CHAPTER VI
EXPLORATION
INTRODUCTORY NOTES
Voyages of Columbus
These accounts were written by Columbus himself, and may be amplified very much by reference to the originals in the Hakluyt Society’s volume. Another account of the fourth voyage written by one of Columbus’ men, Diago Mendez, is of special value. The accounts are here placed in their chronological order, but the passage on voyage three really relates to the whole series, and might with advantage be used as introductory. The Memorial on the second voyage is a very long official document, from which only a few fragments have been given in order to show the relations between Columbus and the sovereigns, and how from the first the Spanish Indies were under their direct personal control. Isabella had forewarded the discovery, and the new regions remained the property of the House of Castille rather than national provinces.
New Light on Drake
The Spanish reports have especial value in creating an impartial view of Drake’s feats; the detailed personal character of the reports makes them exactly suitable for children. Zarate’s evidence that Drake carried the Queen’s commission conflicts with the usually accepted statements, but appears irrefutable evidence.
Letter to Sanchez, Treasurer.
The entire absence of resistance should be remarked, and the merely formal nature of the acquisition of rights.
It was, of course, the treasures of Cathay (see Mediæval Voyages, p. 37), inaccessible by the old Eastern routes since the Ottoman Turks seized the Levant and Constantinople, which formed the original motive of exploration of a west or north-west route.
The inhabitants are still in the Stone Age, but have elements of religion and live peacefully and in comfort until attacked. The closing paragraph gives the main motives of the voyage as treasure, luxuries, and naval supply, but also indicates the genuinely religious zeal which must be reckoned with in all Portuguese and Spanish exploration (see also voyages three, four).
Memorial of Second Voyage.
The strongly-worded approval of the rulers was not carried into practical effect (see voyage four). Fonseca was constituted the royal agent for the whole intercourse with the New World.
Third Voyage.
Columbus’s reference to “trustworthy and wise historians” seems to indicate that more was known of the New World than has been supposed, unless he is referring to records of the East. The progressive temper of the friars carries on the traditions of Rubruquis and Carpini, and may be used to balance the idea that the church was always reactionary and conservative.
Fourth Voyage.
Chiefly valuable for detail of the hardships and dangers encountered, and to illustrate the character and human relations of Columbus, and corroborate points made above.
COLUMBUS
(Select Letters of Christopher Columbus, Ed., R. H. Major; Hakluyt Society, 1847)
LETTER TO LORD RAPHAEL SANCHEZ, TREASURER TO THEIR MOST INVINCIBLE MAJESTIES, FERDINAND AND ISABELLA, KING AND QUEEN OF SPAIN (p. I).
... Thirty-three days after my departure from Cadiz I reached the Indian Sea, where I discovered many islands, thickly peopled, of which I took possession without resistance in the name of our most illustrious Monarch, by public proclamation and with unfurled banners. To the first of these islands I gave the name of Our Blessed Saviour [San Salvador].... As soon as we arrived at ... Juana [Nth. Caico] I proceeded along its coast a short distance westwards, and found it to be so large and apparently without termination, that I could not suppose it to be an island, but the continental province of Cathay....
At length after proceeding a great way and finding that nothing new presented itself, and that the line of coast was leading us northwards (which I wished to avoid because it was winter) and it was my intention to move southwards and because the winds were contrary, I resolved not to attempt any further progress but rather to turn back.
... All these islands are very beautiful and distinguished by a diversity of scenery; they are filled with a great variety of trees of immense height, and which I believe to retain their foliage in all seasons; for when I saw them they were as verdant and luxuriant as they usually are in Spain in the month of May—some of them were blossoming, some bearing fruit—yet the islands are not so thickly wooded as to be impassable.... The nightingale and various birds were singing in countless numbers, and that in November, the month in which I arrived there.... There are besides, seven or eight kinds of palm-trees ... the pines also are very handsome, and there are very extensive fields and meadows, a variety of birds, different kinds of honey, and many sorts of metals, but no iron....
The inhabitants of both sexes ... go always as they were born, with the exception of some of the women, who use the coverings of a leaf or small bough, or an apron of cotton which they prepare for that purpose. None of them are possessed of any iron, neither have they weapons ... because they are timid and full of fear. They carry, however, in lieu of arms, canes dried in the sun, on the ends of which they fix heads of dried wood, sharpened to a point, and even these they dare not use habitually ... and have fled in such haste at the approach of our men, that the fathers forsook their children and the children their fathers.... I gave to all I approached whatever articles I had about me, such as cloth and many other things, but they are naturally timid and fearful ... they are very simple and honest and exceedingly liberal with all they have ... they also give objects of great value for trifles ... a sailor received for a leather strap, gold worth three golden nobles ... thus they bartered like idiots, cotton and gold for fragments of bows, glasses, bottles and jars; which I forbade as being unjust....
They practise no kind of idolatry, but have a firm belief that all strength and power, and indeed all good things, are in Heaven, and that I had descended from thence with these ships and sailors, and under this impression was I received after they had thrown aside their fears. Nor are they slow or stupid but of very clear understanding....
On my arrival I had taken some Indians by force from the first island that I came to, in order that they might learn our language and communicate to us what they knew respecting the country; which plan succeeded excellently, and was a great advantage to us, for in a short time, either by gestures and signs or by words, we were enabled to understand each other. These men are still travelling with me. At any new place ... crying out ... to the other Indians, “Come, come and look upon beings of a celestial race,” upon which both men and women, children and adults, young men and old, when they got rid of the fear they at first entertained, would come out in throngs, crowding the roads to see us, some bringing food, others drink, with astonishing affection and kindness. Each of these islands has a great number of canoes, built of solid wood, narrow and not unlike our double banked boats in length and shape, but swifter in their motion: they steer them only by the oar.... (pp. 9, 10).
I ordered a fortress to be built there [Espanola] which must by this time be completed, in which I left as many men as I thought necessary, with all sorts of arms and enough provisions for more than a year.
... I did not find, as some of us had expected, any cannibals amongst them, but on the contrary, men of great deference and kindness. Neither are they black like the Ethiopians: their hair is smooth and straight.... I saw no cannibals, nor did I hear of any, except in a certain island called Chari (? Carib).
Finally ... I promise, that with a little assistance afforded me by our most invincible sovereigns, I will procure them as much gold as they need, as great a quantity of spices, of cotton and of mastic, and as many men for the service of the navy as their Majesties may require. I promise also rhubarb and other sorts of drugs.... (p. 15).
But these great and marvellous results are not to be attributed to any merit of mine, but to the Holy Christian faith, and to the piety and religion of our sovereigns.... Let processions be made and sacred feasts be held, and the temples be adorned with festive boughs.... Farewell.
Christopher Columbus,
Admiral of the Fleet of the Ocean.
Lisbon, 14th March.
MEMORIAL OF THE SECOND VOYAGE WITH COMMENTS THEREUPON OF FERDINAND AND ISABELLA
... We have found upon the sea-shore ... so many indications of various spices, as naturally to suggest the hope of the best results for the future. The same holds good with respect to the gold mines; for two parties ... found ... a great number of rivers whose sands contained this precious metal in such quantities that each man took up a sample of it in his hand....
Their Highnesses return thanks to God for all that is here recorded, and regard as a very signal service all that the Admiral has already done, and is yet doing ... (pp. 70, 71).
We are very certain, as the fact has shown, that wheat and grapes will grow very well in this country. We must however, wait for the fruit.... There are also sugar-canes, of which the small quantity that we have planted has succeeded very well.
Since the land is so fertile, it is desirable to sow as much as possible: and Don Juan de Fonseca has been desired to send over immediately everything requisite for that purpose.... (pp. 77, 78).
LETTER ABOUT THE THIRD VOYAGE
This enterprise to the Indies [i.e., the original discovery] ... those who heard of it looked upon it as impossible, for they fixed all their hopes on the favours of fortune, and pinned their faith solely upon chance. I gave to the subject six or seven years of great anxiety, explaining ... how great service might be done to Our Lord, by this undertaking, in promulgating his Sacred Name and most holy faith among so many nations.... It was also requisite to refer to the temporal prosperity which was foretold in the writings of so many trustworthy and wise historians, who related that great riches were to be found in these parts.... (p. 104).
In this your Highnesses exhibited the noble spirit which has always been manifested by you on every subject; for all others who had thought of the matter or heard it spoken of, unanimously treated it with contempt, with the exception of two friars [a Franciscan and a Dominican, afterwards Archbishop of Seville] who always remained constant in their belief of its practicability.
LETTER RELATING TO FOURTH VOYAGE
... I pushed on for Terra Firma, in spite of the wind and a fearful contrary current, against which I contended for sixty days, and during that time made only seventy leagues (p. 171) ... other tempests have been experienced but never of so long a duration or so fearful as this: many whom we looked upon as brave men, on several occasions showed considerable trepidation, but the distress of my son who was with me grieved me to the soul and the more when I considered his tender age for he was but thirteen years old, and he enduring so much toil for so long a time. The Lord however gave him strength even to enable him to encourage the rest, and he worked as if he had been eighty years at sea, and all this was a consolation to me.
I myself had fallen sick and was many times at the point of death, but from a little cabin that I had caused to be constructed on deck I directed our course. My brother was in the ship that was in the worst condition and the most exposed to danger; and my grief on this account was the greater that I brought him with me against his will (p. 172).
Such is my fate, that the twenty years of service through which I have passed with so much toil and danger, have profited me nothing, and at this very day I do not possess a roof in Castille that I can call my own; if I wish to eat or sleep, I have nowhere to go but to the inn or tavern, and most times lack wherewith to pay the bill. Another anxiety wrung my very heartstrings, which was the thought of my son Diege, whom I had left an orphan in Spain, and stripped of the honour and property which were due to him on my account.... (p. 173).
I stopped to repair my vessels and take in provisions, as well as to afford relaxation to the men, who had become very weak ... two Indians conducted me to Carambaru, where the people (who go naked) wear golden mirrors round their necks.... They named to me many places on the sea-coast where there were both gold and mines. The last that they mentioned was Veragua, nine days’ journey across the country westward: they tell me there is a great quantity of gold, and that the inhabitants wear coral ornaments on their heads, and very large coral bracelets and anklets, with which article also they adorn and inlay their seats, boxes and tables. They also said that the women there wore necklaces hanging down to their shoulders (p. 175).... I had taken possession of land belonging to Quibian [a native chief]. When he saw what we did and found the traffic [in gold] increasing, he resolved upon burning the houses, and putting us all to death; but his project did not succeed for we took him prisoner, together with his wives, his children and his servants ... the Indians collected themselves together and made an attack upon the boats, and at length massacred the men. My brother and all the rest of our people were in a ship which remained inside [the river mouth, which had silted up]. I was alone outside upon that dangerous coast, suffering from a severe fever and worn with fatigue. All hope of escape was gone and I toiled up to the highest part of the ship, and with a quivering voice and fast-falling tears, I called upon your Highnesses’ war-captains from each point of the compass to come to my succour, but there was no reply. [Columbus sleeps and sees a vision in which he is upbraided for want of faith] (p. 184).
I collected the men who were on land.... I departed in the name of the Holy Trinity, on Easter night, with the ships rotten, worn out and eaten into holes [by the teredo].... I then had only two left.... I was without boats or provisions, and in this condition I had to cross seven thousand miles of sea; or as an alternative to die on the passage with my son, my brother and so many of my people.... I send this letter by means of and by the hands of Indians; it will be a miracle if it reaches its destination (pp. 186, 189).
NEW LIGHT ON DRAKE
DEPOSITION BY NUNO DA SILVA AS TO HOW HE WAS MADE PRISONER BY ENGLISH PIRATES ON HIS VOYAGE FROM OPORTO TO BRAZIL (p. 301).
(Conquest of New Spain, Hakluyt Society Publications, Series II, Vol. 24.)
“This Englishman calls himself Francis Drake and is a man aged 38. He may be two years more or less. He is low in stature, thickset and very robust. He has a fine countenance, is ruddy of complexion and has a fair beard. He has the mark of an arrow wound in his right cheek which is not apparent if one does not look with especial care. In one leg he has the ball of an arquebuse that was shot at him in the Indies. He is [a great mariner] the son and relative of seamen, and particularly of John Hawkins in whose company he was for a long time.”
AN ABRIDGEMENT OF THE RELATION AND PROOFS MADE AGAINST SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, KNIGHT, TOUCHING HIS DOINGS IN THE SOUTH SEA BEYOND THE STRAIT OF MAGALANUS (p. 414).
It is informed the said Francis Drake went forth with 5 ships well appointed and in them 400 men of war, having for pilot a Portingall named Amador de Silva.
The said Drake came by Cape Verde and coasting the straits of Brazil arrived at the mouth of the Strait of Magalanus where there is a very good port named St. Julian, in the which they tarried wintering 2 months because of the great north winds which were contrary.
At the end of which time the 5 ships went out of the said port and sailing in the Strait they had a tempest so vehement that 2 of the said ships perished and they received the men into 3 remaining ships which with 3 pinaces which they towed at their poops issued out of the Strait into the South Sea in 44 degrees of altitude and sailing towards the Sea, with a storm were 40 days in the Sea at dryte [? drift] and so the two ships did separate themselves and the said Drake remained alone which could never afterward see them.
It was understood that they went to the Malluccos and it was agreed between them that they should meet in 30½ degrees, which is the Cape St. Francis.
From thence Drake came to the port of St. Iago from Chile and entered into the ship of lycentiat Torres called “Capitana” which was surging there from the which he took 14m Pezos of gold and 1800 botazes of wine and some other things.
From thence he entered into the town and robbed the ornaments and bells of the church and broke down the doors of the cellars and brake the vessels of wine, and carrying with him the ship which he had spoiled, arrived in the port of Arica where a ship of Philippe Dorse [Corco] was out of which he took 34 wedges of silver and burned one other ship that was there of one Mr. Benito.
From the port they went forth in a pinnace with the two ships that they had robbed and they arrived in the sight of the port of Chile in Arequipa where there were laden in a ship of Bernal Bueno 500 wedges of His Majesty which the said Drake would have robbed, had not the men that were aboard by advice they had before, unladen and hided the same a-land.
From thence they went forth following their voyage and being in the high sea, took out of the two ships which they carried with them the apparel and other things they had need of and so left them.
And the 13th of February they arrived in the port of Callao of the City of Los Reys and entered into it and 3 hours after evening the said Drake and company went out in a pinnace to a ship of Michell Angell wherein he found nothing.
At the same time, there arrived a ship of Alonzo Rodriguez Baptista which came from the firm land laden with marchandizes which presently they took and robbed, hurting the said Alonzo and others that would have defended themselves.
There were other ships in that port to the which the said Drake and company went and cut their cables, because they should not follow and then departed carrying with them the said merchant’s ship.
The news being known to the Viceroy he commanded to arm two ships with a number of men that should go to pursue the ship of the said Drake which was within sight, which two ships went forth the very same day and came again the next day following, being not able to overtake him, bringing with them the merchant’s ship of the said Alonzo which the said Drake left behind him.
This Francis Drake went forth of the port of Callao and sailing alongst the coast arrived at the port of Paita where he took a boat arrived there with marchandizes, of the which he took those he thought best, and carried with him the pilot with whom he came along the coast enquiring of the ship of St. John de Anton, which was coming from Panama, the which he overtook 150 leagues from the said place, the first of March, and robbed all the treasure being therein. The day before it was understood that he had robbed another small ship which was coming from Guayaquill with eighteen thousand Pezos of gold and silver, and great quantity of tackling and other things of provision for the journey to the Phillypinas and Valiano, the which the royal audience had caused to be bought for the said effect.
All these things were done until the 24th of April in the year 1580.
LETTER FROM DON FRANCISCO DE ZARATE TO DON MARTIN ENRIQUEZ, VICEROY OF NEW SPAIN (p. 201)
Realejo, Nicaragua,
16th of April, 1579.
I sailed out of the port of Acapulce on 23rd of March, and navigated until Saturday, 4th of April, on which date, half an hour before dawn, we saw, by moonlight, a ship very close to ours. Our steersman shouted that she was to get out of the way and not come alongside of us. To this they made no answer pretending to be asleep. The steersman then shouted louder, asking them where their ship hailed from. They answered “from Peru” and that she was “of Miguel Angel,” which is the name of a well-known captain of that route.
The spokesman on the ship was a Spaniard, whose name I will tell Your Excellency further on.
The ship of the adversary carried her bark at her prow as though she were being towed. Suddenly, in a moment, she crossed our poop, ordering us “to strike sail” and shooting seven or eight arquebuse shots at us.
We thought this as much of a joke as it afterwards turned out to be serious.
On our part there was no resistance, nor had we more than six of our men awake on the whole boat, so they entered our ship with as little risk to themselves as though they were our friends. They did no personal harm to anyone, beyond seizing the swords and keys of the passengers. Having informed themselves who were on board ship, they ordered me to go in their boat to where their general was—a fact that I was glad of, as it appeared to me that it gave me more time in which to recommend myself to God. But in a very short time we arrived where he was, on a very good galleon, as well mounted with artillery as any I have seen in my life.
I found him promenading on deck, and, on approaching him, I kissed his hands. He received me with a show of kindness, and took me to his cabin where he bade me be seated and said: “I am a friend of those who tell me the truth, but with those who do not I get out of humour. Therefore you must tell me (for this is the best road to my favour): How much silver and gold does your ship carry?” I said to him, “None.” He repeated his question, I answered, “None, only some small plates that I use and some cups—that is all that is in her.” ... We talked for a good while before it was time to dine. He ordered me to sit next to him and began to give me food from his own plate, telling me not to grieve, that my life and property were safe. I kissed his hands for this.
He asked me if I knew where there was water to be had about here, adding that he needed nothing else, and that as soon as he found some he would give me leave to continue my journey....
On the following day, which was Sunday, he dressed and decked himself very finely, and had his galleon decorated with all its flags and banners.... He had entered the port of Callao de Lima and cut the cables of all the ships that were in port. As the wind was from the land they all went out to sea, where he had time to sack them at his will. Before he proceeded to do the same to ours he said to me: “Let one of your pages come with me to show me your apparel.” He went from his galleon at about nine in the morning and remained until towards dusk, examining everything contained in the bales and chests. Of that which belonged to me he took but little. Indeed he was quite courteous about it. Certain trifles of mine having taken his fancy, he had them brought to his ship and gave me, in exchange for them, a falcheon and a small brazier of silver, and I can assure Your Excellency that he lost nothing by the bargain. On his return to his vessel he asked me to pardon him for taking the trifles, but that they were for his wife. He said that I could depart the next morning when the breeze would rise, for which I gave him thanks.... He left Colchero [a Spanish pilot] with me, and after this set sail. I understand that he carries three thousand bars of silver, and twelve or fifteen chests of pieces of eight, and a great quantity of gold. He is going straight to his country, and I believe that no vessel that went after him could possibly overtake him. He has an intense desire to return to his own country.
This general of the Englishmen is a nephew of John Hawkins, and is the same who, about five years ago, took the port of Nombre de Dios. He is called Francisco Drac, and is a man about 35 years of age, low of stature, with a fair beard, and is one of the greatest mariners that sails the seas, both as a navigator and as a commander. His vessel is a galleon of nearly 400 tons and is a perfect sailor. She is manned with a hundred men, all of service, and of an age for warfare, and all are as practised therein as old soldiers from Italy could be. Each one takes particular pains to keep his arquebuse clean. He treats them with affection, and they treat him with respect. He carries with him nine or ten cavaliers, cadets of English noblemen. These form part of his council which he calls together for even the most trivial matter, although he takes advice from no one. But he enjoys hearing what they say and afterwards issues his orders. He has no favourite.
The aforesaid gentlemen sit at his table, as well as a Portuguese pilot, ... who spoke not a word all the time I was on board. He is served on silver dishes with gold borders and gilded garlands in which are his arms. He carries all possible dainties and perfumed waters. He said that many of these had been given him by the Queen.
None of these gentlemen took a seat or covered his head before him, until he repeatedly urged him to do so. This galleon of his carries about thirty heavy pieces of artillery and a great quantity of firearms with the requisite ammunition and lead. He dines and sups to the music of viols. He carries trained carpenters and artisans, so as to be able to careen the ship at any time. Besides being new, the ship has a double lining. I understood that all the men he carries with him receive wages, because, when our ship was sacked, no man dared take anything without his orders. He shows them great favour, but punishes the least fault. He also carries painters who paint for him pictures of the coast in its exact colours. This I was most grieved to see, for each thing is so naturally depicted that no one who guides himself according to these paintings can possibly go astray. I understood from him that he had sailed from his country with five vessels, four sloops (of the long kind) and that half of the armada belonged to the Queen. I believe this to be so for the reason that I am about to relate to Your Excellency.
This Corsair, like a pioneer, arrived two months before he intended to pass through [the strait] and during that time for many days there were great storms. So it was that one of the gentlemen, whom he had with him, said to him: “We have been a long while in this strait and you have placed all of us, who follow or serve you, in danger of death. It would therefore be prudent for you to give order that we return to the North Sea, where we have the certainty of capturing prizes, and that we give up seeking to make new discoveries. You see how fraught with difficulties these are.” This gentleman must have sustained this opinion with more vigour than appeared proper to the General. His answer was that he had the gentleman carried below deck and put in irons. On another day, at the same hour, he ordered him to be taken out, and to be beheaded in the presence of all.
The term of his imprisonment was no more than was necessary to substantiate the lawsuit that was conducted against him. All this he told me, speaking much good about the dead man, but adding that he had not been able to act otherwise, because this was what the Queen’s service demanded. He showed me the commissions he had received from her and carried....
I managed to ascertain whether the General was well liked, and all said that they adored him.
This is what I was able to find out during the time I spent with him.
I beseech Your Excellency to consider what encouragement it will be to those of his country if he returns thither. If up to the present they have sent cadets, henceforth they themselves will come, after seeing how the plans which this Corsair had made in the dark, and all his promises have come true. He will give them, as proofs of [the success of] his venture, great sums of gold and silver.