[1]
PART I
THE LAW OF COPYRIGHT IN THE UNITED KINGDOM
AND THE DOMINIONS OF THE CROWN.
[2]
[3]
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY
The history of copyright has been exhaustively dealt with by Mr. Copinger, Mr. Scrutton, and Mr. Drone in their respective treatises on copyright law. I feel that I can add nothing useful to this branch of the subject, and as a detailed account of the evolution of the law of literary and artistic property is of little value to the practitioner except as academic knowledge, I propose merely to pass briefly in review the various epochs through which the author and his publisher have passed in their struggle to obtain from the public what they consider to be the just and adequate remuneration for their labours. For a complete historical introduction to the law of copyright I cannot do better than refer to Mr. Birrell's delightful lectures.[1]
The first record which we have of any monopoly in the reproduction of literary work is in the exercise of the alleged prerogative of the Crown to control the printing-press. No book whatsoever was allowed to be printed without a licence or grant of monopoly from the Crown. One of the principal objects in the exercise of this prerogative was the prevention of the dissemination of religious doctrines contrary to the accepted faith.
Henry VIII. created the Company of Stationers to supervise and control the publication of books. This company made various rules and regulations as to the printing of books, and from them licences could be obtained by an author to print his copy. The Stationers' Company was first incorporated in the reign of Philip and Mary in 1556. The Crown enforced its [4] prerogative and the rules of the Stationers' Company by means of the Court of Star Chamber, which from time to time passed various decrees, and punished offenders by fine and imprisonment.
By this means the Crown until 1640 exercised an unlimited jurisdiction over the press. In this there was no recognition of a right of property in the author of a work, but merely an enforcement of the royal prerogative to control the press. Incidentally, however, a kind of property sprang up, since the Stationers' Company in granting licences recognised the right of the author or his assignee to his copy. Licences were granted to those who showed that they had a right in the manuscript, and all others were prohibited from infringing the monopoly. An entry in the records of the Stationers' Company in 1562, for instance, enacts "That if it be found any other has a right to any of the copies, then the licence touching such of the copies so belonging to another shall be void."
When the Star Chamber was abolished in 1640 the two Houses made an ordinance prohibiting printing unless the book was first licensed and entered in the register of the Stationers' Company, and further prohibiting printing without the consent of the owner.
At the Restoration a licensing statute[2] was passed similarly prohibiting printing without licence and without the consent of the owner. The statute finally expired in 1694.
On the expiry of the licensing statute, authors and publishers thought that all protection for literary work was gone, and made strenuous efforts for new legislation. Bills were brought into Parliament in 1703 and 1706, and finally in 1709 the copyright statute of Anne became law.
The Act of Anne created for the first time a statutory property in books. The author of any book and his assignee or assigns were given the sole liberty of printing and reprinting such book for the term of fourteen years from publication "and no longer," and if at the end of that period the author was still living, then such right returned to the author for [5] another term of fourteen years. The Act provided that an offender should forfeit pirated copies and sheets to the proprietor of the copyright, who was enjoined to "forthwith damask and make waste paper of them." The Act further imposed a penalty of one penny for every sheet found in the offender's possession, one half of the penalties to go to the Crown and the other half to any person who should sue for the same. The Act made registration in the Register Book of the Company of Stationers before publication a condition precedent to an action for the infringement of any book. A provision was made in this Act for an adjustment of the price of books by complaint to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor and others, if booksellers or printers set too high a price upon their publications. Provision was also made for the delivery of nine copies at the warehouse of the Stationers' Company for the use of various libraries.
The Act of Anne was amended in some particulars in 1801 by 41 Geo. III. c. 107. This Act gave the proprietor of the copyright an action of damages against an offender as well as providing forfeiture and penalties.
The Act of Anne was again amended in 1814 by 54 Geo. III. c. 156. This latter statute extended the period of copyright to twenty-eight years certain, and the residue of the author's life thereafter.
After the passing of the statute of Anne those booksellers who were in the habit of purchasing and publishing authors' manuscripts were not satisfied with the limited protection accorded to them by that Act. They discovered, by the aid no doubt of legal advice, that a further protection might be secured by setting up a common law right of literary property which would ensure not merely a paltry term of twenty-eight years, but a perpetual monopoly. The result of this discovery led to half a century of litigation between the authors' booksellers and those other smaller booksellers who contended that they might without licence print those books in which the statutory copyright had expired. At first the authors' men were successful, and from 1735 there is a series of cases in Chancery in which a common law right in published books was undoubtedly recognised [6] and a preliminary injunction granted, notwithstanding that the period of protection given by 8 Anne, c. 19, had expired.[3]
These injunctions appear to have been acquiesced in, and the cases did not proceed to hearing. In 1760, in the case of Tonson v. Collins,[4] the great question of common law right was argued at law before Lord Mansfield, C. J. The action was in respect of the Spectator, the statutory copyright in which had expired. It was twice argued before Lord Mansfield, who then ordered that it should stand over for further argument before all the twelve judges. No judgment was ever given in the case. Before it could be argued before the whole Court, information reached the judges that the action was collusive, brought for the purpose of obtaining a precedent to support the contention of the authors' men. The Court refused to proceed further with the cause.
It was not long, however, until the question was again raised. In 1765 Messrs. Osborne & Millar, assignees of the copyright in Thomson's "Seasons," filed their Bills in Chancery against Donaldson, an Edinburgh bookseller, who had, without their authority, reprinted the book after the statutory copyright had expired.[5] A preliminary injunction was obtained, but subsequently dissolved. Lord Chancellor Northington said it was a point of so much difficulty and consequence that he should not determine it at the hearing, but should send it to law for the opinion of the judges. The question therefore again came to law, and, in Millar v. Taylor,[6] was argued at great length before Lord Mansfield and Justices Aston, Willis and Yates. The authors' men were victorious. The Court decided (Yates, J., dissenting) that there was copyright at common law, and that the period of protection thereunder was not cut down by the statute of Anne. This great victory, however, afforded but a short-lived triumph to literary men. In 1774, in Donaldson v. Beckett,[7] the matter came before the House of Lords on appeal from an order in Chancery, with [7] the result that the decision in Millar v. Taylor[8] was overruled. In this case all the judges were consulted. Eleven consulted judges gave their opinion. The questions put to the judges, and the answers given by them, are as follows:
1. Whether at common law an author of any book or literary composition had the sole right of first printing and publishing the same for sale, and might bring an action against any person who printed, published, and sold the same without his consent?
| Eight answered | Yes. | |
| One answered | No. | |
| Two answered | That an action would only lie if the MS. were taken by fraud or violence. |
2. If the author had such right originally did the law take it away upon his printing or publishing such book or literary composition, and might any person afterward reprint and sell for his own benefit such book or literary composition against the will of the author?
| Seven answered | No. |
| Four answered | Yes. |
3. If such action would have lain at common law, is it taken away by the statute of 8th Anne? And is an author by the said statute precluded from every remedy except on the foundation of the said statute and on the terms and conditions prescribed thereby?
| Six answered | Yes. |
| Five answered | No. |
4. Whether the author of any literary composition and his assigns had the sole right of printing and publishing the same in perpetuity by the common law?
| Seven answered | Yes. |
| Four answered | No. |
5. Whether this right is in any way impeached or taken away by the statute of 8th Anne?
| Six answered | Yes. |
| Five answered | No. |
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The House of Lords on a division, which included several lay members of the House, decided by 22 to 11 against the contention that the common law right survived the statute of Anne and was unrestricted by it. So the authors and their champions the booksellers were finally defeated, and had to remain satisfied with the term of protection afforded to them by statute.
The Universities obtained from Parliament statutory relief against the decision in Donaldson v. Beckett. In 1775, the Act of 15 Geo. III. c. 53 was passed giving them a perpetual copyright in all books which might be bequeathed to them. This right they still retain.
In 1842 the present literary Copyright Act was passed and the statute of Anne and the two amending statutes of Geo. III. repealed. The principal reform is the extension of the term of protection to a period of forty-two years certain, or for the author's life and seven years if that should prove longer. Perhaps the other most important change (it cannot decently be called a reform) is the reduction of registration at Stationers' Hall to a mere useless and troublesome technicality. Instead of being as formerly a condition precedent to protection, and therefore a useful index from which one could ascertain whether a book was copyright or not, it is now made merely a condition precedent to action, and registration can be effected the same day as that on which a writ is issued.
Meanwhile the engravers as well as the authors had been working for the proper protection of their art. In 1734 they first obtained a statute which, together with the amending statutes passed in 1766, 1776, and 1836 respectively, still contains the law of copyright in engravings, prints, etchings, and similar productions.
In 1798 the sculptors obtained an Act. This was repealed by another Act obtained in 1813. This latter Act still contains the whole law as to copyright in sculpture.
In 1833 authors of dramatic work obtained from Parliament an exclusive right to perform their plays whether published or unpublished. By the Literary Copyright Act, 1842, the provisions of that Act are made applicable to performing [9] rights in dramatic work, and performing rights are still regulated by both these Acts, which together contain the law on this subject. The Literary Copyright Act, 1842, also applied the provisions of both these Acts to performing rights in musical compositions hitherto unprotected in this respect. As regards musical composition, the law is amended by two subsequent Acts which must be read with the two older Acts.
In 1835 an Act was passed for the protection of copyright in lectures. This Act, although still in force, has become a dead letter since the requisite notice to two Justices of the Peace is troublesome, and lectures receive full protection from copying by common law and under the Literary Copyright Act, 1842. The Lectures Act never purported to give anything in the nature of a performing or lecturing right, but merely a protection from unauthorised reproduction in print.
The artists were the last to obtain protection for their work. It was not until 1862 that an Act was passed giving statutory protection to paintings, drawings, and photographs. This Act contains the present law on the "Fine Arts."
From 1844 onwards there is a series of Acts known as the International Copyright Acts which extend the protection of the copyright law to works published in certain foreign countries. The last and principal international copyright Act is the International Copyright Act, 1886. That Act was passed in view of the Berne Convention of 1887 which was then in contemplation. The Berne Convention is an international copyright agreement whereby those states which are signatory to it agree that, subject to its terms, a work first published in any one of those states shall have copyright in all the others. The Berne Convention is now amended by the Paris Convention, 1898, and read together they form the present international agreement.
There are several statutes dealing with the colonies dating from 1847. [10]
CHAPTER II
WHAT BOOKS ARE PROTECTED
The following books are protected by statute throughout the British Dominions:[9]
Section I.—What is an Original Book.
Definition of a Book.—"Book" is defined by 5 & 6 Vict. c. 45, sec. 2, "to mean and include every volume, part or division of a volume, pamphlet, sheet of letterpress, sheet of music, map, chart, or plan separately published."
As an exhaustive definition this is of little value. It only indicates what the outward visible form of the "book" must be, and gives no indication of the nature or quality of the literary matter which it must contain. Even as a guide to the form it is defective, since it is only a definition by example and not exhaustively descriptive. In the absence of an accurate statutory definition of a "book," the Courts have given a very wide interpretation to the term, and both as to the form and the matter have strained the ordinary dictionary meaning of the word [11] to the uttermost. In the light of the decided cases a "book" might be defined as original literary matter in such tangible form as readily conveys ideas or information to the mind of a reader.
Essential Elements of a Book.—There are three essential elements which must be found in every book, viz.:
I. Physical Form.—The form of the book need not necessarily constitute what in common parlance is known as a book or volume. Thus a single sheet of music[16] or a printed leaflet such as an application form[17] are both books within the meaning of the Copyright Acts.
In one case[18] it was held that a newspaper was not a book, but that decision was not followed,[19] and there can now be no doubt that a newspaper comes within the definition of a book as a sheet of letterpress.[20]
The form must be adapted for conveniently conveying to the mind of a reader the intellectual matter which the book contains. It will not be sufficient that it can possibly be used for conveying intellectual matter to the mind, it must be conveniently adapted for that purpose. Thus music in the form of a perforated scroll for use in an æolian or pianola is not a "book,"[21] for although it can be deciphered and read by the eye no one in his senses would use it instead of an ordinary sheet of music. On the other hand literary matter may nevertheless be in "book" form although it requires a special training to decipher it. For instance a story written in shorthand characters is in book form,[22] and no doubt also a story impressed in raised characters for the blind.[23]
The substance on which the literary matter is depicted and [12] the manner of depicting it are probably immaterial; but presumably a "book" must be at least ejusdem generis as an ordinary printed volume or leaflet. It must be "something in the nature of a book."[24] Thus although copies in ordinary manuscript[25] or even engraved on thin slips of ivory would be in "book" form, an epitaph on a tombstone probably would not.
The meaning of the words "separately published" in section 2 is by no means clear. They do not mean that the matter in which copyright is claimed must be issued physically separate from any non-copyright literary matter. In the statute of Anne the words "separately published" are not used in the definition of a book, but it was nevertheless argued that a "book" must be entirely the original work of the author and not bound up with other matter. In Cary v. Longman Lord Kenyon rejected such an argument. In giving judgment he said:
"The courts of justice have long been labouring under an error if an author have no copyright in any part of a work unless he have an exclusive right to the whole book."[26]
Under the statute of Victoria parts of a book bound up with non-copyright matter have frequently been protected; notes to non-copyright works,[27] illustrations to non-copyright works,[28] a small portion of a serial story,[29] a small part of a time table,[30] have all been protected. Clearly therefore a person may have copyright in a book although he has not copyright in every part of it.[31]
In Johnson v. Newnes[32] Romer, J., takes the view that "separately" published means clearly distinguishable. He says:
"Now in my opinion if you find in a volume separate parts, and distinguished or perfectly distinguishable from the other parts, and the volume is published, each part that is separate and clearly distinguished in the volume itself is separately published within the meaning of section 2."
[13]
If we accept this as correct we exclude the case of a revised edition of an old work, the corrections and additions to which forming the new work are not clearly distinguishable from the old. I am inclined to think that the real explanation and meaning of "separately published" is that it does not apply to "volume, part, or division of a volume" at all, but only to "sheet of letterpress, sheet of music, map, chart, or plan" which are to be protected, even although they are "separately published," i. e. not bound up into a volume. It was no doubt inserted as declaratory of the case law under the statute of Anne, which laid down that a single printed sheet was a "book" within the meaning of the Act.
II. Literary Matter.—No literary merit or great labour is required to be shown. Lord Halsbury, L. C., in Walter v. Lane,[33] referring to the verbatim reports of Lord Rosebery's speeches which were the subject-matter of that action, said:
"Although I think in these compositions (i. e. the work of the stenographer) there is literary merit and intellectual labour, yet the statute seems to me to require neither—nor originality either in thought or language ... the right in my view is given by the statute to the first producer of a book, whether that book be wise or foolish, accurate or inaccurate, of literary merit, or of no merit whatever."[34]
In many of the cases great stress was laid in argument at the bar on the preamble of the Copyright Act, 5 & 6 Vict. c. 45. The preamble runs as follows:
"Whereas it is expedient to amend the law relating to copyright, and to afford greater encouragement to the production of literary works of lasting benefit to the world...."
From this it is argued that the Act intends to protect only those works which are likely to prove a substantial addition to the world's literature. Jessel, M. R., in his judgment in Maple v. Junior Army and Navy Stores,[35] points out the fallacy of this argument:
"The Act does not say that it is expedient to afford greater encouragement to the production of literary works of lasting benefit to the world, and to amend the law of copyright relating thereto, but that it is expedient [14] to amend the law of copyright generally, merely adding the principal reason for doing so. There is therefore nothing in the preamble to cut down the enacting part, even if the enacting part had not been clear."[36]
Road-books,[37] directories,[38] tradesmen's catalogues,[39] mercantile statistics,[40] telegraph codes,[41] time tables,[42] verbatim reports of speeches[43] are all books within the meaning of the Act.
It is quite immaterial for what purpose the matter was composed or published. Personal correspondence,[44] advertisements,[45] and a mining report[46] are all subjects of copyright if published.
There must be some composition or arrangement of words, figures, sentences, or paragraphs which by itself will convey to the mind of the reader some intelligible proposition.[47] There cannot be copyright in a single word,[48] even although it expresses a man's opinion: there is no composition or arrangement. Neither can there be copyright in a pattern sleeve[49] or the face of a barometer,[50] because both are really instruments to be used in conjunction with something else, and although there may be words and sentences on them, by themselves they convey no intelligible proposition to the reader. Probably a drunken scrawl, absolutely unintelligible, would not be protected. A jury having found that such a document was not a literary composition, the Court of Appeal refused to interfere with their verdict.[51]
The illustrations in a book are protected as part of the book,[52] and a number of drawings bound up together without any letterpress would be protected as a book,[53] compliance with the provisions of the artistic Copyright Acts being in such a case unnecessary; but a single drawing or engraving separately issued can only be protected under the artistic Acts.
A map, whether bound in a volume or separately issued, is [15] a book within the meaning of the Literary Copyright Act, and will be protected thereunder.[54]
III. Originality as an essential element of a book means that the composition in the "book" must not have been copied from some other literary composition in "book" form. Originality does not necessarily imply an original composition on the part of the author.[55] Copyright is given not necessarily to the first composer, but to the first producer in "book" form of a literary composition.[56] Thus a book would be an original book if the literary matter contained therein were taken by the author verbatim from the oral utterances of a public speaker,[57] or probably if copied from some ancient monument or mural writing. It would not, however, be original if the author had merely transcribed the literary matter from some public manuscripts, even although difficult of access.[58] Again, originality does not necessarily imply novelty. Another book exactly the same in every respect, word for word, may have been previously published, and yet a later book will be original if derived from common sources, and not copied from the earlier book. Thus two mathematicians may have independently made the same calculations,[59] two travellers may have made a chart of the same island or district,[60] or two reporters may have taken shorthand reports of the same speech.[61] In each case there would be independent copyright,[62] and the later book, even although published ten years after the first, would be original.
Composition may consist in composition in the ordinary sense of piecing together words, figures, sentences, and paragraphs, in order to convey certain intellectual ideas, or it may consist in the arrangement of material, as in the case of directories, lists of statistics, &c. Sometimes part may be copied and part may be original, as in the case of new editions,[63] translations,[64] abridgments,[65] selections from non-copyright [16] authors,[66] precedents of conveyancing, &c.[67] The new matter only is the subject of copyright.
Examples of what are Books.—Road-books[68] were among the first works in the protection of which by the Courts it was recognised that copyright did not necessarily depend on the evidence of any high mental qualities in the composition. In 1786 an injunction was granted to restrain the piracy of "Paterson's Road-Book."[69] Lord Chancellor Loughborough in his judgment said that a book in order to acquire copyright did not require to be an operation of the mind like the "Essay on Human Understanding." There might be copyright even although the subject-matter lay in medio, so that every man with eyes could trace it, and the whole merit of the work depended upon the accuracy of the observation. In 1776 the Court of Session in Scotland protected a "Traveller's Pocket-Book," which contained nothing but a mere list of stages and their distances.[70] The compiler of such a work may arrive at the same, or nearly the same, result as some other compiler working over the same country, but if each has made his own compilation, "counting the milestones for himself,"[71] he will have copyright and can prevent any one else from infringing such copyright.
Directories[72] soon followed road-books in their claim for protection. Lord Chancellor Erskine in 1806 hesitated somewhat, "thinking it dangerous to carry this doctrine of copyright too far," but ultimately decided that an East India calendar or directory[73] containing the names and appointments on the Indian establishment, obtained with considerable labour and expense from the repositories in India House, was the subject of copyright. This decision was followed by Lord [17] Chancellor Eldon in 1809 in the case of "A Court Calendar."[74] In 1861 a street directory of Birmingham was protected,[75] and in 1866 "Kelly's Post Office London Directory."[76] In this last-mentioned case it was suggested in defence that the various residents had given their names for public use, and that therefore any one could copy them; this contention, however, was rejected, and it was held that the information contained in a directory was similar to that in a road-book or map; it was open to all mankind, but that he who collected and described it was entitled to prevent any one else from taking the results of his labours. In Morris v. Ashbee,[77] a trade directory, called "The Business Directory of London," was protected. This work contained the names and occupations of merchants and traders carrying on business in or about London. Those traders who paid the proprietor of the directory one shilling annually were entitled to have their names printed in capital letters, and a further payment entitled them to "extra lines" descriptive of their vocations. The defendants took from this work the names in capital letters and the "extra lines," and contended that they were entitled to do so; but it was held that the payment by the several persons whose names were inserted had not the effect of making the names and descriptions when inserted common property, and that as the plaintiff had incurred the labour and expense of getting the necessary information and arranging it, he was entitled to protection.
In Lamb v. Evans[78] the defendants had copied extensively from a trade directory. The directory consisted of a list of tradesmen in various localities. In some cases their names and addresses only were entered, and in others more elaborate advertisements containing descriptions of articles in which the advertiser dealt. The entries in the directory were classified under headings, giving short descriptions of the particular trades; each separate heading was arranged so that the proper catch-words occurred first in alphabetical order, and each [18] heading was repeated in three other languages after the English heading. The Court of Appeal held that although the plaintiffs had no copyright in each individual entry, they had copyright at least in the headings. They were the result of literary labour both as regards the composition of the headings themselves and their collocation and concatenation in the book.[79] Their Lordships were also of opinion, although they said it was unnecessary to decide the question, that there was copyright in the mass of advertisements as collected and arranged. Lindley, L. J., said:
"I do not see myself the difficulty in the publishers having a copyright in a sheet of advertisements. I do see a difficulty in his having a copyright in one advertisement, because, as Mr. Justice Chitty pointed out, that might prevent the advertiser from republishing his advertisements in another paper, which is absurd. But to say that it follows from that that the proprietor, say of the Times, has no copyright in a sheet of advertisements so that he cannot restrain anybody from copying that sheet appears to me a very different proposition."[80]
Tradesmen's catalogues, consisting of lists descriptive or otherwise of the articles in which they deal, have been often attacked as being devoid of literary merit. In Hotten v. Arthur[81] the plaintiff's copyright in a descriptive catalogue of old books which he had in stock was challenged. This catalogue was not a mere list of the books by name, but contained short notices of the contents and general nature of the various volumes. Page Wood, V. C., found no difficulty in deciding that such a catalogue was the subject of copyright, notwithstanding that the catalogues were for the purpose of advertising the plaintiff's stock-in-trade, and were not themselves offered for sale. In Cobbett v. Woodward[82] the doctrine laid down by Page Wood, V. C., received a check. In that case the plaintiff had published a catalogue containing numerous engravings and illustrations of designs and articles of furniture which were sold by his firm. Lord Romilly, M. R., refused to grant an injunction against a rival tradesman who, in a [19] similar publication, appropriated at least fifty of the plaintiff's illustrations, and in his judgment he said: