the maintenance of the odious non-American State Governments as its programme. The surrender of 1876 put an end even to this link. The "bloody shirt" disappeared, and with it the last rag of the old Republican garment. A formal protest against the use of "intimidation" in the "Solid South" continued to figure piously for some decades in the quadrennial platform of the party. At last even this was dropped, and its place was taken by the much more defensible demand that Southern representatives should be so reduced as to correspond to the numbers actually suffered to vote. It is interesting to note that if the Republicans had not insisted on supplementing the Fourteenth Amendment by the Fifteenth, forbidding disqualification on grounds of race or colour, and consequently compelling the South to concede in theory the franchise of the blacks and then prevent its exercise, instead of formally denying it them, this grievance would automatically have been met.

What, then, remained to the Republican Party when the "number it first thought of" had been thus taken away? The principal thing that remained was a connection already established by its leading politicians with the industrial interests of the North-Eastern States and with the groups of wealthy men who, in the main, controlled and dealt in those interests. It became the party of industrial Capitalism as it was rapidly developing in the more capitalist and mercantile sections of the Union.

The first effect of this was an appalling increase of political corruption. During Grant's second Presidency an amazing number of very flagrant scandals were brought to light, of which the most notorious were the Erie Railway scandal, in which the rising Republican Congressional leader, Blaine, was implicated, and the Missouri Whisky Ring, by which the President himself was not unbesmirched. The cry for clean government became general, and had much to do with the election of a Democratic House of Representatives in 1874 and the return by a true majority vote—thought defeated by a trick—of a Democratic President in 1876. Though the issue was somewhat overshadowed in 1880, when Garfield was returned mainly on the tariff issue—to be assassinated later by a disappointed place-hunter named Guiteau and succeeded by Arthur—it revived in full force in 1884 when the Republican candidate was James G. Blaine.

Blaine was personally typical of the degeneration of the Republican Party after the close of the Civil War. He had plenty of brains, was a clever speaker and a cleverer intriguer. Principles he had none. Of course he had in his youth "waved the bloody shirt" vigorously enough, was even one of the last to wave it, but at the same time he had throughout his political life stood in with the great capitalist and financial interests of the North-East—and that not a little to his personal profit. The exposure of one politico-financial transaction of his—the Erie Railway affair—had cost him the Republican nomination in 1876, in spite of Ingersoll's amazing piece of rhetoric delivered on his behalf, wherein the celebrated Secularist orator declared that "like an armed warrior, like a plumed knight, James G. Blaine strode down the floor of Congress and flung his shining lance, full and fair"—at those miscreants who objected to politicians using their public status for private profit. By 1884 it was hoped that the scandal had blown over and was forgotten.

Fortunately, however, the traditions of the country were democratic. Democracy is no preservative against incidental corruption; you will have that wherever politics are a profession. But it is a very real preservative against the secrecy in which, in oligarchical countries like our own, such scandals can generally be buried. The Erie scandal met Blaine on every side. One of the most damning features of the business was a very compromising letter of his own which ended with the fatal words: "Please burn this letter." As a result of its publication, crowds of Democratic voters paraded the streets of several great American cities chanting monotonously—

The result was the complete success of the clean government ticket, and the triumphant return of Grover Cleveland, the first Democrat to take the oath since the Civil War, and perhaps the strongest and best President since Lincoln.

Meanwhile, the Republic had found itself threatened with another racial problem, which became acute at about the time when excitement on both sides regarding the Negro was subsiding. Scarcely had the expansion of the United States touched the Pacific, when its territories encountered a wave of immigration from the thickly populated countries on the other side of that ocean. The population which now poured into California and Oregon was as alien in race and ideals as the Negro, and it was, perhaps, the more dangerous because, while the Negro, so far as he had not absorbed European culture, was a mere barbarian, these people had a very old and elaborate civilization of their own, a civilization picturesque and full of attraction when seen afar off, but exhibiting, at nearer view, many characteristics odious to the traditions, instincts and morals of Europe and white America. There was also the economic evil—really, of course, only an aspect of the conflict of types of civilization—arising from the fact that these immigrants, being used to a lower standard of life, undercut and cheapened the labour of the white man.

Various Acts were passed by Congress from time to time for the restriction and exclusion of Chinese and other Oriental immigrants, and the trouble, though not even yet completely disposed of, was got under a measure of control. Sumner lived long enough to oppose the earlier of these very sensible laws, and, needless to say, trotted out the Declaration of Independence, though in this case the application was even more absurd than in that of the Negro. The Negro, at any rate, was already resident in America, and had been brought there in the first instance without his own consent; and this fact, though it did not make him a citizen, did create a moral responsibility towards him on the part of the American Commonwealth. Towards the Chinaman it had no responsibility whatever. Doubtless he had, as a man, his natural rights to "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness"—in China. But whoever said anything so absurd as that it was one of the natural rights of man to live in America? It was, however, less to the increased absurdity of his argument than to the less favourable bias of his audience that Sumner owed his failure to change the course of legislation in this instance. An argument only one degree less absurd had done well enough as a reason for the enslavement and profanation of the South a year or two before. But there was no great party hoping to perpetuate its power by the aid of the Chinese, nor was there a defeated and unpopular section to be punished for its "treason" by being made over to Mongolian masters. Indeed, Congress, while rejecting Sumner's argument, made a concession to his monomania on the subject of Negroes, and a clause was inserted in the Act whereby no person "of African descent" should be excluded—with the curious result that to this day, while a yellow face is a bar to the prospective immigrant, a black face is, theoretically at any rate, actually a passport.

The exclusion of the Chinese does but mark the beginning of a very important change in the attitude of the Republic towards immigration. Up to this time, in spite of the apparent exception of the Know-Nothing movement, of which the motive seems to have been predominantly sectarian, it had been at once the interest and the pride of America to encourage immigration on the largest possible scale without troubling about its source or character: her interest because her undeveloped resources were immense and apparently inexhaustible, and what was mainly needed was human labour to exploit them; her pride, because she boasted, and with great justice, that her democratic creed was a force strong enough to turn any man who accepted citizenship, whatever his origin, into an American. But in connection with the general claim, which experience has, on the whole, justified, there are two important reservations. One is that such a conversion is only possible if the American idea—that is, the doctrine set forth by Jefferson—when once propounded awakens an adequate response from the man whom it is hoped to assimilate. This can generally be predicted of Europeans, since the idea is present in the root of their own civilization: it derives from Rome. But it can hardly be expected of peoples of a wholly alien tradition from which the Roman Law and the Gospel of Rousseau are alike remote. This consideration lies at the root of the exception of the Negro, the exception of the Mongol, and may one day produce the exception of the Jew.

The other reservation is this: that if the immigration of diverse peoples proceeds at too rapid a rate, it may be impossible for absorption to keep pace with it. Nay, absorption may be grievously hindered by it. This has been shown with great force and clearness by Mr. Zangwill under his excellent image of the "Melting Pot." Anyone even casually visiting New York, for instance, can see on every side the great masses of unmelted foreign material and their continual reinforcement from overseas, probably delaying continually the process of fusion—and New York is only typical in this of other great American cities.

A new tendency to limit immigration and to seek some test of its quality has been a marked feature of the last quarter of a century. The principle is almost certainly sound; the right to act on it, to anyone who accepts the doctrine of national self-government, unquestionable. Whether the test ultimately imposed by a recent Act passed by Congress over President Wilson's veto, that of literacy, is a wise one, is another question. Its tendency may well be to exclude great masses of the peasantry of the Old World, men admirably fitted to develop by their industry the resources of America, whose children at least could easily be taught to read and write the American language and would probably become excellent American citizens. On the other hand, it does not exclude the criminal, or at any rate the most dangerous type of criminal. It does not exclude the submerged population of great European cities, the exploitation of whose cheap labour is a menace to the American workman's standard of life. And it does not, generally speaking, exclude the Jew.

The problem of the Jew exists in America as elsewhere—perhaps more formidably than elsewhere. This, of course, is not because Jews, as such, are worse than other people: only idiots are Anti-Semites in that sense. It arises from the fact that America, more than any other nation, lives by its power of absorption, and the Jew has, ever since the Roman Empire, been found a singularly unabsorbable person. He has an intense nationalism of his own that transcends and indeed ignores frontiers, but to the nationalism of European peoples he is often consciously and almost always subconsciously hostile. In various ways he tends to act as a solvent of such nationalism. Cosmopolitan finance is one example of such a tendency. Another, more morally sympathetic but not much less dangerous to nationalism in such a country as America, is cosmopolitan revolutionary idealism. The Socialist and Anarchist movements of America, divided of course in philosophy, but much more akin in temper than in European countries, are almost wholly Jewish, both in origin and leadership. For this reason, since America's entrance into the Great War, these parties, in contrast to most of the European Socialist parties, have shown themselves violently anti-national and what we now call "Bolshevist."

But organized Socialism is, in America, almost a negligible force; not so organized labour. In no country has the Trade Union movement exercised more power, and in no country has it fought with bolder weapons. In the early struggles between the organized workers and the great capitalists, violence and even murder was freely resorted to on both sides, for if the word must be applied to the vengeance often wreaked by the Labour Unions on servants of the employer and on traitors to the organization, the same word must be used with a severer moral implication of the shooting down of workmen at the orders of men like Carnegie, not even by the authorized police force or militia of the State, but by privately hired assassinators such as the notorious Pinkerton used to supply.

The labour movement in America is not generally Collectivist. Collectivism is alien to the American temper and ideal, which looks rather to a community of free men controlling, through personal ownership, their own industry. The demand of American labour has been rather for the sharp and efficient punishment of such crimes against property as are involved in conspiracies to create a monopoly in some product and the use of great wealth to "squeeze out" the small competitor. Such demands found emphatic expression in the appearance in the 'nineties of a new party calling itself "Populist" and formed by a combination between the organized workmen and the farmers of the West, who felt themselves more and more throttled by the tentacles of the new commercial monopolies which were becoming known by the name of "Trusts." In the elections of 1892, when Cleveland was returned for a second time after an interval of Republican rule under Harrison, the Populists showed unexpected strength and carried several Western States. In 1896 Democrats and Populists combined to nominate William Jennings Bryan as their candidate, with a programme the main plank of which was the free coinage of silver, which, it was thought, would weaken the hold of the moneyed interests of the East upon the industries of the Continent. The Eastern States, however, voted solid for the gold standard, and were joined, in the main, by those Southern States which had not been "reconstructed" and were consequently not included politically in the "Solid South." The West, too, though mainly Bryanite, was not unanimous, and McKinley, the Republican candidate, was returned. The Democratic defeat, however, gave some indication of the tendencies which were to produce the Democratic victory of 1916, when the West, with the aid of the "Solid South," returned a President whom the East had all but unanimously rejected.

McKinley's first term of office, saw the outbreak and victorious prosecution of a war with Spain, arising partly out of American sympathy with an insurrection which had broken out in Cuba, and partly out of the belief, now pretty conclusively shown to have been unfounded, that the American warship Maine, which was blown up in a Spanish harbour, had been so destroyed at the secret instigation of the Spanish authorities. Its most important result was to leave, at its conclusion, both Cuba and the Philippine Islands at the disposal of the United States. This practically synchronized with the highest point reached in this country, just before the Boer War, by that wave of national feeling called "Imperialism." America, for a time, seemed to catch its infection or share its inspiration, as we may prefer to put it. But the tendency was not a permanent one. The American Constitution is indeed expressly built for expansion, but only where the territory acquired can be thoroughly Americanized and ultimately divided into self-governing States on the American pattern. To hold permanently subject possessions which cannot be so treated is alien to its general spirit and intention. Cuba was soon abandoned, and though the Philippines were retained, the difficulties encountered in their subjection and the moral anomaly involved in being obliged to wage a war of conquest against those whom you have professed to liberate, acted as a distinct check upon the enthusiasm for such experiments.

After the conclusion of the Spanish war, McKinley was elected for a second time; almost immediately afterwards he was murdered by an Anarchist named Czolgosz, sometimes described as a "Pole," but presumably an East European Jew. The effect was to produce a third example of the unwisdom—though in this case the country was distinctly the gainer—of the habit of using the Vice-Presidency merely as an electioneering bait. Theodore Roosevelt had been chosen as candidate for that office solely to catch what we should here call the "khaki" sentiment, he and his "roughriders" having played a distinguished and picturesque part in the Cuban campaign. But it soon appeared that the new President had ideas of his own which were by no means identical with those of the Party Bosses. He sought to re-create the moral prestige of the Republican Party by identifying it with the National idea—with which its traditions as the War Party in the battle for the Union made its identification seem not inappropriate—with a spirited foreign policy and with the aspiration for expansion and world-power. But he also sought to sever its damaging connection with those sordid and unpopular plutocratic combinations which the nation as a whole justly hated. Of great energy and attractive personality, and gifted with a strong sense of the picturesque in politics, President Roosevelt opened a vigorous campaign against those Trusts which had for so long backed and largely controlled his party. The Republican Bosses were angry and dismayed, but they dared not risk an open breach with a popular and powerful President backed by the whole nation irrespective of party. So complete was his victory that not only did he enjoy something like a national triumph when submitting himself for re-election in 1904, but in 1908 was virtually able to nominate his successor.

Mr. Taft, however, though so nominated and professing to carry on the Rooseveltian policy, did not carry it on to the satisfaction of its originator. The ex-President roundly accused his successor of suffering the party to slip back again into the pocket of the Trusts, and in 1912 offered himself once more to the Republican Party as a rival to his successor. The Party Convention at San Francisco chose Taft by a narrow majority. Something may be allowed for the undoubtedly prevalent sentiment against a breach of the Washingtonian tradition of a two-terms limit; but the main factor was the hostility of the Bosses and the Trusts behind them, and the weapon they used was their control of the Negro "pocket boroughs" of the Southern States, which were represented in the Convention in proportion to their population of those States, though practically no Republican votes were cast there. Colonel Roosevelt challenged the decision of the Convention, and organized an independent party of his own under the title of "Progressive," composed partly of the defeated section of the Republicans and partly of all those who for one reason or another were dissatisfied with existing parties. In the contest which followed he justified his position by polling far more votes than his Republican rival. But the division in the Republican Party permitted the return of the Democratic candidate, Dr. Woodrow Wilson.

The new President was a remarkable man in more ways than one. By birth a Southerner, he had early migrated to New Jersey. He had a distinguished academic career behind him, and had written the best history of his own country at present obtainable. He had also held high office in his State, and his term had been signalized by the vigour with which he had made war on corruption in the public service. During his term of office he was to exhibit another set of qualities, the possession of which had perhaps been less suspected: an instinct for the trend of the national will not unlike that of Jackson, and a far-seeing patience and persistence under misrepresentation and abuse that recalls Lincoln.

For Mr. Wilson had been in office but a little over a year when Prussia, using Austria as an instrument and Serbia as an excuse, forced an aggressive war on the whole of Europe. The sympathies of most Americans were with the Western Allies, especially with France, for which country the United States had always felt a sort of spiritual cousinship. England was, as she had always been, less trusted, but in this instance, especially when Prussia opened the war with a criminal attack upon the little neutral nation of Belgium, it was generally conceded that she was in the right. Dissentients there were, especially among the large German or German-descended population of the Middle West, and the Prussian Government spent money like water to further a German propaganda in the States. But the mass of American opinion was decidedly favourable to the cause of those who were at war with the German Empire. Yet it was at that time equally decided and much more unanimous against American intervention in the European quarrel.

The real nature of this attitude was not grasped in England, and the resultant misunderstanding led to criticisms and recriminations which everyone now regrets. The fact is that the Americans had very good reason for disliking the idea of being drawn into the awful whirlpool in which Europe seemed to be perishing. It was not cowardice that held her back: her sons had done enough during the four terrible years of civil conflict in which her whole manhood was involved to repel that charge for ever. Rather was it a realistic memory of what such war means that made the new America eager to keep the peace as long as it might. There was observable, it is true, a certain amount of rather silly Pacifist sentiment, especially in those circles which the Russians speak of as "Intelligenzia," and Americans as "high-brow." It went, as it usually goes, though the logical connection is not obvious, with teetotalism and similar fads. All these fads were peculiarly rampant in the United States in the period immediately preceding the war, when half the States went "dry," and some cities passed what seems to us quite lunatic laws—prohibiting cigarette-smoking and creating a special female police force of "flirt-catchers." The whole thing is part, one may suppose, of the deliquescence of the Puritan tradition in morals, and will probably not endure. So far as such doctrinaire Pacifism is concerned, it seems to have dissolved at the first sound of an American shot. But the instinct which made the great body of sensible and patriotic Americans, especially in the West, resolved to keep out of the war, so long as their own interests and honour were not threatened, was of a much more solid and respectable kind. Undoubtedly most Americans thought that the Allies were in the right; but if every nation intervened in every war where it thought one or other side in the right, every war must become universal. The Republic was not pledged, like this country, to enforce respect for Belgian neutrality; she was not, like England, directly threatened by the Prussian menace. Indirectly threatened she was, for a German victory would certainly have been followed by an attempt to realize well-understood German ambitions in South America. But most Americans were against meeting trouble halfway.

Such was the temper of the nation. The President carefully conformed to it, while at the same time guiding and enlightening it. For nearly two years he kept his country out of the war. The task was no easy one. He was assailed at home at once by the German propagandists, who wanted him, in defiance of International Law, to forbid the sale of arms and munitions to the Allies, and by Colonel Roosevelt, who wished America to declare herself definitely on the Allied side. Moreover, Prussia could understand no argument but force, and took every sign of the pacific disposition of the Government at Washington as an indication of cowardice or incapacity to fight. But he was excellently served in Berlin by Mr. Gerard, and he held to his course. The Lusitania was sunk and many American citizens were drowned as a part of the Prussian campaign of indiscriminate murder on the high seas; and the volume of feeling in favour of intervention increased. But the President still resisted the pressure put upon him, as Lincoln had so long resisted the pressure of those who wished him to use his power to declare the slaves free. He succeeded in obtaining from Germany some mitigation of her piratical policy, and with that he was for a time content. He probably knew then, as Mr. Gerard certainly did, that war must come. But he also knew that if he struck too early he would divide the nation. He waited till the current of opinion had time to develop, carefully though unobtrusively directing it in such a fashion as to prepare it for eventualities. So well did he succeed that when in the spring of 1917 Prussia proclaimed a revival of her policy of unmitigated murder directed not only against belligerents but avowedly against neutrals also, he felt the full tide of the general will below him. And when at last he declared war it was with a united America at his back.

Such is, in brief, the diplomatic history of the intervention of the United States in the Great War. Yet there is another angle from which it can be viewed, whereby it seems not only inevitable but strangely symbolic. The same century that saw across the Atlantic the birth of the young Republic, saw in the very centre of Europe the rise of another new Power. Remote as the two were, and unlikely as it must have seemed at the time that they could ever cross each other's paths, they were in a strange fashion at once parallel and antipodean. Neither has grown in the ordinary complex yet unconscious fashion of nations. Both were, in a sense, artificial products. Both were founded on a creed. And the creeds were exactly and mathematically opposed. According to the creed of Thomas Jefferson, all men were endowed by their Creator with equal rights. According to the creed of Frederick Hohenzollern there was no Creator, and no one possessed any rights save the right of the strongest. Through more than a century the history of the two nations is the development of the two ideas. It would have seemed unnatural if the great Atheist State, in its final bid for the imposition of its creed on all nations, had not found Jefferson's Republic among its enemies. That anomaly was not to be. That flag which, decked only with thirteen stars representing the original revolted colonies, had first waved over Washington's raw levies, which, as the cluster grew, had disputed on equal terms with the Cross of St. George its ancient lordship of the sea, which Jackson had kept flying over New Orleans, which Scott and Taylor had carried triumphantly to Monterey, which on a memorable afternoon had been lowered over Sumter, and on a yet more memorable morning raised once again over Richmond, which now bore its full complement of forty-eight stars, symbolizing great and free States stretching from ocean to ocean, appeared for the first time on a European battlefield, and received there as its new baptism of fire a salute from all the arsenals of Hell.

INDEX

• Aberdeen, Lord, Calhoun's reply to, 118
• Abolitionists, Southern, no attempt to suppress, 132;
• hold Congress in Baltimore, 132;
• Northern, different attitudes of, 132;
• their hostility to the Union, 133;
• their sectional character, 133;
• Southern Abolitionism killed by, 133;
• anger of South against, 134;
• unpopularity of, in North, 135;
• acquiesce in Secession, 164
• Adams, Francis, American Minister in London, 192;
• protests against the sailing of the Alabama, 192
• Adams, John, opposed by Democrats for Vice-President, 57;
• chosen President by Electoral College, 62;
• his character and policy, 62-63;
• defeated by Jefferson, 63;
• refuses to receive Jefferson at the White House, 67;
• fills offices with Federalists, 67
• Adams, John Quincey, leaves Federalist Party, 71;
• a candidate for the Presidency, 92;
• chosen President by House of Representatives, 94;
• appoints Clay Secretary of State, 95;
• unpopularity of his government, 96;
• defeated by Jackson, 96
• Alabama secedes from the Union, 161
• Alabama, the, built in Liverpool, 191;
• her devastations, 191;
• Great Britain declared responsible for, 192;
• compensation paid on account of, 192
• Alexander I. of Russia wishes to intervene in America, 87
• Aliens Law, 63
• America, discovery of, 1;
• claimed by Spain, 3;
• English colonies in, 3;
• European intervention in, forbidden by Monroe Doctrine, 88.
• (See also United States)
• Anderson, Major, in command of Fort Sumter, 172;
• surrenders, 173
• André, Major, relations of, with Arnold, 33;
• shot as a spy, 33
• Antietam, Battle of, 189
• Anti-Masonic Party formed, 112
• Anti-Slavery Societies, Conference of, at Baltimore, 132;
• dissolve themselves, 227
• Arkansas, only new Slave State possible under Missouri Compromise, 86;
• rejects Secession, 171;
• secedes, 175
• Arizona acquired from Mexico, 122;
• open to Slavery, 126
• Arnold, Benedict, career of, 32;
• treason of, 33;
• commands in South, 33
• Arthur, President, succeeds Garfield, 229
• Appomattox Court House, Lee's surrender at, 202
• Atlanta, Georgia, Sherman moves on, 199;
• fate of, 200
•  
• Baltimore, Maryland, Congress of Anti-Slavery Societies meets in, 132;
• Douglas Democrats hold Convention at, 154;
• Union troops stoned in, 177
• Baltimore, Lord, a Catholic, 4;
• founds colony of Maryland, 4;
• his family deposed, 5
• Bank, United States, creation of, proposed by Hamilton, 56;
• opposition to, 56;
• constitutionality of, disputed, 56;
• Washington signs Bill for, 57;
• Supreme Court decides in favour of, 57;
• revived after War of 1812, 85;
• power—unpopularity of, 102-103;
• Jackson's attitude towards, 103;
• corrupt influence of, 103;
• Bill for re-charter of, passes Congress, 103;
• vetoed by Jackson, 103;
• Whig championship of, 105;
• elections adverse to, 105;
• Jackson removes deposits from, 106;
• its end, 106
• Beaumarchais, instrumental in supplying arms to the Colonists, 30
• Beauregard, General, opposed to McDowell in Virginia, 180;
• commands at Bull Run, 180;
• rallies Southern troops, 180;
• attacks Grant at Shiloh, 184
• Belgium, Prussian invasion of, 237
• Black, Judge, supports the Union, 165;
• urges reinforcement of Fort Sumter, 172
• Blaine, James G., implicated in Erie Railway scandal, 228;
• character of, 229;
• candidate for Presidency, 229-230;
• defeated by Cleveland, 230
• Blair, Francis, saves Missouri for the Union, 176
• Bland, Richard, appeals to "the Law of Nature," 16
• Boon, Daniel, 71
• Booth, John Wilkes, assassinates Lincoln, 208;
• death of, 208
• "Border Ruffians," 143, 150
• Boston, Mass., taxed tea thrown into harbour at, 17;
• evacuated by Colonists, 25;
• abandoned by British troops, 25;
• Slave Trade profitable to, 49;
• Hartford Convention resolves to meet again at, 82
• "Boston Tea Party," the, 17, 18
• Breckinridge, nominated for Presidency by Southern Democrats, 154;
• Southern support of, 155
• Brown, John, character of, 143;
• his murders in Kansas, 144;
• his project for a slave insurrection, 152;
• captures Harper's Ferry, 152;
• execution of, 153;
• repudiated by Republican Convention, 153;
• Lincoln on, 153, 208
• Bryan, William J., nominated for Presidency, 234;
• defeated by McKinley, 234
• Buchanan, James, elected President, 145;
• accepts Lecompton Constitution, 150;
• quarrels with Douglas, 150;
• weakness of, 158-159;
• his Message to Congress, 159;
• rejects advice of General Scott, 160;
• his divided Cabinet, 160;
• attempts to reinforce Fort Sumter, 172
• Bull Run, first Battle of, 180-181;
• second Battle of, 187
• Bunker's Hill, Battle of, 18
• Burgoyne, General, commands British forces in Canada, 28;
• his plan, 28;
• his failure and surrender, 29
• Burke, Edmund, inconsistency of, 15
• Burnside, General, defeated by Lee at Fredericksburg, 192
• Burr, Aaron, 65;
• Democratic candidate for the Vice-Presidency, 66;
• ties with Jefferson for the Presidency, 66;
• his intrigues with Federalists defeated by Hamilton, 66;
• elected Vice-President, 66;
• becomes an enemy of Jefferson, 67;
• candidate for Governorship of New York, 72;
• Hamilton's influence again defeats, 73;
• fights and kills Hamilton, 73;
• his plans regarding the West, 73-74;
• approaches Jackson, 74;
• Jackson on, 75;
• arrest and trial of, 75
• Butler, Benjamin, instrumental in the impeachment of Johnson, 219;
• his character and career, 219
•  
• Calhoun, John Caldwell, superior to Clay as an orator, 79;
• in the running for the Presidency, 90;
• chosen Vice-President, 97;
• his connection with the Eaton affair, 97-98;
• his quarrel with Jackson, 98;
• defends Nullification, 99;
• compromises with Clay, 101;
• joins coalition against Jackson, 102;
• his attitude towards the Indians, 107;
• leaves the Whigs, 110;
• his transformation after quarrel with Jackson, 111;
• his advocacy of State Rights, 111;
• his defence of Slavery, 111, 134;
• appointed Secretary of State, 115;
• eager for annexation of Texas, 116;
• resists clamour for war with England, 117;
• his argument, 117;
• defends Slavery in despatch to Lord Aberdeen, 118;
• his action condemned by Northern Democrats, 118;
• not favoured for Presidency, 119;
• opposes war with Mexico, 121;
• advocates strictly defensive policy, 121;
• foresees consequences of large annexations, 121-122;
• opposes Compromise of 1850..128;
• his "Testament," 128;
• his death and epitaph, 128;
• influence of his defence of Slavery on Southern opinion, 134;
• Jefferson Davis succeeds to position of, 140
• California acquired from Mexico, 122;
• gold discovered in, 123;
• decision of, to exclude Slavery, 123;
• Taylor advocates admission of, as a Free State, 125;
• admitted under Compromise of 1850..126
• Canada, a French colony, 9;
• conquered by Great Britain, 10;
• Burgoyne commands in, 28;
• not disposed to join rebellion, 28;
• conquest of, hoped for, 80;
• rebellion in, 111
• Canning, George, opposes European intervention in America, 87;
• suggests joint action by Great Britain and U.S., 88
• Carnegie, Andrew, massacre of workmen by, 223
• Carolinas, colonization of, 8;
• overrun by Cornwallis and Tarleton, 31.
• (See also North and South Carolinas)
• "Carpet-Baggers," 221, 224
• Cass, General, Democratic candidate for Presidency, 125;
• Secretary of State under Buchanan, 160;
• for vigorous action against Secession, 160, 165
• Catholics, reasons of first Stuarts for leniency to, 4;
• find a refuge in Maryland, 5;
• establish religious equality, 5;
• dispossessed of power, 5;
• New England dislikes tolerating, 38;
• "Know-Nothing" movement directed against, 138-139
• Chancellorsville, Battle of, 192
• Charles I. grants charter of Maryland, 4
• Charles II. grants William Penn charter for Pennsylvania, 7;
• grants charter of Carolinas to Hyde family, 8
• Charleston, South Carolina, occupied by Cornwallis, 21;
• Democratic Convention meets at, 153;
• Breckinridge nominated at, 154;
• cheers election of Lincoln, 156;
• Fort Sumter in harbour of, 172;
• Negro demonstrations in, 222
• Chatham, William Pitt, Earl of, directs war against France, 10;
• denounces employment of Indians, 28
• Chattanooga, Battle of, 198
• Cherokee Indians, problem of the, 107;
• Jackson's attitude towards, 107;
• removed beyond the Mississippi, 107
• Chesapeake, the, duel with the Shannon, 80
• Chickamauga, Battle of, 198
• Chicago, Ill., Republican Convention meets at, 153
• Chinese, immigration of, 230;
• Sumner's plea for, 230;
• exclusion of, 231
• Civil War, the, not fought over Slavery, 162;
• motives of South, 163-164;
• case for North stated, 166-167;
• issue of, as defined by Lincoln, 167;
• progress of, 180-202
• Clay, Henry, leader of "war hawks," 78;
• character of, 78-79;
• signs peace with Great Britain, 83;
• arranges Missouri Compromise, 85;
• a candidate for the Presidency, 91;
• deserted by the West, 95;
• supports Adams, 95;
• Secretary of State, 98;
• responsible for Protectionist policy, 100;
• seeks a compromise with Calhoun, 101;
• supports U.S. Bank, 105;
• crushing defeat of, 105;
• the appropriate Whig candidate for Presidency, 113;
• passed over for Harrison, 113;
• partial retirement of, 125;
• called upon to save the Union, 125;
• his last Compromise, 126-127;
• death of, 126, 129;
• Crittenden a disciple of, 160
• Cleveland, Grover, elected President, 230;
• second election, 234
• Clinton, Democratic candidate for Vice-Presidency, 57
• Cobbett, William, on American prosperity, 37;
• supports Federalists, 59
• Collectivism, alien to the American temper, 223
• Colonies (see English, French, Dutch, Spanish Colonies)
• Columbia, South Carolina, burning of, 201
• Columbia, district of, slavery legal in, 126;
• slave-trade abolished in, 126
• Columbus, Christopher, discovers America, 1;
• American view of, 1;
• and the Renaissance, 2
• Compromise of 1850, drafted by Clay, 126;
• supported by Webster, 127;
• opposed by Calhoun, 128;
• reasons for failure of, 129 seq.;
• administered by a new generation, 139;
• Seward's speech on, 139
• Compromises (see Constitution, Crittenden, Missouri)
• Confederate Debt, repudiation of, demanded, 204, 216
• Confederate States, Constitution of, 169;
• Davis President of, 169;
• flag of, raised over Fort Sumter, 173;
• Kentucky declares war on, 178;
• military position of, 178-180;
• Congress of, summoned to meet at Richmond, 180;
• send Mason and Slidell to Europe, 182;
• blockaded 184;
• opportunity to make peace offered to, 199;
• slavery dead in, 199, 203
• Congress, how elected, 47;
• U.S. Bank secures, 103;
• recommends amendments to the Constitution protecting slavery, 168;
• opposed to policy of President Johnson, 214;
• committed to Negro Suffrage, 218
• Connecticut, a Puritan colony, 5;
• accepts invitation to Hartford Convention, 81
• Conscription, adopted by both sides in Civil War, 195;
• form of, imposed in the North, 195;
• New York City resists, 195
• Constitution of United States not modelled on British, 45;
• essential principles of, 45-46;
• compromises of, 46-49;
• slavery protected by, 49, 162;
• opposition to, 51;
• publicly burnt by Garrison, 133;
• described by South Carolina as a "Treaty," 157;
• in relation to expansion, 234-235;
• amendments to, 54, 67, 161, 168, 203, 216, 228
• Constitution of Confederate States, 169
• Continental Congress, first meets, 19;
• issues "Declaration of Colonial Right," 19;
• meeting of, forbidden by British Government, 19;
• second meets, 19;
• issues a general call to arms, 19;
• resolves on separation from Great Britain, 21;
• adopts "Declaration of Independence," 24;
• moribund, 41;
• attempt to remodel fails, 43
• Convention meets to frame Constitution, 42;
• Washington presides over, 42;
• debates of, 42;
• Jefferson absent from, 42, 54;
• difficulties confronting, 43;
• decisions of, 44-49
• "Copperheads," name given to Northern Pacifists, 192;
• their futility, 193;
• Lincoln's policy regarding, 194-195;
• capture Democratic Party, 200
• Cornwallis, Lord, invades South Carolina, 31;
• retreats to Yorktown, 34;
• surrender of, 34
• Cotton industry in American colonies, 11;
• has nothing to gain from Protection, 85, 98, 157
• Cowpens, Battle of, 32
• Crawford, William, of Georgia, a candidate for the Presidency, 91-92
• Creek Indians, descend on South-West, 81;
• Jackson overthrows, 82;
• take refuge in Florida, 87;
• pursued by Jackson, 87
• Crittenden, Senator, a disciple of Clay, 160;
• proposes his compromise, 160;
• his compromise unacceptable to Lincoln, 161;
• rejected, 161
• Cuba, Lincoln fears filibustering in, 161;
• American sympathy with insurrection in, 234;
• at disposal of U.S., 234;
• abandoned, 235
• Czolgosz, assassinates McKinley, 235
•  
• Davie, cavalry leader, 32;
• at Battle of Hanging Rock, 32
• Davis, Jefferson, of Mississippi, successor of Calhoun, 140;
• on extension of Slavery, 144-145;
• elected President of the Confederacy, 169;
• his qualifications and defects, 169-170;
• an obstacle to peace, 199;
• believes Slavery dead, 199, 203;
• relieves Johnstone of his command, 200;
• accused of complicity with Lincoln's murder, 209;
• his retort on Johnson, 209;
• never brought to trial, 217
• "Declaration of Colonial Right," 19
• "Declaration of Independence," drafted by Jefferson, 22;
• quoted, 22;
• its implications, 23-24;
• Slave Trade condemned in original draft, 48-49;
• Slavery inconsistent with, 148;
• misinterpreted by Douglas, 151;
• misunderstood by Sumner, 205-207;
• invoked by Sumner in favour of Chinese, 232
• De Grasse, in command of French fleet, 34
• Delaware, acquired from Dutch, 7;
• small slave population of, 176
• Democracy, in English colonies, 13, 16;
• theory of, 23-24;
• application of, in America, 36-37;
• unjust charges against, 65;
• characteristic of the West, 92;
• Jackson's loyalty to, 93;
• its true bearing on the Negro problem, 206-207;
• effect of, on corruption, 229
• Democratic Party, name ultimately taken by followers of Jefferson, 57;
• organization of, under Jackson, 96, 108;
• unwise attacks on Harrison by, 113-114;
• refuses to come to rescue of Tyler, 115;
• chooses Polk as Presidential candidate, 119;
• holds Convention at Charleston, 153;
• split in, 154;
• captured by "Copperheads," 200;
• defeated by trickery in 1876, 225, 229;
• returns Cleveland, 230;
• unites with Populists in support of Bryan, 234;
• returns Wilson, 236
• Donelson, Fort, captured by Grant, 183
• Douglas, Stephen, on Slavery, 130, 141;
• Senator for Illinois, 140;
• character of, 140-141;
• motives of, 141-142;
• introduces Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 142;
• his doctrine of "Popular Sovereignty," 142;
• upsets Missouri Compromise, 142;
• results of his policy, 143-144;
• accepts Dred Scott decision, 147;
• rejects Lecompton Constitution, 150;
• his Quarrel with Buchanan, 150;
• his contest with Lincoln, 150;
• debates with Lincoln, 151-152;
• rejected by the South, 153;
• nominated for Presidency, 154;
• defeat of, 155;
• supports Crittenden Compromise, 160;
• his patriotism, 174;
• present at Lincoln's inauguration, 174;
• his last campaign and death, 174
• Draft Riots in New York, 195
• Dred Scott decision delivered by Taney, 146;
• its implications, 146-147;
• rejected by Republicans, 147;
• accepted by Douglas, 147;
• fatal to "Popular Sovereignty," 147;
• necessitates an amendment to Constitution, 161
• Dutch colonies in America, 7
•  
• Eaton, Major, in Jackson's Cabinet, 97;
• marriage of, 97;
• Calhoun accused of wishing to ruin, 98
• Eaton, Mrs., charges against, 97;
• boycott of, 97;
• Jackson takes part of, 97-98
• Electoral College, original theory of, 46;
• responsible for choice of Adams, 62;
• tie between Jefferson and Burr in, 66;
• figment of, destroyed, 96;
• Lincoln's majority in, 155
• Emancipation Proclamation, decision to issue after Antietam, 189;
• Lincoln's defence of, 191;
• effect abroad, 191
• Embargo, imposed by Jefferson, 76;
• withdrawn, 77
• Emerson on John Brown, 153
• England and Spain, 3.
• (See also Great Britain)
• English colonies in America, 3;
• French attempt to hem in, 9;
• economic position of, 10-12;
• government of, 12-13;
• democracy in, 13;
• proposal to tax, 14-15, 17;
• attitude of, 16-17;
• unite, 19;
• declare their independence, 22;
• France forms alliance with, 30;
• independence of, recognized by Great Britain, 35;
• internal revolution in, 36
• "Era of Good Feeling," 86, 90
• Erie Railway scandal, 228, 229
• Erskine, British Minister at Washington, 77
• Everett, nominated as candidate for Presidency, 154;
• Border States support, 155
•  
• Farragut, Admiral, takes New Orleans, 186
• Federalist, The, established to defend the Constitution, 51;
• Hamilton and Madison contribute to, 51
• Federalist Party, support a National Bank, 57;
• sympathies of, with England against France, 59;
• pass Alien and Sedition Acts, 63;
• Burr's intrigues with, 66, 72;
• oppose Louisiana Purchase, 70;
• suicide of, 71
• Fessenden, Senator, on Charles Sumner, 205
• Fifteenth Amendment, effect of, 228
• Filmore, Millard, succeeds Taylor as President, 125;
• his succession favourable to Clay, 126
• Florida, British land in, 82;
• Jackson expels British from, 82;
• acquired by U.S., 86-87;
• secedes from Union, 161;
• Negro government of, makes fraudulent return, 225
• Floyd, Secretary for War under Buchanan, 160;
• his sympathy with secession, 160;
• his distribution of the U.S. armament, 179
• Force Bills, demanded by Jackson, 100;
• supported by Webster, 101;
• precedence for, insisted on, 101;
• signed by Jackson, 101;
• nullified by South Carolina, 101
• "Forty-Seven-Forty-or-Fight," 117, 120
• Fourteenth Amendment, provisions of, 216;
• Southern opposition to, 217;
• Lee's views on, 217
• France and England in America, 9;
• War with, 9-10;
• hesitates to recognize American independence, 29;
• forms alliance with revolted colonies, 30;
• Jefferson Minister to, 42;
• Jefferson's sympathy with, 59-60;
• badly served by Genet, 60;
• anger with, over "X.Y.Z. letters," 63;
• acquires Louisiana, 68;
• sells to U.S., 68;
• Jackson settles disputes with, 107;
• intervention of, in Mexico, 213;
• American sympathy with, 237
• Franklin, Benjamin, goes to France to solicit help for, 29;
• represents Confederation at Peace Congress, 35;
• a member of the Convention, 42;
• dislikes provision regarding fugitive slaves, 48
• Frederick the Great, his creed contrasted with Jefferson's, 239
• Freemasons, origin of, 112;
• death of Morgan attributed to, 112;
• outcry against, 112;
• President Jackson a, 112
• Free Trade, established between States, 44;
• with England, South Carolina's desire for, 157.
• (See also Protection)
• Frémont, General, Republican candidate for Presidency, 145;
• commands in Missouri, 190;
• proclamation of, regarding slaves repudiated by Lincoln, 190;
• candidate of Radical Republicans for the Presidency, 200;
• withdrawn, 200
• French Canadians, antagonized by New England intolerance, 38
• French Colonies in America, 9-10
• French Revolution, Jefferson's interest in, 54;
• American enthusiasm for, 58;
• New England shocked at, 58;
• continued popularity of, 60;
• effect of, in Latin America, 87
• Fugitive Slaves, their return provided for by Constitution, 48;
• provision nullified by some Northern States, 127, 136
• Fugitive Slave Law, part of Compromise of 1850, 127;
• accepted by Lincoln, 149, 168;
• Lincoln's strict enforcement of, 171, 189
•  
• Garfield, President, elected, 229;
• murdered, 229
• Garrison, William Lloyd, founder of Northern Abolitionism, 132;
• his view of Slavery, 133;
• his hostility to the Union, 133;
• on Southern Abolitionism, 133;
• on Secession, 164
• Gates, General, Burgoyne surrenders to, 29
• Genet, French Minister to U.S., 60;
• his reception, 60;
• his mistakes, 60
• George III. determined on subjection of American Colonies, 17
• German mercenaries employed by Great Britain, 27, 34
• German population in U.S., 237
• German propaganda in U.S., 237
• Germany (see Prussia)
• Gerrard, James W., American Ambassador at Berlin, 238;
• foresees war, 239
• Gerry, a member of the Convention, 42
• Gettysburg, Battle of, 196
• Ghent, Peace of, 83
• "Good Feeling, Era of," 86, 90
• Grant, Ulysses S., captures Forts Henry and Donelson, 183;
• attacked at Shiloh, 184;
• captures Vicksburg, 196;
• appointed commander of U.S. forces, 197;
• his career and character, 197;
• in Virginia, 198;
• outmanœuvred by Lee, 198;
• fights in the Wilderness, 198;
• Lee surrenders to, 202;
• his report on temper of the South, 213;
• quarrel with Johnson, 219;
• elected President, 223;
• a tool of the politicians, 223;
• corruption under, 228;
• implicated in Missouri Whisky scandal, 228
• Great Britain imposes taxes on her colonies, 14 et seq.;
• revokes charter of Massachusetts, 18;
• inadequate military action of, 19;
• prohibits Continental Congresses, 19;
• practical reasons for repudiating sovereignty of, 20;
• Continental Congress resolves on separation from, 21;
• sends out expedition under Howe, 27;
• effect of Burgoyne's surrender on, 29;
• loses mastery of the sea, 34;
• recognizes independence of the colonies, 35;
• complains of non-fulfilment of peace terms, 41;
• goes to war with French Revolution, 59;
• claims right to search American ships, 77;
• war with, 79;
• hatred of, consequent on burning of Washington, 80;
• sends fleet to the Gulf of Mexico, 81;
• weary of war, 83;
• peace concluded with, 83;
• separates from Holy Alliance, 87;
• proposes joint declaration with U.S., 88;
• her postulate of naval supremacy compared with the Monroe Doctrine, 88-89;
• Jackson settles disputes with, 107;
• Jackson's tribute to, 107;
• war with, avoided, 111;
• claims in Oregon, 117;
• clamour for war with, 117;
• Calhoun's objections to war with, 117;
• intervenes in Texas question, 118;
• Calhoun's despatch to, 118;
• variation of opinion in, concerning Civil War, 181-182;
• proclaims neutrality, 182;
• anger in, over Trent affair, 183;
• Alabama built in, 192;
• declared not to have shown "reasonable care," 192;
• pays compensation, 192;
• war with no remedy for sectional divisions, 213;
• less popular in America than France, 237;
• allowed to be in the right against Prussia, 237
• Greeley, Horace, editor of New York Tribune, 164;
• on Secession, 164;
• his "Prayer of the Twenty Millions," 190;
• Lincoln's reply to, 190;
• his inconsistency, 193;
• goes bail for Davis, 217
• Grenville, George, proposes Stamp Duty for America, 14
• Guiteau, murders President Garfield, 229
•  
• Hamilton, Alexander, a member of the Convention, 42;
• writes for the Federalist, 51;
• Secretary to the Treasury, 52;
• his opinions and policy, 53-54;
• his financial successes, 55;
• proposes taking over State Debts, 55;
• buys off Southern opposition, 55;
• proposes creation of National Bank, 56;
• opposition to, 57;
• defeats Burr's intrigues for the Presidency, 66;
• opposes Burr's candidature in New York, 73;
• death of, 73
• Hampton Roads, negotiations at, 199
• Hanging Rock, Battle of, 32
• Harper's Ferry, John Brown captures, 152;
• Jackson sent back to hold, 189
• Harrison, General, an imitation Jackson, 113;
• his nickname of "Tippercanoe," 113;
• elected President, 114;
• dies soon after election, 114
• Harrison, Benjamin, Republican President, 234
• Hartford Convention, summoned, 81;
• proceedings of, 82;
• Jackson on conveners of, 100
• Hawkins, Sir John, pioneer of the Slave Trade, 12
• Hayes, President, fraudulent election of, 225
• Henry Fort, captured by Grant, 183
• Henry, Patrick, on Stamp Act, 16;
• opposes Constitution, 51
• Holt, a Southerner, supports the Union, 165
• Holy Alliance proposes to re-subjugate Spanish colonies, 87;
• Great Britain separated from, 87
• Hooker, General Joseph, defeated at Williamsburg, 186;
• trapped in the Wilderness, 192;
• defeated at Chancellorsville, 192
• House of Representatives, how elected, 47;
• Burr's intrigues in, 66;
• chooses Adams for President, 94;
• a Democratic majority secured in, 229
• Howe, Lord, commands British expedition to America, 27
•  
• Illiterates, exclusion of, 232
• Immigration of Irish, 138;
• of Chinese, 230;
• change in attitude towards, 231;
• Act passed over President Wilson's Veto, 232
• Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, 218
• Imperialism in U.S., 234
• Indians, Penn's Treaty with, 8;
• employed by Great Britain, 28;
• effect of, on the West, 71.
• (See also Cherokee, Creek, Seminole)
• Ingersoll, Robert, defends Blaine, 229
• Irish, immigration of, 138;
• qualities and power of, 138;
• "Know-Nothing" agitation against, 138;
• antagonism to Negroes, 195.
• (See also Scotch-Irish)
•  
• Jackson, Andrew, fights at Hanging Rock, 32;
• commands Tennessee militia, 74;
• relations with Burr, 74-75;
• defeats the Creek Indians, 82;
• expels British from Florida, 82;
• successful defence of New Orleans by, 83;
• pursues Indians into Florida, 87;
• conduct in Florida, 87;
• appointed Governor, 87;
• nominated for Presidency, 92;
• his character, 93-94;
• passed over for Adams, 94;
• shocked at the Adams-Clay bargain, 95;
• attacked through his wife, 96;
• elected President, 96;
• his clearance of Government offices, 96-97;
• coalition against, 97;
• his quarrel with Calhoun, 98;
• his toast at the Jefferson Banquet, 100;
• demands the coercion of S. Carolina, 100;
• dislikes Clay-Calhoun compromise, 101;
• insists on precedence for Force Bill, 101;
• signs Force Bill and New Tariff, 101;
• on Nullification and Secession, 102;
• his attitude towards U.S. Bank, 103;
• vetoes Bill for re-charter, 103;
• triumphant re-election, 105;
• orders removal of Bank deposits, 106;
• censured by Senate, 106;
• censure on, expunged, 107;
• treatment of Cherokees by, 107;
• foreign policy of, 107;
• on relations with Great Britain, 107;
• Palmerston on, 108;
• retirement of, 108;
• results of his Presidency, 108-109;
• nominates his successor, 110;
• Harrison's candidature an imitation of, 113;
• his memory invoked in, 1860, 160;
• his plans for coercing S. Carolina sent to Buchanan, 160
• Jackson, "Stonewall," nickname earned at Bull Run, 181;
• campaign in Shenandoah Valley, 186;
• sent back to hold Harper's Ferry, 189;
• death of, 192;
• Lee's tribute to, 192
• Jackson, replaces Erskine as British representative at Washington, 77
• Jacksonians, rally of, to the Union, 165
• James I., attitude of, towards Catholics, 4;
• approves Baltimore's project, 4
• Jefferson, Thomas, delegate to Second Continental Congress, 20;
• his character, 20-21;
• his political creed, 21;
• drafts "Declaration of Independence," 22;
• nearly captured by the British, 34;
• effects reforms in Virginia, 36;
• his belief in religious equality, 36;
• a Deist, 39;
• his project for extinguishing Slavery, 41;
• Minister to France, 42;
• on Slavery, 50, 130;
• returns to America, 54;
• Secretary of State, 54;
• accepts the Constitution, 54;
• helps to settle taking over of State Debts, 55;
• repents of his action, 55;
• his view of American neutrality, 59;
• his sympathy with France, 60;
• on insurrections, 61;
• drafts Kentucky Resolutions, 63-64;
• elected President, 64;
• his inauguration, 67;
• his Inaugural Address, 67;
• refuses to recognize Adams' appointments, 68;
• negotiates purchase of Louisiana, 68;
• his diplomacy, 69;
• his alleged inconsistency, 69-70;
• orders arrest of Burr, 74;
• re-elected, 75;
• attitude regarding Napoleonic Wars, 76;
• places embargo on American trade, 76;
• withdraws embargo, 77;
• favours prohibition of Slavery in Territories, 85;
• character of his government, 90;
• Democratic Banquet on his birthday, 100;
• his doctrine misrepresented by Sumner, 205;
• his fears justified, 226;
• his creed contrasted with Frederick the Great's, 239
• Jewish problem in America, 232;
• influence in American Socialism, 233
• Johnson, Andrew, elected Vice-President, 200;
• becomes President, 209;
• accuses Davis of complicity in murder of Lincoln, 209;
• Davis's retort on, 209;
• bitterness of, against Confederate leaders, 209;
• his difficulties and defects, 210;
• his electioneering campaign, 218;
• vetoes Reconstruction Bill, 218;
• impeachment of, 218;
• acquittal of, 218
• Johnstone, General Joseph E., in Shenandoah Valley, 180;
• joins Beauregard at Bull Run, 180;
• eludes McClellan, 186;
• contests Sherman's advance, 199;
• relieved of his command, 200;
• Lee attempts to effect a junction with, 201;
• surrenders to Sherman, 213
•  
• Kansas, sectional quarrels in, 143;
• constitution for, adopted at Lecompton, 150
• Kansas-Nebraska Bill introduced by Douglas, 141;
• doctrine of "Popular Sovereignty" introduced into, 142;
• effect of, in Kansas, 143;
• Republican Party formed to oppose, 145
• Kentucky, protest of, against Alien and Sedition Laws, 63-64;
• opened to colonization by Boon, 71;
• Lincoln a native of, 147;
• proclaims "neutrality" in Civil War, 177;
• Lincoln's diplomatic treatment of, 177-178;
• her soil violated by Confederates, 178;
• declares war on Confederacy, 179
• Kentucky Resolutions, 63-64
• "Know-Nothing" party, 138-139
• Ku-Klux-Klan, organization and methods of, 223;
• Act passed to put down, 224;
• its work done, 224
•  
• Labour Unions, 223;
• movement not Collectivist, 223;
• hostility of, to the Trusts, 223-224
• Lafayette, the Marquis de, comes to America, 34
• Lawrence, Free Soil settlement of, burnt, 143
• Lecompton Constitution framed, 150;
• accepted by Buchanan, 150;
• rejected and defeated by Douglas, 150
• Lee proposes separation from Great Britain, 22
• Lee, Robert E., sent by Davis to the Crimea, 170;
• sounded as to accepting command of Federal forces, 175;
• refuses, 176;
• resigns his commission, 176;
• accepts Virginian command, 176;
• on Slavery, 176;
• opposed to Secession, 176;
• his view of State Rights, 176-177;
• defeats McClellan, 186;
• defeats Pope, 187;
• invades Maryland, 187;
• his proclamation, 189;
• fights McClellan at Antietam, 189;
• retires into Virginia, 189;
• defeats Hooker at Chancellorsville, 192;
• defeats Burnside at Fredericksburg, 192;
• invades Pennsylvania, 196;
• defeated at Gettysburg, 196;
• gets back unhammered, 196;
• outmanœuvres Grant, 198;
• fights in the Wilderness, 198;
• his proposal to recruit Negroes, 199;
• effect of Sherman's march on, 201;
• attempts to join Johnstone, 201;
• surrenders to Grant, 202;
• his views on Fourteenth Amendment, 217
• Liberator, the, founded by Garrison, 133;
• Lincoln denounced by, 148
• Lincoln, Abraham, joins Republican Party, 147;
• his career and character, 148-149;
• his contest with Douglas, 150;
• debates with Douglas, 151;
• chosen candidate for the Presidency, 153;
• elected President, 155;
• objects to Crittenden Compromise, 161;
• South ignorant of character of, 163-164;
• defines issue of Civil War, 167;
• his Inaugural Address, 168-169;
• his policy, 171-172;
• sends supplies to Fort Sumter, 172;
• calls for soldiers, 174;
• returns Mason and Slidell, 183;
• refuses to supersede McClellan, 185;
• replaces McClellan by Pope, 187;
• effect of his personality on Maryland, 188;
• decides to issue Emancipation Proclamation, 189;
• his reply to Greeley, 190;
• defends proclamation as a military measure, 191;
• on Grant, 196-197;
• appoints Grant commander-in-chief, 197;
• prepared to compensate Southern slave owners, 199;
• re-elected, 199;
• opposition of Radicals to, 200;
• his policy of Reconstruction, 204;
• on Negro Suffrage, 204;
• last public speech, 207;
• assassinated, 208;
• his advantages lacked by Johnson, 210
• "Little Giant, the," nickname of Stephen Douglas, 140
• Longfellow on John Brown, 153
• Long Island, Battle of, 27
• Look-Out Mountain, Battle of, 198
• Louisiana, a French colony, 9;
• ceded to Spain, 10;
• re-ceded to Napoleon, 68;
• bought by U.S., 68;
• Burr's plans regarding, 73-74;
• secedes from the Union, 161;
• Lincoln's plan for reconstruction of, 204;
• Negro government of, makes fraudulent returns, 225
• Lovejoy, killed, 135
• Lowell, James Russell, expresses sentiments of Anti-War Whigs, 121;
• his satire on Taylor's candidature, 124
• Lusitania, the, sunk, 238
• Lyon, Captain, commands Union forces in Missouri, 176
•  
• Macaulay on Calhoun's dispatch, 118
• McClellan, General, sent to Crimea by Davis, 170;
• clears West Virginia of Confederates, 181;
• supersedes McDowell, 181;
• trains army of the Potomac, 185;
• his defects, 185;
• lands on Yorktown peninsula, 186;
• besieges Yorktown, 186;
• beaten by Lee, 186;
• retires to Harrison's Landing, 186;
• superseded, 187;
• reinstated, 189;
• fights Lee at Antietam, 189;
• Democratic candidate for the Presidency, 200;
• defeat of, 200
• McDowell, General, advances into Virginia, 180;
• defeated at Bull Run, 180-181;
• superseded, 181;
• ordered to join McClellan, 186;
• fails to cut off Jackson, 186
• McKinley, William, elected President, 234;
• re-elected, 235;
• assassinated, 235
• McLane, Jackson's Secretary to the Treasury, 104;
• favourable to the U.S. Bank, 104;
• transferred to State Department, 106
• Madison, James, a member of the Convention, 42;
• writes for the Federalist, 51;
• President, 77;
• his pacific leanings, 78;
• war forced on, 79;
• re-elected by sectional vote, 79
• Maine, colonized from New England, 5;
• admitted as a State, 86
• Maine, the, blown up, 234
• March to the Sea, Sherman's, 201
• Maryland, founded by Lord Baltimore, 4;
• early history of, 5;
• strategic importance of, 177;
• menacing attitude of, 177;
• Lincoln's success with, 177;
• Lee invades, 187;
• Southern illusions concerning, 188;
• refuses to rise, 188-189;
• becomes a Free State, 203
• "Maryland! My Maryland!" 188
• Mason-Dixon Line drawn, 7;
• becomes boundary of Slave States, 41
• Mason and Slidell, Confederate envoys to Europe, 182;
• seized by Captain Wilkes, 182;
• English anger over seizure of, 183;
• Northern rejoicings over, 183;
• returned by Lincoln, 183
• Massachusetts, a Puritan Colony, 5;
• resists Tea Tax, 17;
• charter of, revoked, 18;
• attempt to coerce, 25;
• Hartford Convention called by, 81;
• votes for War with Mexico, 120;
• Webster's influence with, 127;
• Sumner Senator for, 139;
• troops from, stoned in Baltimore, 177
• Maximilian, placed on Mexican throne, 213;
• his death, 214
• Mayflower, the, voyage of, 5
• Meade, General, defeats Lee at Gettysburg, 196;
• permits him to retire unhammered, 196
• Merrimac, the, exploits of, 184;
• duel with the Monitor, 184
• Mexican War, outbreak of, 120;
• compared to Boer War, 120-121;
• opposition to, 121;
• successful prosecution of, 122;
• results of, 122-123
• Mexico, Texas secedes from, 115;
• dispute with, over Texan boundary, 120;
• U.S. goes to war with, 120;
• Calhoun opposes invasion of, 121;
• defeat of, 122;
• peace terms dictated to, 122;
• Lincoln fears filibustering in, 161;
• Napoleon III. interferes in, 213
• Mexico City taken, 120
• Ministers, excluded from Congress, 45
• Missionary Ridge, charge up, 198
• Mississippi, Davis Senator for, 140;
• secedes from Union, 161
• Mississippi River, upper, secured by Grant's victories, 184;
• whole in Federal control, 196
• Missouri, disputes regarding admission of, 85;
• admitted as a Slave State, 86;
• settlers from, invade Kansas, 143, 150;
• defeat of Secessionists in, 176;
• becomes a Free State, 203
• Missouri Compromise effected, 86;
• terms of, 86;
• validity of, disputed, 142;
• violated by Kansas-Nebraska Bill, 142;
• party formed to defend, 143;
• declared invalid, 147
• Missouri Whisky Ring, 228
• Monitor, the, duel with the Merrimac, 184
• Monroe, James, a member of the War Party, 78;
• President, 84;
• declares European intervention unfriendly to U.S., 88;
• last of the Virginian dynasty, 91
• Monroe Doctrine, propounded, 88;
• keystone of American policy, 88-89;
• application to Texas, 118;
• Napoleon III. violates, 213
• Monterey, defeat of Mexicans at, 120;
• Davis wounded at, 140
• Morgan, murder of, 112
•  
• Napoleon I., obtains Louisiana, 68;
• sells to U.S., 68;
• Jefferson's attitude towards, 76
• Napoleon III., intervenes in Mexico, 213;
• withdraws, 214
• Nashville, Tennessee, abandoned by Confederates, 184
• National Debt, establishment of, 55;
• not to be repudiated, 216
• "National Republicans," policy of, 84
• Navigation Laws, 11, 15
• Navy, U.S., successes of, in War of, 1812, 80;
• use of, by North, 184;
• New Orleans captured by, 186
• Negroes, brought to America as slaves, 12;
• Jefferson's views on, 75;
• Irish antagonism to, 195;
• Lee proposes recruitment of, 199;
• problem of, not settled by emancipation, 203;
• behaviour of, during Civil War, 212;
• Southern feeling towards, 212-213;
• their desire for freedom, 221;
• their political incompetence, 221;
• organization of, 221;
• conduct of, 222;
• thrown over by the Republican Party, 228;
• concession to, in Immigration Law, 231
• Negro Rule, imposed on the South, 220;
• effects of, 222;
• resistance offered to, 223;
• overthrow of, 224-225;
• results of, 225-226
• Negro Slavery (see Slavery)
• Negro Suffrage, Lincoln's proposals regarding, 204;
• provisions of Fourteenth Amendment as to, 217;
• Lee on prospects of, 217;
• Congress committed to, 218;
• imposed on the South, 220
• New Hampshire, colonized for New England, 5
• New Jersey, acquisition of, 7
• New Mexico, acquired by U.S., 122;
• open to Slavery, 126
• New Orleans, attacked by British, 83;
• Jackson successfully defends, 83;
• message of Dix to, 165;
• captured by Farragut, 186;
• racial riot in, 218
• New York, origin of, 6;
• becomes a British possession, 6;
• the objective of Lord Howe, 27;
• votes with the South, 58;
• Tammany Hall founded in, 58;
• Burr controls Democratic organization of, 66;
• runs for Governor of, 72;
• Van Buren fears power of Bank in, 104;
• riots against Draft in, 195
• New York Tribune, on Secession, 164
• North, the, insignificance of Slavery in, 40;
• Slavery abolished in, 40;
• divergence between South and, 47;
• balance between South and, 47, 85;
• Abolitionists unpopular in, 135;
• attitude of, towards slave owning, 136;
• resents abrogation of Missouri Compromise, 144;
• vote of, for Lincoln, 155;
• opinions in, regarding Secession, 164-165;
• anger of, over Fort Sumter, 173;
• effect of Lincoln's assassination on, 208-209;
• Johnson out of touch with, 210;
• doubts of, regarding Reconstruction, 211-212;
• tired of protecting Negro Governments, 224
• North Carolina rejects Secession, 171;
• secedes from Union, 175
• North, Lord, consents to coerce Colonies, 18;
• offers terms, 29;
• resignation of, 34
• "Nullification" foreshadowed in Kentucky Resolutions, 63-64;
• proclaimed by South Carolina, 99;
• defended by Calhoun, 99;
• repudiated by Jackson, 100;
• applied to Force Bill, 101;
• not discredited in South, 102
• Nullifiers, attitude of, 98-99;
• miscalculate Jackson's temper, 100;
• Jackson proposes to coerce, 100;
• Jackson's warning against, 102
•  
• Ohio, invaded by British, 80
• "Old Hickory," nickname of Andrew Jackson, 93, 113
• Oregon, dispute concerning territory of, 117;
• outcry for war over, 117;
• Calhoun on disadvantages of war over, 117
•  
• "Palmetto Flag" of South Carolina, 158
• Parliament, claim of, to tax the colonies, 14 et seq.
• Party System, unreality necessary to a, 137
• Penn, William, founds Pennsylvania, 7;
• establishes religious equality, 8;
• his treaty with the Indians, 8;
• disapproves of Slavery, 12
• Pennsylvania, founded by Penn, 7;
• cleared of the French, 10;
• Slavery legal in, 12;
• Washington retreats into, 28;
• "Whisky Insurrection" in, 61;
• invaded by Lee, 196
• Pensacola, British occupy, 82;
• dislodged from, 82
• Perry, Commander, burns British fleet on the Lakes, 80
• Personal Liberty Laws passed in certain Northern States, 136;
• disposition to repeal, 163
• Personal Rights Bill, Sumner's, 214
• Philadelphia, capital of Pennsylvania, 8;
• abandoned by Washington, 28;
• Convention meets at, 42
• Philippine Islands, left at disposal of U.S., 234;
• annexed, 235
• Phillips, Wendell, on Secession, 164
• Pickett's Brigade, charge of, 196
• Pierce, Franklin, elected President, 139;
• Sumner compares Grant to, 213
• Pinckney, of South Carolina, a member of the Convention, 42
• Pinkerton, private assassinators hired by, 233
• Polk, chosen as Democratic candidate for Presidency, 119;
• elected, 120;
• embarrassed over Oregon question, 120;
• decides for war with Mexico, 120;
• asks for supply to purchase Mexican territory, 122
• Pope, General, succeeds McClellan, 187;
• defeated at second Battle of Bull Run, 187
• Populist Party, objects of, 234;
• supports Bryan, 234
• President, powers of, 45;
• method of election, 46;
• effect of Jacksonian Revolution on position of, 109
• Progressive Party formed by Roosevelt, 236
• Protection adopted after War of 1812..84;
• Cotton States opposed to, 85, 98;
• Republican Party and tradition of, 227
• Prussia forces war on Europe, 237;
• attacks neutral Belgium, 237;
• sinks Lusitania, 238;
• revives campaign of murder at sea, 239;
• contrasted with U.S., 239
• Puritan Colonies in America, 5-6;
• dislike of Catholicism in, 38;
• feeling against Irish, 138-139
•  
• Quebec, taken by Wolfe, 10
• Quincey, Josiah, protest of against Louisiana Purchase, 70
•  
• Radical Republicans, Chase favoured by, 153;
• adopt Frémont as candidate, 200;
• oppose Lincoln on Reconstruction, 204;
• Sumner spokesman of, 205;
• still a minority, 211;
• increased power in Congress, 218;
• commit Congress to Negro Suffrage, 218
• Raleigh, Sir Walter, projects Colony of Virginia, 3-4
• Randolph, John, draws up declaration of neutrality, 59
• Randolph, Peyton, presides at first Continental Congress, 19;
• absent from second, 20
• Reconstruction, Lincoln's views on, 204;
• Congress takes up, 216;
• Bill passed by Congress over Johnson's veto, 218.
• (See also Negro Rule)
• Religious Equality, established in Maryland, 5; in Pennsylvania, 8;
• true theory of, 36-38;
• in American Constitution, 38
• "Republican" original name of Jefferson's party, 57.
• (See also Democratic Party)
• Republican Party formation of, 145;
• Frémont Presidential candidate of, 145;
• adopts Lincoln as candidate, 153;
• victory of, 155;
• Johnson out of touch with, 209;
• reasons for supporting Negro rule, 224;
• secures Presidency by a trick, 225;
• change in character of, 227-228;
• abandons cause of Negro, 228;
• becomes Capitalist party, 228;
• Roosevelt's efforts to reform, 235
• Revolution of 1689 transfers government of Maryland to Protestants, 5;
• Hamilton's admiration for, 54
• Revolution, French (see French Revolution)
• Rhode Island, a Puritan Colony, 5;
• provisional acceptance of invitation to Hartford Convention, 81
• Richmond, Virginia, capital of Confederacy transferred to, 176;
• Confederate Congress to meet at, 180;
• Northern demand for capture of, 180;
• abandoned by Lee, 201
• Rochambeau, co-operates with Washington against Cornwallis, 34
• Rockingham Whigs, repeal Stamp Act, 16;
• conclude peace, 35
• Roosevelt, Theodore, elected Vice-President, 235;
• succeeds McKinley, 235;
• his campaign against Trusts, 235;
• popularity of, 235;
• denounces his successor, 236;
• founds Progressive Party, 236;
• wishes U.S. to join Allies, 238
• Rosecrans, General, defeated at Chickamauga, 198
•  
• San Francisco, Republican Convention at, 236
• Saratoga, Burgoyne's surrender at, 29;
• effect of, 29-30
• "Scallywags," 221
• Scotch-Irish, immigration of, 8-9
• Secession, contemplated at Hartford Convention, 81;
• talked of in South Carolina, 123;
• of South Carolina, 158;
• of Gulf States, 161;
• motives, of, 163-164;
• Northern views of, 164;
• Abolitionists favour, 164;
• Greeley on, 164;
• Jacksonians oppose, 165;
• a popular movement, 166;
• Lincoln denies right of, 160;
• Douglas resists, 174;
• of Virginia, etc., 176
• Sedition Law, 63
• Seminole Indians, Jackson pursues, 87
• Senate, how chosen, 47;
• Whig majority in, 106;
• refuses to confirm appointment of Taney, 106;
• censures Jackson, 106;
• Censure expunged, 107;
• Northern majority in, 163
• Seven Years' War, outbreak of, 9
• Seward, William, Senator, for New York, 139;
• his speech on Fugitive Slave Law, 139;
• passed over for Frémont, 145;
• for Lincoln, 153;
• Secretary of State, 172;
• attempt to assassinate, 207;
• his desire for foreign war, 213
• Shannon, the, duel with the Chesapeake, 80
• Shay's Insurrection, 42;
• Jefferson on, 61
• Shenandoah Valley, Johnstone in, 180;
• Jackson's campaign in, 186;
• Sheridan in, 201
• Sheridan, General, his campaign in Shenandoah Valley, 201
• Sherman, Senator John, opposes Negro Suffrage, 218
• Sherman, General William T., left in command in the West, 197;
• wins Battle of Chattanooga, 198;
• moves on Atlanta, 199;
• takes Atlanta, 200;
• his march to the sea, 201;
• receives surrender of Johnstone, 213;
• his proposed terms of peace, 213
• Slavery, reappears in New World, 3;
• legal in all English Colonies, 12;
• difference in North and South, 12;
• general disapproval of, 40;
• disappears in Northern States, 40;
• Jefferson's proposals for extinction of, 41;
• Constitutional Compromises over, 48-49;
• opinion on American Fathers regarding, 49, 50, 129;
• Jefferson on, 50;
• excluded from North-West Territories, 85;
• Missouri Compromises concerning, 86;
• Calhoun's defence of, 111, 118, 134;
• California decides to exclude, 123;
• Arizona and New Mexico open to, 126;
• strengthening of, 129;
• decline in public reprobation of, 130;
• debates on, in Virginian legislature, 131;
• effect of economic changes on, 131;
• Garrison's view of, 133;
• Scriptural appeals regarding, 134-135;
• Douglas's attitude towards, 141;
• Lincoln's view of, 148-149;
• Crittenden compromise concerning, 160;
• not the issue of the Civil War, 162;
• Lincoln's pledge regarding, 168;
• not referred to by Davis, 169-170;
• Stephens on, 170;
• Lee on, 176;
• Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation, 189-191;
• destroyed by the War, 199;
• dead, 203;
• Thirteenth Amendment abolishes, 203
• Slave Trade, in hands of Northern Colonists, 12;
• condemned in first draft of Declaration of Independence, 49;
• suffered to continue for 20 years, 49;
• prohibition of, 49;
• abolished in District of Columbia, 126
• Slidell (see Mason and Slidell)
• Socialism, character of American, 233
• "Solid South, the," 225, 228, 234
• South, the, staple industries of, based on Slavery, 40;
• divergence between North and, 47;
• balance between North and, 47, 85;
• changes of view of Slavery in, 129-135;
• aggressive policy of, 144-145;
• rejects Douglas, 153;
• votes for Breckinridge, 155;
• motives of Secession of, 163-164;
• military capabilities of, 179;
• attitude of, after the war, 211-212;
• attitude of, towards Negroes, 212;
• Grant on temper of, 213;
• Negro rule established in, 221-222;
• liberation of, 224-225;
• Negro problem in, 225-226
• South America, colonized by Spain, 1;
• influence of French Revolution on, 87;
• freedom of, guaranteed by Monroe Doctrine, 88;
• German ambitions in, 238
• South Carolina, colonization of, 8;
• "Tories" in, 31;
• Cornwallis and Tarleton in, 31;
• dislike of Protection in, 98;
• nullifies Tariff, 99;
• nullifies Force Bill, 101;
• talk of Secession in, 123;
• election of Lincoln cheered in, 156;
• peculiar attitude of, 156-157;
• secedes from the Union, 158;
• demands surrender of Sumter, 172;
• anger against, 173-174;
• Sherman's march through, 201
• Southern Confederacy, anticipated by Jackson, 102;
• formed, 169.
• (See also Confederate States.)
• Spain, Columbus sails from, 1;
• claims the New World, 3;
• decline of, 9;
• Louisiana transferred to, 10;
• dominated by Napoleon, 68;
• Burr seeks support from, 73;
• proposes war with, 74;
• neutral in war of 1812..82;
• U.S. complaints against, 86-87;
• sells Florida to U.S., 87; war with, 234
• Spanish Colonies, 1, 3; revolt of, 87
• "Spoils System," the, Jefferson accused of originating, 68;
• Jackson inaugurates, 96;
• effect of, 109
• Spottsylvania, Battle of, 198
• "Squatter Sovereignty," hostile nickname for "Popular Sovereignty" (q.v.), 142
• Stamp Act, imposed, 14;
• resistance to, 15-16;
• repealed, 17
• Stanton, appointed Secretary for War, 194;
• dismissal of, 219
• Stars and Bars, the flag of the Confederacy, 173
• Stars and Stripes, the, origin of, 35;
• South Carolina hands down, 158;
• affection of Davis for, 167;
• anger at affront to, 173-174;
• first appearance of, on European battlefields, 239-240
• States, independence of, recognized severally, 35;
• powers of, under the Constitution, 44;
• representation of, in Congress, 47
• State Sovereignty, question of, left undefined by the Convention, 43;
• doctrine of, affirmed by Quincey, 70;
• Hartford Convention takes its stand on, 82;
• Calhoun maintains, 111;
• extreme view of, taken by South Carolina, 156-157;
• Lincoln avoids overt challenge to, 171;
• Virginia's adherence to, 174-175;
• Lee's belief in, 175-176;
• Kentucky's interpretation of, 177-178
• Stephens, Alexander H., opposes secession of Georgia, 161;
• chosen Vice-President of the Confederacy, 169;
• on Slavery, 170;
• urges claims of Negroes, 212
• Stevens, Thaddeus, dictator of Reconstruction policy, 214;
• his character and aims, 214-216;
• compels House to accept his leadership, 216;
• mover in Impeachment of Johnson, 218;
• death of, 224
• Stowe, Mrs. Beecher, 132, 133, 136
• Sumner, Charles, enters Senate, 139;
• his speeches and beating, 151;
• spokesman of Radicals, 205;
• his character, 205;
• misunderstands Declaration of Independence, 205-207;
• censures Grant's report, 213;
• not director of Reconstruction, 214;
• his scruple about mentioning black men, 217;
• his opinion on the Impeachment of Johnson, 220;
• his contention regarding Chinese, 230;
• concession to, 231
• Sumter, cavalry leader, 32
• Sumter Fort, held by Federal Government, 172;
• attempt to reinforce, 172;
• Lincoln sends supplies to, 172;
• Davis consents to bombardment of, 173;
• surrender of, 173;
• anger at attack on, 173-174
• Supreme Court, independence of, 45;
• pronounces a National Bank constitutional, 57;
• Jackson on, 105;
• decides against Dred Scott, 146
• Suratt, Mrs., 207
•  
• Taft, President, succeeds Roosevelt, 236;
• denounced by Roosevelt, 236
• Talleyrand and "X.Y.Z. letters," 63;
• Jefferson's negotiations with, 69
• Tammany Hall, foundation of, 58
• Taney, Roger, a Catholic, 39;
• Attorney-General, 105;
• and Jackson's Veto Message, 105;
• appointed Secretary to the Treasury, 106;
• Senate refuses to confirm, 106;
• his judgment in the Dred Scott case, 146;
• supports the Union, 165
• "Tariff of Abominations," the, 98
• Tarleton, leader of South Carolina "Tories," 31;
• defeated at Cowpens, 31
• Taxation of the Colonies, 14-16
• Taylor, Zachary, defeats Mexicans, 122;
• Whig candidate for Presidency, 124;
• Lowell's satire on, 124;
• elected, 125;
• on California, 125;
• an obstacle to Clay, 126;
• death of, 126
• Tea Tax, imposed, 17;
• resisted in Boston, 17
• Tennessee, Jackson commands in, 74;
• nominates Jackson for Presidency, 92;
• rejects Secession, 171;
• secedes, 175
• Territories surrendered to Federal Government, 44;
• Slavery in, 85, 142 et seq., 160;
• Douglas eager for development of, 141-142
• Texas, secedes from Mexico, 115;
• the "Lone Star State," 116;
• seeks admission to the Union, 116;
• Calhoun eager to annex, 116;
• boundary of, in dispute, 117;
• Secessionism in, 171
• Thirteenth Amendment, Slavery abolished by, 203
• Thomas, General, a Virginian Unionist, 97;
• associated with Sherman in the West, 97
• "Tippercanoe," nickname of Harrison, 113
• Tobacco industry in American colonies, 11
• Townshend, Charles, proposes taxation of Colonies, 17
• Trent, the, Mason and Slidell take passage on, 182;
• stopped by Captain Wilkes, 182;
• anger in England over, 183
• Trusts, unpopularity of, 234;
• Roosevelt attacks, 235
• Tyler, Whig candidate for Vice-Presidency, 113;
• succeeds Harrison as President, 114;
• differences with Whig leaders, 114-115;
• appoints Calhoun Secretary of State, 115;
• Democrats refuse to accept as candidate, 119
•  
• "Uncle Tom's Cabin," 136
• Union, urgent need for, 41-42;
• difficulties of, 43;
• achieved, 51;
• Western feeling for, 72;
• Jackson's devotion to the, 100;
• Clay called upon to save the, 125;
• Abolitionists hostile to the, 133, 136;
• South Carolina's view of the, 157;
• Lincoln declares perpetual, 168;
• calls for soldiers to defend the, 174
• United States, Constitution framed for, 42 et seq.;
• neutrality of, 59;
• enthusiasm for France in, 60;
• Louisiana purchased by, 68;
• war with Great Britain, 79;
• Great Britain makes peace with, 83;
• feeling of victory in, 84;
• Florida acquired by, 87;
• European intervention in America declared unfriendly to, 88;
• Monroe Doctrine essential to, 88-89;
• Jackson's importance for, 108;
• claims of, to Oregon, 117;
• Texas desires to join, 118;
• dispute between Mexico and, 120;
• successful in war against Mexico, 122;
• California, etc., acquired by, 122;
• secessions from, 158, 161, 176;
• anger in Great Britain with, 183;
• protests of, in Alabama case, 192;
• compensation paid to, 192;
• Napoleon III. avoids conflict with, 214;
• immigration problems in, 230-231;
• labour movement in, 233-234;
• attitude of, towards European War, 237-238;
• declares war, 239;
• contrast between Prussia and, 239
•  
• Vallandingham, a typical "Copperhead," 194;
• sent across Confederate lines, 195
• Van Buren, accuses Calhoun of conspiring against Eaton, 98;
• fears power of U.S. Bank in New York, 104;
• reports Palmerston on Jackson, 108;
• President, 110;
• avoids war with Great Britain, 111
• Vermont, a Puritan Colony, 5;
• refuses invitation to Hartford Convention, 81
• Vice-President, how chosen, 46;
• change in method of choosing, 67;
• Calhoun, 97;
• Tyler, 114;
• unimportance of, 114;
• Johnson, 200;
• Roosevelt, 235
• Vicksburg, capture of, 196
• Vikings, unimportance of, 2
• Virginia, foundation of, 3-4;
• opposition to Stamp Act in, 16;
• sends Jefferson to Continental Congress, 20;
• invaded by British forces, 34;
• Jefferson's reforms in, 36 et seq.;
• fails to adopt his plan regarding Slavery, 41;
• slave insurrection in, 130;
• legislature of, discusses slavery, 130;
• John Brown plans slave rising in, 152;
• rejects Secession, 171;
• objects to coercion of a State, 174-175;
• secedes from the Union, 176;
• joins Confederacy, 176;
• invaded, 180, 186, 187, 192, 198
•  
• War of 1812, 79-84;
• effect of, 84, 87
• War of Independence, 25-35
• War with Spain, 234-235.
• (See also Civil War, Mexican War)
• Washington, City of, site agreed on, 55;
• Jefferson inaugurated in, 67;
• burnt by British, 80;
• Slave Trade abolished in, 126;
• attack on, feared, 187
• Washington, Booker, quoted, 212, 220
• Washington, George, serves in French War, 10;
• chosen to command American forces, 25;
• his character and strategy, 26-27;
• defeated at Long Island, 27;
• abandons Philadelphia, 28;
• defeats Tarleton at Cowpens, 31;
• besieges Yorktown, 34;
• presides over Convention, 42;
• President, 51;
• national confidence in, 52;
• signs Bill for a National Bank, 57;
• re-elected, 57;
• declares U.S. neutral, 59;
• suppresses "Whisky Insurrection," 61;
• condemns Democratic societies, 61;
• declines a third term, 62;
• his farewell address, 62
• Webster, Daniel, as an actor, 79, 100;
• supports Force Bill, 101;
• leagued with Clay and Calhoun, 102;
• Secretary of State, 114;
• supports Compromise of 1850..127;
• death of, 139
• Wellington, proposal to send to America, 83
• West, the, opened up by Daniel Boon, 71;
• its governing conditions, 71-72;
• influence of, on Clay, 78;
• Slavery in, 85;
• deserts Clay for Jackson, 95;
• Douglas a product of, 140-141;
• Douglas appeals to, 174;
• military qualities of, 196
• West Virginia, cleared by McClellan, 181;
• recognized as a State, 181
• Whig Party, name adopted by Coalition against Jackson, 105;
• committed to defence of Bank, 105;
• defeat of, 105;
• appropriateness of name for, 109;
• abandonment of principles by, 113;
• victory of, 114;
• Tyler out of sympathy with, 114;
• runs Taylor for President, 124;
• disappearance of, 139, 145
• Whitman, Walt, quoted, 173
• Wilderness, the, Hooker trapped in, 192;
• Lee fights Grant in, 198
• Williamsburg, Hooker defeated at, 186
• Wilkes, Captain, seizes Mason and Slidell, 182;
• compliments to, 183
• Wilmot Proviso, 122
• Wilson, Woodrow, elected President, 236;
• career and character of, 236;
• his policy regarding European War, 238-239;
• supported by nation in declaring war, 239
• Wolfe, James, takes Quebec, 160
•  
• "X.Y.Z." Letters, 63
•  
• Yorktown Peninsula, Cornwallis retires to, 34;
• McClellan lands on, 186
• Yorktown, surrenders, 34;
• McClellan besieges, 186