CHAPTER V
FIFTEENTH CENTURY LIFE
INTRODUCTORY NOTES
The Tourney
This is here shown to be a sport, a trial of skill in which groups of knights encounter. The more serious ordeal by battle or tournament is a duel often to the death and so the rules for it are more strict and heavily guarded.
A good lesson on the courtesy of the late chivalric age may be drawn from this and further illustrated from Froissart. Here as there, and in Joinville, the care for horses may be seen.
Wages and Coinage
These are chiefly useful for comparison with other periods, especially those imposed in the Statute of Labourers. The powers of the J.P. may be noted, also the status of the shepherd due to the importance of wool for the new cloth manufacture.
Safeguard of the Sea
This and the following extract are important as illustrating the beginnings of a royal naval policy, the navy to be drawn from merchant shipping and placed under military commanders. It is in accord with the policy advocated in 1436 in the Libel of English Policy (see Lipson, Economic History of England). They shew further the rise of the direct influence of the wealthy wool and cloth merchants in government.
The fleet captured by Wynynton is that of the Hansa League or Easterling Merchants; the work of Henry IV and Henry V, in copying Genoese models, enabled English ships for the first time to carry more than one mast, and so increase both speed and capacity for artillery. Henry VII and Henry VIII continued this policy but Elizabeth economized, relying on their provision and on individual patriotic effort.
Paston Letters
The real meaning of the Wars of the Roses for the society of the time, emerges from such pictures as those of the need for self protection.
Petition of the Commons
This demand of privilege shows how much the Parliament had gained in power from the insecure position of Henry IV and Henry V’s need for war supplies, while the merchants’ wealth grew. It suggests reasons for Henry VII’s determination to drain their resources.
Alnwick’s Visitations
It must be remembered that an enquiry such as this leads to the airing of grievances, and so to a one-sided view of the monastic life; also that by this time the original high standards of most orders were beginning to droop. Care should be taken to avoid giving children a biassed view on this subject.
Enclosures
Under the common field system there had always existed closes, or small fenced pieces of land attached to the owner’s dwelling-house or farm. It was also a lawful practice in the thirteenth century for lords or wealthy men to “approve,” i.e., enclose and cultivate portions of the land hitherto lying waste.
The enclosures of the sixteenth century differ from these. The growth before 1400 of the wool industry for export, and after that period for the English manufacture into cloth, raised the value of sheep-farming, and combined with the shortage of labour to bring about great sheep farms and a capitalistic system. Wealth was concentrated in the hands of big merchants, nobles or corporations. In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century new methods of farming; rotation of crops, including roots; dairying; great drainage schemes led to the desire to escape from the unprogressive open field system; by enclosing, dairy farms became possible, and the famous brands of English cattle, sheep and horses could be developed.
The effect of these changes is noted by A. Young in his tours (see p. 229, etc.).
Holinshed gives a short, clear account of the risings which were brought about by rich or progressive owners enclosing their share of the common fields, and often more than their share. The illustrations from Cambridge documents give some of those details which alone enable children to grasp these social changes.
ORDINANCES RESPECTING TOURNAMENTS
(MS. I, 26, College of Arms. Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. I, p. 144.)
First: whoso breaketh most spears, as they ought to be broken, shall have the prize.
Item: whoso hitteth three times in the helm, shall have the prize.
Item: whoso meeteth three times coronell to coronell shall have the prize.
How the prize should be lost.
First: whoso striketh a horse shall have no prize.
Item: whoso striketh a man, his back turned, or disarmed of his spear, shall have no prize.
Item: whoso hitteth the toyle or tilte thrice, shall have no prize.
Item: whoso unhelms himself twice, shall have no prize, without his horse fail him.
How spears broken shall be allowed.
First: whoso breaketh a spear between the saddle and the charnell of the helm, shall be allowed for one.
Item: whoso breaketh a spear from the charnell upward, shall be allowed for two.
Item: whoso breaketh a spear so as he strike him down or put him out of his saddle or disarm him in such wise as he may not run the next course after, shall be allowed for three spears broken.
Whereas your most noble grace hast most abundantly given unto four maidens of your most honourable court, the castle called Loyal, to dispose according to their pleasure; they have most liberally given the guard and custody of the same unto a captain and with him fifteen gentlemen ... they have undertaken the defence of the same ... to defend and keep the same against all comers....
Item, in any days that this enterprize shall be done, to begin at one of the clock at afternoon, and to continue until seven of the clock at afternoon....
... The VI comers shall take a spear and a sword every of them in like wise, the VI gentlemen putting themselves in range directly against their fellows, every man his spear on his thigh and his sword where it shall please him; and then at the sound of the trumpet to charge and run together all at once everyman to his fellow that shall stand against him, and so pass through.
Item, the course with the spears passed, everyman to take his sword and do his best, only the foyne except, choosing his fellow by fortune as it shall happen, and so to continue until the time that the king shall command to rest.
Item, if any man of arms break his sword or lose it by any fortune he may return to the scaffold where the heralds be and there receive another and so enter into the tourney again. Also it shall not need that every man confine to still in fighting with him whom he shall first encounter, but if he will may also search to and fro taking his advantage, and helping his fellow if need be, always defended that no man lay hand on other but only with his sword to do his best nor twain to set upon one alone unless it be in aiding of his fellow as above....
Item, if any man be disarmed, he may withdraw himself if he will; but once past the bars he may not come again into the tourney, for that day. Also there shall no man have his servant within the bars with any piece of harness, for no man shall be within the said bars but such as shall be assigned by the king’s grace.
Item, who shall best demean himself at the same art of arms shall have a sword garnished to the value of three hundred crowns or under....
Item, if any man strike a horse with his spear, he shall be put out of the tourney without any favour incontinent: and if any slay an horse, he shall pay to the owner of the said horse an hundred crowns in recompense; also it is not to be thought that any man will strike an horse willingly: for if it do, it shall be to his great dishonour.
ORDER OF THE TOURNAMENT
First, the quarrels and bills of the challenger and defendant shall be pleaded in the court before the constable and marshall ... the battle being appointed the constable shall assign them the day and place, in sort that it be not within forty days after the battle appointed ... awarding them how many weapons they shall have, i.e., glaive, long sword, short sword and dagger....
The king shall find the field to fight in ... the lists must be 60 pace long and 40 pace broad, in good order, so that the ground be hard, stable and firm, and equally made, without great stones, the ground flat; and that the lists be strongly barred about, with one door in the east, another in the west, with good and strong bars 7 foot high or more, that a horse cannot leap over them.
The day of the battle, the king shall be in a state upon a high scaffold, and a place shall be made for the constable and marshall at the foot of the stairs of the said scaffold, where they shall sit....
When the Challenger cometh ... to the east gate of the lists in such manner as he will fight with his armour and weapons as is appointed by the court ... the constable and marshall shall go thither, and the constable shall ask him what man he is that is come, armed to the door of the lists? What is his name? And wherefore he is come? And the challenger shall answer.... Then the constable opening the umbrel of his helmet, and perceiving him to be the same man which is the challenger, shall cause the door of the lists to be opened, and suffer him to enter with his said armour, weapons, victuals, and other lowable necessaries about him and also his council with him; and then he shall bring him before the king and to his estate [station] where he shall attend until the defendant be come. In the like sort shall be done to the defendant; but that he shall enter in at the west door of the lists ... the which thing being done, the constable and marshall shall view the spears of the said challenger and defendant and shall cause them to be cut and sharpened of equal measure.... [Both parties being made to swear to their truth and honesty] ... the constable shall cause them to clasp their hands together and to lay their left hands upon the Book.... The oaths being ended and every of them led to his place, their counsellers and friends being taken away from them ... the constable shall command the marshall to make proclamation at the four corners of the lists in manner and form following:
“Oies, oies, oies, we charge and command you in the behalf of the King, the Constable and Marshall, that no man whether of great or small estate ... be so hardie from henceforth to approach the lists by four feet nor to speak one word, to make any countenance, sign, likelihood or noise whereby any of the parties ... may take advantage of each other, upon peril to lose their life and goods at the king’s pleasure. That done the constable and marshall shall cause the lists to be voided of all manner of persons except their lieutenants and two knights one for the constable and one for the marshall ... but the two lieutenants ... ought to have in their hands either of them, a spear without iron, for to part them if the king would cause them to stay in their fighting, whether it be to rest, or otherwise howsoer it be ... and the parties being ready to fight as is said, the constable shall by commandment of the King say with a loud voice: Let them go and rest awhile; Let them go again and rest awhile; Let them go and do their indevoir in God’s name.”
WAGES IN THE TIME OF KING HENRY VI, A.D. 1443
(Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. III, p. 52)
Where [as] the common people of this realm is greatly annoyed by cause of sudden departing of servants of husbandry from their masters at end of their terms without due warning made ... [it is decreed] that every servant of husbandry purposing to depart from his master at end of his term, at midst of his term or else before, make Covenant with another man to serve him for the next year ... in presence of the Constables of the Towns ... also that the salaries and wages of servants, labourers and artificers exceed not the assessing that followeth:—
The salary of a Bailly of Husbandry by year 23/4 and clothing, price of 5/-with meat and drink.
Of a chief hind, a carter, a chief shepherd 20/-and clothing, price of 4/-with meat and drink.
A common servant or husbandman 1/-and clothing, price of 40d.
A woman servant 10/-and clothing, price of 4/-with meat and drink.
A child within age of 14 years 6/-and clothing, price 3/- with meat and drink.
A master tyler or slater, rough mason, and mean carpenter, and other artificers concerning building, by the day 3d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 3½d., and from every other labourer by the day 2d. with meat and drink, without meat and drink 3½d.
And from the Feast of Michaelmas unto Easter a free mason and a master carpenter by the day 3d. with meat and drink, without meat and drink 4½d.
Tyler, mean carpenter, rough mason, and other artificers aforesaid by the day 2½d. with meat and drink, without meat and drink 4d., and every other workman, and labourer by the day 1½d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 3d., and who that less deserveth to take less; provided that the said assessing extend unto labourers in time of harvest, about harvest labour in which the wages of a mower exceed not by the day 4d. with meat and drink and without meat and drink 6d. A man reaper or carter 3d. by the day with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 5d. A woman labourer and other labourers in harvest by the day 2½d. with meat and drink, and without meat and drink 4½d., and such as are worth less to take less, and in places where less is used to be taken, less to be taken hereafter. And that none artificer, workman, nor labourer, take anything for any holiday, nor for no workaday, except after the rate of the time of day in which he laboureth; and if any person refuse to serve or labour according to the premises that every Justice of the Peace in their shires have power ... to commit to prison, there to abide until they have found suretie sufficient to serve and labour in form by law required.
PETITION FOR THE COINAGE OF HALFPENCE AND FARTHINGS, A.D. 1444
(Rol. Parl. V. 23 Hen. VI)
To the right worshipful and discreet Commons in this present Parlement assembled;
Please it unto your said great and high discretions to consider the great hurt that the poor Commons of this noble realm of England have and suffer at this time for default of Halfpennies and Farthings of silver; insomuch that men travelling over countries, for part of their expenses of necessity must dispart our sovereign Lord’s coin, that is to wit, a penny in two pieces, or else forgo all the same penny for the payment of an halfpenny; and also the poor common retailers of victuals, and of other needful things, for default of such coinage of halfpennies and farthings oftentimes may not sell their said victuals and things, and many of our said sovereign Lord’s poor liege people which would buy such victuals or other small things necessary, may not buy them for default of halfpence and farthings not had, neither on the party buyer, nor on the party seller: which scarcity and wanting of halfpence and farthings hath fall, and daily yet doth, because that for their great weight and their fineness of alloy, they be tried and molten, and put into other use, unto the increase of winning of them that so do....
... enact ... that every pound weight of the Tower ... which be now of the number of 30/-from this time forth, to be of the number of 33/-, no fineness abated of the alloy ... moreover that halfpennies and farthings run not, only in payment of great sums among the people, without other money among; that is to say that no man be bound to receive in payment but after the quantity and rate, in every 20/-of grotes, half grotes and pence, twelve pence in halfpence and farthings and no more; and yet, [even] that by the will and consent of him that shall receive the payment; and this ordinance endure unto the next Parlement; provided also that no white money, as grote, halfgrote, penny, halfpenny, nor farthings, be broken nor molten for the cause above said, on pain of forfeiture to the king, the double value of as much as is so molten or broken; considering furthermore that by this means, plenty of halfpennies and farthings shall be had in short time through this said realm, and the people greatly eased, and the king profited in his seigneurage, and all clipping and melting of halfpennies and farthings hereafter finally fordone.
Response: Soit fait sicome il est desire, etc.
FOR THE SAFEGUARD OF THE SEA
(Petition of the Commons, 1442. 20th Henry VI Rot. Parl. V, 59)
Prayen the Commons, that it please the King, our sovereign Lord, for the safe keeping of the sea, to ordain and authorise by the authority of this Parlement ...
Forasmuch as it is thought by all the Commons of this land, that it is necessary the sea to be kept, there must purveyance be made for certain ships defensably in manner and form following:
First it is thought that least purveyance that can be made for the worship of the King our Sovereign Lord, and welfare and defence of this realm of England is for to have upon the sea continually, for the seasons of the year from Candlemas to Martinmas 8 ships with forstages, the which ships it is thought must have one with another, each of them 150 men, sum (1200) men.
Item, every great ship must have attending upon him a barge and a balinger, and every barge must have 24 men, sum 146 men.
Item, the 8 balingers must have in each of them 40 men, sum 320 men. There must be awaiting and attendant upon them 4 Spynes, in each spyne 25 men, sum 100 men; sum of the men 260 men, every man taking 11 shillings by the month, amounteth in the month £226.
[Follows a list of “where the ships are to be had,” Bristol, Hull, Dartmouth, Newcastle, etc. each contributing certain vessels named].
Item, it is thought there should be chosen and named, eight Knights, and worthy Squires of the West, South and of the North, so that no countrie should be dispesid (sic) [despised]; and thereof the King our Sovereign Lord chose such one as him liketh to be a chief Captain; and other seven as the King liketh of the said eight, for to attend the said Captain; so that every great ship have a Captain within board.
Item, it is to remember that the King will give them in charge, by his officers to them sent, that all these said ships stuffed and arrayed, make their first assemble in the Cuambre ... there to obey such rule and governance, as by their Captain and under captain shall to them be ordained and there muster of every ship to be seen by such persons as the King will depute thereto by his commission.
Item, there such proclamation and ordinance to be made and established amongst and in the said Navy, that none ship or ships harm nor hurt none other ship of our friends; where through any trouble or breaking of Peace might fall between the King our Sovereign Lord, and other of his Friends.
Item, it is thought necessary, that if any ship or ships be taken as enemies, when the goods in the said ship be brought into any port of this land; that the goods nor the ships be not disperbled nor divided, unto the time that it be duly known, whether it be enemies’ goods or friends’ goods; foreseen always that the press be made within the six weeks after the landing or havening of said ship or ships and goods so taken....
Item, it is thought that the goods and ships that may be taken by them, in the sea of our enemies, shall be departed in the form after serving; that is to say, the masters of the ships, quartermasters, shipmen and soldiers shall have half of the ships and goods so taken, and other half of the ship and goods shall be departed in three, of which the owners of the ships, barges, balingers and spynaces shall have two parts, and the chief Captain and under captains the third part; the chief captain shall have double that one of the under captains shall have.
N.B.—[Payment of the Navy to be made out of the Tonnage and Poundage.]
CAPTURE OF FRENCH AND HANSARD SHIPPING,
A.D. 1449
(Paston Letters, Vol. I, p. 84)
Part of Robert Wynyngtone’s report of his service to the king “for the cleansing of the sea, and rebuking of the robbers and pirates thereof, which daily do all the noisance they can.”
First I send you word, that when we went to sea, we took two ships of Brest coming out of Flanders; and then after, there is made a great arming in Britanny to meet with me and my fellowships, that is to say, the great ship of Brest, the great ship of the Morlaix, the great ship of Vannes, with other viij ships, barges and balingers to the number of iij mli [thousand men;] and so we lay in the sea to meet with them.
And then we met with a fleet of a hundred great ships of Prussia, Lubeck, Campe, Rastocke, Holland, Zealand and Flanders, between Guernsey and Portland; and then I came aboard the Admiral and bade them strike in the King’s name of England, and they bade me skite [? strike] in the King’s name of England; and then I and my fellowships said, but he will strike down the sail, that I would oversail him, by the grace of God, an God will send me wind and weather; and they bade me do my worst, by cause I had so few ships and so small that they scorned with me. And as God would, on Friday last was, we had a good wind, and then we armed to the number of ii.m. men in my fellowship, and made us ready for to oversail them; and then they launched a boat and set up a standard of truce, and come and spake with me. And there they were yielded all the hundred ships to go with me in what port that me lust and my fellows; but they fought with me the day before and shot at us a j.m. guns, and quarrel out of number, and have slain many of my fellowships, and maimed also. Wherefore me thinketh that they have forfeit both ships and goods at our sovereign lord the King will ... and so I have brought them all the hundred ships, within Wight, in spite of them all ... for I dare well say that I have here at this time all the chief ships, of Dutchland [Germany], Holland, Zealand and Flanders, and now it were time for to treat for a final peace as for that parte.
MISRULE IN NORFOLK
LETTER TO PASTON FROM HIS WIFE, A.D. 1449
(Paston Letters, Vol. I, p. 82).
Right worshipful husband,
I recommend me to you and pray you to get some cross bows and windacs to bind them with, and quarrels; for our houses here be so low that there may no man shoot out with no long bow, though we had never so much need.
I suppose ye should have such things of Sir John Falstaff, if ye would send to him; and also I would ye should get ij or iij short pollaxes to keep within doors, and as many jacks, an ye may.
Partridge [one of Molyns’ men] and his fellowship are sore afraid that ye would enter again upon them, and they have made great ordinance within the house, as it is told me. They have made bars to bar the doors crosswise, and they have made wickets on every quarter of the house to shoot out at, both with bows and with hand guns; and the holes that be made for hand guns, they be scarce knee high from the plancher [floor], and of such holes be made five. There can no man shoot out at them with no hand bows.
I pray you that you will vouch save to do buy for me 1 lb. of almonds and 1 lb. of sugar, and that ye will do buy some frieze to make of your child his gowns; ye shall have best cheap and best choice of Hayes wife as it is told me. And that ye would buy a yard of broad cloth of black for an hood for me of XIIIjd or IIIjs a yard, for there is neither good cloth nor good frieze in this town. As for the child his gowns, an I have them I will do them maken.
The Trinity have you in his (sic) keeping, and send you good speed in all your matters.
PETITION OF JOHN PASTON, ESQ.
(Paston Letters, Vol. I, pp. 106-8)
To the King, our Sovereign Lord, and to the right wise and discreet Lords, assembled in this present Parliament.
Beseecheth meekly your humble liegeman, John Paston, that where [as] he and other ... have be peaceably possessed of the manor of Gresham, within the county of Norfolk xx year and more, till the xxij day of February, the year of your noble reign xxvi, that Robert Hungerford, Knight, the Lord Molyns, entered in to the said manor ... the said Lord sent to the mansion a riotous people, to the number of a thousand persons ... arrayed in manner of war, with cuirasse, briganders, jacks, salettes, glaives, bowes, arrows, pavyse (shields) pans with fire burning therein, long cromes (hooks) to draw down houses, ladders, pikes, with which they mined down the walls, and long trees with which they broke up gates and doors, and so came into the said mansion, the wife of your beseecher being at that time therein, and xlj persons with her; the which persons they drove out of the said mansion, and mined down the wall of the chamber wherein the wife of your said beseecher was, and bare her out at the gates, and cut asunder the posts of the houses and let them fall, and broke up all the chambers and coffers within the said mansion, and rifled, and in manner of robbery bare away all the stuffe, array, and money that your said beseecher and his servants had there, unto the value of ccli ... saying openly that if they might have found there your said beseecher and one John Damme, which is of council with him, and divers others of the servants of your said beseecher, they should have died. And yet [i.e. still] divers of the said misdoers and riotous people unknown, contrary to your laws, daily keep the said manor with force, and lie in wait.... And also they compel poor tenants of the said manor, now within their danger, against their will, to take feigned plaints in the courts of the hundred there against the ... servants of your said beseecher, who dare not appear to answer for fear of bodily harm, nor can get no copies of the said plaints, to remedy them by the law, because he that keepeth the said courts is of covyn with the said misdoers and was one of the said risers....
Please it your highness, ... to purvey ... that your said beseecher may be restored to the said goods and chattels thus riotously taken away ... and that the said Lord Molynes and his servants be set in such a rule, that your said beseecher, his friends, tenants and servants may be sure and safe from hurt of their persons, and peaceably occupy their lands and tenements under your laws without oppression or unrightful vexation of any of them; and that the said risers and causers thereof may be punished, that other may eschew to make any such rising in this your land of peace in time coming. And he shall pray to God for you.
PETITION OF THE COMMONS TO HENRY VI IN 1460 ON BEHALF OF WALTER CLERK, M.P.
(Antiquarian Repertory, Vol. III, p. 265)
To the King our Sovereign Lord; Prayen the Commons,
Forasmuch that great delay has been in this Parlement, by that Walter Clerk, Burgess of Chippenham in the shire of Wilts, which came by your high commandment to this your present Parlement, and attending to the same in the House for the Commons accustomed, the freedom of which Commons so called, hath ever before this time been and oweth to be, the same Commons to have free coming, going and there abiding: against which freedom the said Walter was, after his said coming, and during this your present Parlement, arrested at your suit for a fine to be made to your Highness, and imprisoned in the Counter of London, and from thence removed into your Exchequer, and then committed into your prison of Fleet ... and sithen that committing, the said Walter was outlawed.... Please it your Highness ... him to dismiss at large ... so that the said Walter may daily tend of this your Parlement, as his duty is to do.... Saving also to your said Commons called now to this your Parlement, and their successors, their whole Liberties, Franchises and Privileges in as ample form and manner, as your said Commons at any time afore this day have had, used and enjoyed and oweth to have, use and enjoy....
Response:—Le Roy le voelt.
CONDITION OF RELIGIOUS HOUSES
VISITATION OF BARDNEY
(Alnwick’s Visitations of Religious Houses, Vol. II, 1436-1449. Ed., A. Hamilton Thompson. Lincoln Record Society)
In the year A.D. 1437 in the chapter house of the monastery of Bardney, of the Order of St. Benet, of the diocese of Lincoln, these appeared before ... William ... bishop of Lincoln ... brother John Waynflete, abbot of the same monastery and the monks of the same place ... to undergo with lowliness the visitation of the said reverend father....
Brother John Waynflete, the abbot, being examined says that they are sixteen in number ... also he says that there are three establishments in the monastery, to wit the abbot’s hall, the infirmary and the frater; and sometimes the monks that do stay in the infirmary take their meals not together but separately, to wit, one by himself, and another by himself and a third by himself, and send their broken meat into the town whither they will, and so the alms are wholly wasted.
Also he says that whatsoever guests come down to the monastery are entertained in the guestmaster’s quarters, and not, as is the usual custom, in the abbot’s hall.
Also he says that long and many watchings are kept at night in the guest-house in the infirmary, at which beer from the frater is consumed, and this by monks who spend their time in such offences against discipline and will not give them up.
Also he says that all day long they sit in the frater drinking and spending their time in messes and drinkings as though it were a public tavern, and to these they bring in secular folk.
Also he says that the monks too often make expeditions into the town of Bardney, where for their ease they haunt the taverns to the great scandal of the monastery....
Also he says that the church, manors, granges and tenements belonging to the monastery are much dilapidated and stand in need of large repairs. Also he says that the monastery is many ways in debt, as is apparent in the roll delivered to my lord.
Also he says that there is a sore division and discord among almost all of the convent who are confederate together and in conspiracy one with another against Thomas Bartone....
Also he says that the baker, the brewer, the porter, the smith and the lime-burner receive corrodies severally of a large amount [and] do eat almost daily of the abbot’s victuals.
Also he says that they who abide in the frater have each his separate dish and they in the infirmary do eat by two and two, and every day in the frater they will have at least three sorts of fish.
Also he says that women have too free and often access to the cloister precincts and most especially to the infirmary [where there is] eating, drinking and chattering between the monks and the same women to the great expense and scandal [of the monastery].
Also he says that in the conventual church the monks almost of custom do chatter with women during divine service [in a very ...] manner, by reason whereof the monastery is very evil spoken of.
Also he says that each monk receives for his clothing year by year forty shillings in divers parcels.
Brother John Rose, deacon, says that a young layman who dwells with the abbot did most foully browbeat and scold this deponent, and it is notorious [that] this youth, by name Taylboys, is upheld by the abbot against the young monks.
Also he says ... that the chantries of Partney and Skandleley and the others are not served.
Also he says as above concerning the scanty supply of victuals for the monks in the frater and infirmary, insomuch that after their meals nothing is left for the sustenance of their serving men or for the alms and this is Bartone’s default.
Also he says that Bartone is every night in the infirmary without lawful cause.
Also he says that the injunctions made by the last my lord of Lincoln in his visitation are not observed in aught, nor are they shown publicly in the Chapterhouse.
Brother Richard Anderby says that Bartone makes too much haste in singing the psalms and in other [parts of the service], causing discord among them when they chant.
Also the same Bartone is past bearing among the brethren, and all that he has he wastes in meat and drink and presents, that he may win to himself for his support the influence of layfolk.
Also he speaks of the unwary and improvident sale of manors.
CATESBY PRIORY
Sister Juliane Wolfe says that there should be two lights burning in the upper church and quire in time of divine service (p. 47).
Also she says that the prioress does not shew the account of her administrations to the Sisters.
Also she says that the prioress has pawned the jewels of the house....
Also she says that the prioress did threaten that, if the nuns disclosed aught in the visitation, they should pay for it in prison.
Also Isabel Wavere, the prioress’ mother, rules almost the whole house together with Joan Colworthe, the kinswoman of a certain priest, and these two do carry all the keys of the offices.
Also when guests come to the house, the prioress sends out the young nuns to make their beds, the which is a scandal to the house and a perilous thing.
Also the prioress does not give the nuns satisfaction in the matter of raiment and money for victuals: and she says that touching the premises the prioress is in the nuns’ debt for three-quarters of a year.
Also the buildings and tenements both within and without the priory are dilapidated, and many have fallen to the ground because of default in repairs.
Dame Isabel Benet says that when the prioress is enraged against any of the nuns, she calls them whores and pulls them by the hair, even in quire....
The prioress denies the article of cruelty as regards calling them whores and beggars; she denies also the violent laying of hands upon the nuns.
As to not having rendered an account, she confesses it, and for the reason that she has not a clerk who can write.
As to the burden of debt she refers herself to the account now to be rendered.
As to the neglection in repairing the sheep-folds, she refers herself to the visible evidence.
As to pawning the cup, she says that the same was done with the consent of the convent for the payment of tithes....
As to the disclosures on the last visitation and the reproaching of them that made them and the whipping, she denies the article....
As to her mother and Joan Coleworthe, she denies the article.
As to the bedmaking and the other tasks she denies the article.
As to withholding victuals and raiment from the nuns, she confesses it in part.
As to the dilapidation of the outer tenements, she says that they are partly in repair and partly not.
As to the sowing of discord, she says that she might have done this, she is not certain....
She has the morrow for clearing herself, of [the articles] she has denied, with four of her sisters, and to receive penance for those she has confessed. At the which term she brought forward no compurgators; ... she was pronounced to be convicted....
My lord ordained that there be two [nuns] receivers, to receive and to pay out [the money to be kept in a chest] under three locks, and that all live in common, leaving off their separate households, and that these things do begin at Michaelmas next. And all were warned to remove all secular folk from the dorter on this side the morrow of the Assumption. And all were warned under pain of excommunication that none do reproach another by reason of her disclosures. And the prioress was warned to [shut] and open the doors of the church and cloister at the due times, and to keep the keys with her by night in the dorter.
Dames Isabel Benet and Agnes Halesley, nuns of Catesby, will not obey or hearken to the injunctions of the lord bishop, and especially that concerning giving up their [private] chambers, asserting that they are not subject to the same.
Also the said dame Isabel on Monday last past did pass the night with the Austin friars at Northampton, and did dance and play the lute with them on the same place until midnight, and on the night following she passed the night with the friars preachers at Northampton, luting and dancing in like manner.
SIXTEENTH CENTURY ENCLOSURES, A.D. 1549
(Holinshed, Chronicle of England, III, p. 156)
So it was, that the King’s Majesty, by the advice of his uncle, the Lord Protector, and other of the Council, thought good to set forth a proclamation against enclosures, and taking in of fields and commons that were accustomed to lie open, for the behoof of the inhabitants dwelling near to the same, who had grievously complained of gentlemen and others for taking from them the use of those fields and commons, and had enclosed them into parks and several pasture for their private commodities and pleasures, to the great hindrance and undoing many a poor man.
This proclamation tending to the benefit and relief of the poor, appointed that such as had enclosed those commons, should upon a pain by a day assigned lay them open again. But how well soever the setters forth of this proclamation meant, thinking hereby peradventure to appease the grudge of the people that found themselves grieved with such enclosures; yet verily it turned not to the wished effect, but rather ministered occasion of a foul and dangerous disorder. For whereas there were few that obeyed the commandment, the unadvised people presuming upon their proclamation, thinking they should be borne out by them that had set it forth, rashly without order took upon them to redress the matter: and assembling themselves in unlawful wise, chose to them captains and leaders, brake open the enclosures, cast down ditches, killed up the deer which they found in parks, spoiled and made havoc after the manner of an open rebellion. First they began to play these parts in Somersetshire, Buckinghamshire, Northamptonshire, Kent, Essex, and Lincolnshire.
In Somersetshire they brake up certain parks of Sir William Herbert, and the Lord Sturton: but Sir William Herbert assembling a power together by the King’s commission, slew and executed many of these rebellious people. In other places also by the good diligence and police used by the council, the rebels were appeased and quieted.
But shortly after, the commons of Devonshire and Cornwall rose by way of rebellion, demanding not only to have enclosures laid open, and parks disparked, but also through the instigations and pricking forward of certain popish priests, ceased not by all sinister and subtle means, first under God’s Name and the King’s, and under the colour of religion, to persuade the people to assemble in routs to choose captains to guide them and finally to burst out into open rebellion.
GRIEVANCES OF CAMBRIDGE MEN. (EXAMPLES)
(Cooper, Annals of Cambridge, Vol. II, p. 38)
Inprimis, we find that there be IV Almshouses decayed in Jesus Lane, which ought to be upholden and maintained by Mr. Thomas Hutton.
Item: we find that a piece of noisome ground is taken in out of the common and enclosed with a muddle wall at the end of Jesus Lane, for the which the incorporation of the town is recompensed, but not the whole inhabitants of the town which find themselves injured.
Item: we find that Andrew Lambes close is croft land and ought to lie open with the field at Lammas as common.
Item: we find that Mr. Hynde unlawfully doth bring into Cambridge field a flock of sheep to the number of VI or VII hundred, to the undoing of the farmers and great hindrance of all the inhabitants of Cambridge.
Item: we find that Trinity College hath enclosed a common lane which was a common course both for cart, horse and man, leading to the river, unto a common green, and no recompense made therefore.
Item: we find that Mr. Muryell hath plowed up certain balks and cart ways in the field.
Item: we find that Mr. Bykardyck hath plowed up the more part of a balk behind the Black Friars of VII feet broad ... and he hath ditched it at both ends.
Item: we find that Queen’s College have taken a piece of common ground commonly called Gosling Green without recompense.
Item: we find that Mr. Fanne hath in his hands a piece of marsh ground now severalled, which was common within these XVI years, the rent is VIId.
Item: we find that beyond Styrbrydge Chapel, Dytton men have pulled down a bridge, stopped the water, drowned the commons and so enter upon Cambridge common.
Item: we find that Mr. Kymbalde hath walled and ditched upon the highway in Barnwell, whereby the said way is much straitened.
Mem.: of a common balk through a pasture ground adjoining next to Rutland’s house in Little St. Mary’s now inhabited by R. Tomlynson, which balk should be a way to go to Thomas leys and so forth on balks to Jesus Green, etc., which pasture is now purchased by the town, etc.
RIOTERS’ BALLAD
JAKE OF THE NORTH
(Cooper, II, p. 40)
Jake of the North: