| V | |
| Very | Nooee-nooee |
| U | |
| Uncle | Titooa tannee |
| Understand | Eetee |
| Understanding | Nono |
| Undress, to | Hemo tapa |
| Y | |
| Yam | Oohee |
| Yawn | Poowha |
| Year | Makaheite |
| Yellow | O peeta-peeta |
| Yes | Ai |
| You | Oe |
| Your | Kow |
APPENDIX No. II.
STATEMENT
OF THE
CASE OF ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL.
BY DR. NORDGOORST,
IN THE SERVICE OF THE RUSSIAN AMERICAN COMPANY.
[Translated from the Russian.]
STATEMENT
OF THE
CASE OF ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL.
The bearer hereof, named Archibald Macbrait, has had the misfortune to have both of his feet frostbitten in so dreadful a manner, that nothing remained but to endeavour to save his life, as there were no hopes whatever of preserving his feet, although every attempt was made to that effect.
For the information of the humane and benevolent, I subjoin a short statement of my proceedings in his case, fearless of any compunctions of conscience; being sensible of the hard fate of this poor fellow creature, and how much he stands in need of assistance to support his existence.
This Englishman sailed from Kodiak in the winter time, in the ship’s cutter, for the island of Sannack. On their passage a storm came on, in which the boat was wrecked. The crew saved their lives on shore; but this man had both his feet frozen, and not having stripped off his clothes for twenty-seven days, he was not aware of the extent of his calamity, and did not apprehend the destruction of his feet.
The overseer of the district of Karlutzki brought him to Kodiak, at eight o’clock in the evening, to the hospital called the Chief District College of Counsellor and Chevalier Baranoff.
In the first place, I had his feet cleaned and dried; they were both in a state of mortification (gangrena sicca.) The mortified parts having separated from the sound to the distance of a finger’s breadth, where either amputation might take place or a cure be performed, as the patient himself hoped. I dressed the mortified, or frostbitten parts with oil of turpentine, and the unaffected parts with olive oil, and continued these applications for about five days, after which I used charcoal, gas, and other chimical applications; but as there appeared no chance of saving his feet, I began to consider that there was no resourse left but amputation. That the patient might not be alarmed, I talked over the matter with him as is usual in such cases, and endeavoured to persuade him to submit to the operation, as the only means of effecting a cure. But at first I was not successful, and could not get him to agree to it. I was therefore obliged to continue my former mode of treatment. At the end of three days, however, he gave his consent, and I fixed a time for the operations, which I performed satisfactorily. On the third day after the operation, the wound appeared to be in a good state, and I continued to dress it daily as it required.
The other foot remained to undergo a similar operation. I suffered three weeks to elapse, when it also took place. The wounds are now in a good state, and evidently healing up.
It is not in my power to complete the cure, being obliged to return to Russia; but I have left the directions with the assistant surgeon how to proceed in the treatment.
The illness of Archibald Macbrait, this Englishman, commenced on the 22d of January, 1808. The first operation took place on the 15th of March, and the second on the 15th of April. He is twenty years of age, and well made. He was cured by Dr. Nordgoorst, actually in the service of the Russian American Company.
This statement should support the petition of this Englishman, who may seek an asylum in Greenwich hospital, where the unfortunate of this kind obtain relief and comfort.
N. B. This is an accurate description of the case and treatment; but the true christian name and surname of the patient, is Archibald Campbell.[30]
APPENDIX No. III.
NOTICE OF
ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL,
AUTHOR OF THE VOYAGE ROUND THE WORLD.
NOTICE OF
ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL.
[From Blackwood’s Magazine.]
Our readers cannot have forgotten the name of Archibald Campbell, the poor Scottish seaman, whose account of his voyage round the world was, three or four years ago, noticed at considerable length in the Quarterly Review. This unhappy adventurer’s narrative was, in every way, well deserving of the interest which it created at the time of its publication. It was modest and unassuming in its manner, and, in its matter, free to a great extent, from the many species of blunders and inaccuracies which are commonly so abundant in the productions of persons in the humble situation of life of Archibald Campbell. At that time, however, its merits could not be quite so fully appreciated as now. Although the apparent candour of the mariner was well qualified to lend credit to all his statements, yet even his benevolent editor abstained from expressing himself in any very decided manner respecting their authority, and the same diffidence was, of course, shared by his reviewer. But in the years which have now intervened, the narratives of succeeding voyages have given perfect confirmation to all the assertions of Campbell; and his story may, therefore, be considered as forming an authentic link in the history of the Sandwich Islands, with regard to which, for several years previous to his arrival there, we had received no certain or direct intelligence.
We refer to Campbell’s book itself, and the review of it already mentioned, for any information which our readers may require in order to restore them to a perfect acquaintance with the early and important incidents in his various life. At the time when his book was published, it will be recollected, the sores upon his legs were still in a very distressing condition, owing to the unskilful manner in which they had been amputated below the ankle, by the Russian Surgeon, into whose hands he fell immediately after they were frostbitten. The period of tranquil existence which he had spent in the Sandwich islands, the voyage homewards, and a residence of many months in his native country, had all been found insufficient to remove the irritation of his wounds; and he was still not only a cripple, but an acute sufferer, when he attracted the attention of Mr. Smith, in the Clyde steam-boat. The kindness of that excellent person soon enabled him to lay the story of his afflictions before the public, and the success of the book was such, as to furnish a sum far beyond the expectations of Archibald Campbell. Had he remained in this country during the time when the public impression was strongly in his favour, there is reason to believe that something might probably have been done to provide the means of comfortable retirement to one whose errors, in themselves venial, had been so severely punished in the person of the offender, and had furnished a lesson so capable of doing good to others. Neither Campbell nor his friends, however, entertained, at the moment, any expectations of such a nature, and the poor man, whose patience was quite exhausted, resolved, as soon as he got a little money into his hands, to seek in it the means of being once more transported to the friendly territories of king Tamaahmaah, and his own comfortable farm on the banks of the Wymumme. In the midst of all his distresses, he found leisure for courtship, so he set sail with his wife, in the autumn of 1816, for New-York, in the hope of finding a passage to Owhyhee, on board of some of the American ships, which have, of late years, been almost the only visitors of these islands. On the 23d of December following, he writes as follows, to a medical gentleman in Glasgow, who had shown him much kindness while in that city:—“I am very sorry to inform you that we shall have no opportunity of going to the Sandwich Islands this season, the vessels having all left Boston for the northwest coast before our arrival, and it is very likely that there will be no more ships going that way until they return again, which will not be these two years; therefore I am at a loss what to do. There is nothing at all doing here in my line, and times are much worse here than at home, and a great many of the passengers that came out with us have gone home again, not being able to find work of any kind.” He then states his intention to procure, if possible, a passage to the Brazils, where he had before been. In the meantime, however, it was announced that some person was about to publish an American edition of his book, which unhandsome procedure Archibald forthwith took the most effectual method of preventing, by publishing an American edition of it himself. Of this edition he sold 700 copies in a month, and cleared about 300 dollars on the speculation.
His legs continued all this time to be as troublesome as ever; and Campbell determined to give himself a chance of being a sound cripple, by having them amputated over again above the ankle. This resolution he carried into effect last winter with the most perfect fortitude. His right leg was amputated on the 20th of November, 1817, and the bursting of an artery a few hours after the operation, threw him into a brain fever, from which he escaped with difficulty. “My whole leg,” says he, “began from the end of the stump to be inflamed with erysipalas, combined with phlegmatic inflammation, which, luckily for me, turned into a suppuration. I am happy to inform you, that ever since, I have been mending so fast, that I was able to go home all last week, and it is only yesterday, (January 13, 1818) that I returned to have the other leg cut; and the surgeon says I shall have a better chance of recovery, as my habit is not so full.” The second operation was accordingly performed in a few days after this, and his recovery was even more easy than he had been led to expect. “As soon as I got out of the hospital,” says he, “I made myself a pair of artificial legs, with which I already begin to walk pretty tolerably, and am going to Albany, Baltimore, &c. to get subscriptions for the second edition of my book.”
But during his stay in New-York, Campbell has not been an author, publisher, and patient only. He has also been carrying on various little species of traffic, in globe glass mirrors, plaster of Paris casts, Scots Almanacks, &c. &c. with various, but, on the whole, not very flattering success. As soon as he shall have sufficiently supplied the transatlantic reading public with his voyage round the world, Archy, who is a Jack of many trades, purposes to turn another of his talents to a little advantage, and to make a voyage to the Clyde “to see his friends,” in the capacity of a cook to a merchantman. He still, however, has a hankering after his “steading” in Owhyhee; and it is probable that ere long we shall have it in our power to inform our readers that he has come to “his ain again.”
We might quote some farther passages from his letters to his friend in Glasgow; but although they are all highly interesting to those who have seen any thing of the man, we are apprehensive of trespassing too far on the patience of the general reader. The letters are written in a clear, distinct style, and in a very good penmanship; and his account of the state of things in America, so far as it goes, shows that Archibald has been in his youth no inattentive or unworthy member of some of the “literary and commercial” clubs, so common in the west of Scotland. The letters are all concluded in a very polite manner, as thus:—“Be pleased, Sir, to give our best respects to your father and sisters, and our compliments to your servant maids; meantime, we remain, Sir, your most obedient and very humble servants,
Archb. & Isabella Campbell.”
We trust our readers will pardon us for detaining them so long with the history of this poor countryman of ours.—Those of them who have read his book will, we are quite sure, be happy in this renewal of their acquaintance with him; for our own parts, we hope he will, on his arrival, forthwith publish a full account of his adventures during this last voyage. He must now be pretty well initiated into the ways of the booksellers, and we do not see why Mr. Campbell should not succeed as well in his transactions with that slippery generation, as many other authors of greater pretension.
APPENDIX, No. IV.
HISTORICAL ACCOUNT
OF THE
SANDWICH ISLANDS.
HISTORICAL ACCOUNT
OF THE
SANDWICH ISLANDS.
When captain Cook discovered the Sandwich islands, in 1778, Tereoboo was king of Owhyhee; Titeree, of Moratai; and Pereoranne, of Wahoo, and the islands to leeward. The sovereignty of Mowee was contested by Tereoboo and Titeree; the former claimed it for his son, who had married the daughter of the deceased king; the latter claimed it as heir male to the former sovereign. In consequence of this dispute, these chiefs were engaged in war at the above mentioned period; but captain King understood, before he quitted the islands, that an arrangement had taken place, by which Titeree retained Ranai Taharoora, whilst Mowee was ceded to Tewarro, the son of Tereoboo. Tamaahmaah, the present king, is known in Cook’s Voyage by the name of Maiha-Maiha, and was present at the death of that illustrious navigator. He was the eldest son of Kaihooa, only brother to Tereoboo, and after his son, Tewarro, next heir to the succession.
After the departure of the Resolution and Discovery, no ships touched at the Sandwich islands till the year 1787. During the interval that had elapsed, considerable revolutions had taken place. Tereoboo was dead, and his dominions shared between his sons, Tewarro and Tamaahmaah; and Titeree had conquered the islands of Mowee and Wahoo.
The accounts of these transactions, owing to the few opportunities of inquiry which the navigators who touched at these islands enjoyed, and their ignorance of the language, are extremely contradictory.
By one account, Tereoboo is said to have been put to death by Tamaahmaah; by another, that he fell in battle; and by a third, that he died a natural death. The causes of the division of his territory between his son and nephew are involved in equal obscurity.
The ship Iphigenia, commanded by captain Douglas, arrived at Owhyhee in 1788, being the first which touched at that island after the death of captain Cook. There was on board of her a chief of Atooi, named Tianna, who had the preceding year accompanied captain Meares to Canton, and had been enriched by the kindness of his English friends, with a valuable assortment of European articles, arms, and ammunition.
Tianna was a man of great activity and ambition, and a distinguished warrior. These qualities, and his wealth, particularly in fire-arms, rendered him an acquisition of much consequence to an enterprising chief like Tamaahmaah; and he induced him to settle upon Owhyhee, by conferring upon him high rank and extensive tracts of land.
Captain Douglas had with him a small tender, built upon the northwest coast of America. When Tamaahmaah learned this, the idea of having a similar one built, immediately occurred to him; and he pressed that gentleman with so much urgency to allow him the assistance of his carpenter, that he was obliged to give a conditional promise. Although the promise was never fulfilled, Tamaahmaah did not abandon the project; and soon afterwards he prevailed upon an Englishman of the name of Boyd, who had been bred a ship-carpenter, to undertake the construction of a vessel.
About the same time, two other Englishmen, named Young and Davis, of whom some account is given in the work, became resident upon Owhyhee, and with their assistance he determined to build a vessel. Fortunately for the attainment of this object, captain Vancouver arrived, and with the aid of his carpenters, he was enabled to accomplish his favourite object, by the completion of his first decked vessel, the Britannia.
It ought to be mentioned, to his honour, that whilst thus anxious to lay the foundation of a navy, he had in his possession a small schooner, which had been seized by a chief called Tamahmotoo, and which he had carefully preserved, in the hopes of restoring it to her owners.
In 1791 he attacked Titeree, and captured the islands of Mowee, Morotai, and Ranai. Whilst engaged in this expedition, he received information that his own dominions were attacked by Tewarro,[31] and he was, in consequence, obliged to abandon his conquest and return.
By the energy of his operations he soon vanquished his opponent, who was slain by Tianna, and the whole island of Owhyhee was reduced under his dominion. In the mean time, Titeree, availing himself of his absence, recovered the islands he had lost.
Affairs were in this situation when Vancouver arrived, in March, 1792. He found the islands in a most wretched state, from the long wars that had taken place; and he endeavoured, but without effect, to establish a peace between Titeree and Tamaahmaah.
Tamaahmaah was so sensible of the advantages which would result from a closer connexion with a civilized power, that he made a formal surrender of the sovereignty of the island to the king of Great Britain, with the reservation, that there should be no interference in their religion, internal government, or domestic economy.
Soon after the departure of captain Vancouver, Titeree died, leaving the island of Wahoo to his son Tritoboorie, and Mowee to his son Korkoranee.
A dispute arose between Tritoboorie and his uncle Tahaio, king of Atooi, who laid claim to Wahoo; but Tritoboorie, supported by Mr. Brown, and the crew of the ship Butterworth, not only repelled Tahaio, but even invaded Atooi.
Tamaahmaah, availing himself of these dissensions, invaded and conquered Mowee, Morotai, and Ranai. Next year, 1795, he invaded Wahoo with one detatchment of his force, leaving Tianna to follow him with the other. Whilst waiting the arrival of that chief, he received the unexpected intelligence that he had gone over to the enemy; while, at the same time, an insurrection had broke out in Owhyhee, headed by Nomataha, brother to Tianna. Instead of being overwhelmed by this unexpected intelligence, he took the resolution of instantly attacking his enemies. The war was decided by a sanguinary battle, fought near the village of Whyteete, in which Tamaahmaah was completely victorious.
Young and Davis accompanied him upon this expedition, and were of essential service to him from their knowledge of fire-arms.
Tianna lost his life in the battle, while the sons of Titeree found refuge in Atooi. Tamaahmaah immediately returned to Owhyhee, and soon quelled the insurrection in that island.
He remained there about a twelvemonth; but either with a view of consolidating the conquests he had already made, or of extending them farther, he proceeded to Laheina, in Mowee, where he resided a few years, and afterwards removed to Wahoo, where he was during the whole time of our author’s stay, in 1809 and 1810.
Of the history of Atooi and Onehow, the only islands in the groupe independent of Tamaahmaah, little is known with certainty. Captain King says, that in 1779, they were governed by the grandsons of Perioranne, king of Wahoo. It is probable, that upon the conquest of that island by Titeree, they were also conquered; for it appears that Tahaio, or Taio, brother of that chief, was king of these islands when captain Vancouver visited them in 1798. He was succeeded by his son Tamoree, or Comaree, who was king of these islands in 1810.
APPENDIX, No. V.
NOTES.
NOTES.
NOTE A.
The author kept a journal in the early part of the voyage; but it was lost in the events which succeeded, and he was afterwards placed in circumstances where it was not in his power to keep one. He has in his possession, however, several documents which serve to ascertain many of the dates. These are,
1st. His letters to his mother, written whenever an opportunity presented itself, and which she preserved.
2d. A certificate from the East-India Company of the time when he quitted their service.
3d. The statement of his case by the Russian surgeon, a translation of which will be found in the Appendix No. II.
The other dates are given from memory, and are either such as a sailor would naturally remember, or circumstances of so remarkable a nature that they could not fail of fixing themselves in a memory much less retentive than that of our author.
Whenever the editor has had it in his power to verify them by collateral authorities, he has not failed to do so; and the result of the inquiry has been, even where corrections were necessary, to show the general accuracy of the narrative: For example, his written account of the first part of the voyage is literally, “The convoy sailed from the Motherbank on 12th May, 1806, and cleared the Channel on the 18th; was twelve weeks on our passage to the Cape of Good Hope; lay at the Cape fourteen or fifteen days; sailed from the Cape about the 19th August, and on the 19th September made the island of St. Paul’s; arrived at Pulo Penang about the middle of October, and sailed on the 24th November; left Admiral Trowbridge’s flag-ship, the Blenheim; arrived at China the eighteenth January, 1807.”
He added, that the convoy left the Cape upon a Friday, and on the three following Saturdays they had each day a gale of wind; that on the third of these Saturdays they passed St. Paul’s.
Some difficulties arose, however; for, upon consulting the Almanack, the editor found that the 19th August, 1806, was not a Friday, but a Tuesday. Upon asking the reason of his fixing on these particular dates, he showed a letter to his mother, dated Portsmouth, 11th May, saying, the fleet was to sail next day; from whence he concluded the convoy sailed on the 12th; and counting twelve weeks, would fix their arrival at the Cape on Monday, the 4th of August; and fifteen days would make Tuesday, the 19th, as the day they left.
Upon consulting the newspapers of the time, it appears that the fleet did not sail till the 14th of May, and arrived at the Cape on the 7th of August, being just twelve weeks and one day; and fifteen days more fixes the day of sailing on Friday, the 22d. The editor has not discovered whether the other dates in this part of the voyage are correct to a day; but the author says, that the loading of the ships was stopped about six weeks after their arrival, in consequence of the dispute with the Chinese. Counting six weeks after the 18th of January, would fix it about the 1st of March. By the accounts from Canton, in Note B, it appears that this actually took place upon the 4th; which renders it probable that the date is correct, or at least pretty nearly so.
In addition to these original documents, the editor has in his possession a number of accounts, in the author’s hand, of particular parts of the voyage, and the printed account of his adventures, in metre, referred to in the preface.
Immediately after his return, in 1812, a gentleman in Paisley undertook to get an account of his adventures published, provided he drew it up himself. He accordingly made some preparations; but the death of the gentleman prevented the publication.
The Vocabulary was written by the author as he recollected the words, and transmitted to the editor, who arranged them, and afterwards read them over to him, correcting the spelling from his pronunciation, according to the rules which are prefixed to it.
NOTE B, p. 17.
DISPUTE WITH THE CHINESE AT CANTON, IN 1807.
Extract from the Morning Chronicle, 26th August, 1807.
“Canton, March 4.—The English Company are involved in considerable trouble, in consequence of some one of the crew of their ship Neptune having killed a Chinese, for whose life this government have required one of the crew to be delivered up, which had been positively refused. This refusal has produced the stoppage of all the chops for that ship; and Mouqua, (second of the Hong,) by whom she is secured, has been with the linguist for the ship, carried in chains inside of the city. I have conversed with Cheongqua and Conseequa, who have assured me no inconvenience will attend the Americans; but they assert positively a man must be given up.
“The sailors have behaved most infamously: They hauled down and danced on the Spanish flag, and then destroyed it. Their captain apologized, and next day compelled them to hoist a new one. Some few of the scoundrels showed a disposition to pull down the American colours; and a part of them were in the act of lowering the Swedish, but were prevented. They have burnt one of the mandarin’s houses in front of the factories. This shameful conduct has induced the Chinese to determine, that no more sailors shall be permitted to come up on liberty. It is generally thought the English business, except the country, will all be stopped in a day or two. The English including the Lion man of war, at Bocca Tigris, amount to 1600 men. A few days will decide the unfortunate business.”
“March 6.—We are every hour afraid of a rupture between the English and Chinese, in consequence of the death of a Chinese, from the accidental stroke of a club by an English sailor.
“The Chinese demanded an Englishman to die, conformable to the laws of their country; and the English have refused, being unable to find out the person who gave the blow. In consequence, the viceroy of this province gave orders yesterday to stop their trade; and in all probability the next step will be to intercept their supplies, and seize on some person of the factory; a circumstance which must produce the most serious consequences.
“I understand the English have no objection to give up a man, provided they could find out the guilty person; and surely they cannot be blamed for spurning the idea of making an innocent man suffer. God only knows how it will end. They are allowed three days more to decide; and if they do not comply, it is thought the Chinese will endeavour to compel them. Should they be foolish enough to attempt the latter plan, I think they will get a sound drubbing, as the English have now a force at Wampooa and Bocca Tigris of 2000 able-bodied men, all eager for attack.”
MORNING CHRONICLE, DECEMBER 4.
Extract of a letter from a gentleman lately resident in China, dated Canton, April 18.
“The affair between the English Company and the Chinese is at length adjusted. After many meetings, chin chinnings, &c. &c. the Chinese government ordered up for trial the fifty-two sailors belonging to the Neptune, that were on liberty when the fray happened. This order was complied with on the part of the Company; and about the 25th of March the sailors arrived in Canton, under the protection of a company of marines from the Lion ship of war. After they had reached Canton, the mandarins intimated that they must be taken into the city for examination. This was resolutely opposed; and it was finally agreed, that the trial should be held in the Company’s old factory, the lower part of which was accordingly fitted up in great style, with yellow and crimson silk carpets, cushions, tables, chairs, &c. &c. the whole intended to represent the emperor’s court. The business now appeared favourable, but was soon shaded by another serious occurrence. The mandarin who was to sit in awful judgment, required that the chief of the Company, the captain of the Lion, and the commodore of the Company’s ships, should not be permitted to sit in his presence during the trial. This was not acceded to, and threats were uttered on the part of the British. The mandarin was equally obstinate, and the business assumed a very serious aspect. As the mandarin could not come himself, or send one of high order, he sent one who was willing that the British should sit at their ease in good elbow chairs. Thus arranged, about the 6th instant the trial commenced; and of fifty-two sailors, eleven were selected as the most guilty, and laid over for farther proof. On the 9th, the eleven were again brought up for trial, and two were selected as the guilty persons, who were again laid over for farther investigation. On the 11th, the two were again brought forward, and one of them adjudged guilty, and ordered to be kept in possession of the Company, till the pleasure of the emperor should be known. The British ships are now loading, and will sail in about a fortnight. What fate awaits the sailor retained is uncertain; but it is probable that the mandarins would rather touch a few of the security merchants’ dollars, and keep the affair from the emperor, than retaliate the outrage against their countrymen. In this case, not less than one hundred thousand dollars will be necessary to patch up the affair.”
In the appendix to Sir George Staunton’s account of the Penal Code of China, there is a detailed statement of the proceedings of the Chinese court in this case. The editor has had no opportunity of seeing the work; but the following abstract, taken from the Quarterly Review, Vol. III. p. 315, will show how the cause terminated.
“The British factory was fitted up as a court of justice; the great officers of state, and the judges attended; and the result was, the singling out of eleven men, as having been the most active in the affray. On a re-examination of these men, they endeavoured to prevail on some one to plead guilty, under an implied promise that he should not be punished. This failing, it was suggested that the affair might be got over, if the officers of the Neptune would depose that they had seen a sailor carrying a bamboo stick over his shoulder, against which, in the hurry and confusion, a Chinese had accidentally run his head. The proposal of so ridiculous and pitiful expedient met with the contempt it deserved. The next suggestion was, that some one of the sailors should be prevailed on to state, that finding an attempt made on his pocket, he had struck behind him, and might thus have wounded the deceased. This expedient meeting with no better success, they proceeded in their examination, and dismissed all except two, Julius Cæsar, and Edward Sheen. It appeared that Julius Cæsar had a small cane in his hand on the day of the riot, but was not outside of the factory; and that Edward Sheen was outside of the factory, but did not carry a stick; he confessed, however, that he had a Chinese tobacco pipe in his hand, the tube of which was of bamboo, the court, therefore, decided that he carried a stick, and, consequently, that he was the culprit. Having got thus far over the ground, a long negotiation took place as to the disposal of Edward Sheen, until the final decision of the case should be received from Pekin; and it was at length agreed that he should be left behind in charge of the supercargoes.
“Having thus briefly stated the leading facts, we shall now see in what manner the case was represented to the supreme court at Pekin, and its decision thereupon. It is contained at full length in No. II. of the appendix, p. 521.
“The viceroy of Canton states, for the information of the supreme court, that Edward Sheen, an Englishman, being in the upper story of a warehouse which overlooked the street, and in which there was a window opening with wooden shutters, did, on the 18th day of the first moon, employ a wooden stick, in an oblique direction, to keep open the shutter; and that, in doing this, the wooden stick slipped and fell downwards; that Leao-a-teng, a Chinese, passing at the moment, was struck and wounded by the falling of the said stick upon his left temple, and that on the evening of the following day he died in consequence of the wound. That repeated orders had been given to the chief of the English factory to deliver up the man to justice; that, in reply, it was alleged the said criminal was sick of an ague and fever, and under medical treatment; that on his recovery, he was confronted with the relations of the deceased; that after repeated examinations, the said criminal, Edward Sheen, had acknowledged the truth of all the facts here stated, without reservation; that he had, consequently, been proved guilty of accidental homicide, and ought, therefore, to be sentenced to pay the usual fine, to redeem himself from the punishment of death by strangulation.
“Upon this report the supreme court observes, that the case appears to be one of those acts, of the consequences of which, neither sight, hearing, or reflection, could have given a previous warning; that the said Edward Sheen should, therefore, be allowed to redeem himself from the punishment of death by strangulation, by the payment of a fine (amounting to about 4l. 3s. sterling) to the relations of the deceased, to defray the expenses of the burial, and then be dismissed to be governed in an orderly manner in his own country.”
It appears that the bribe necessary to procure acquiescence of the parties interested, to this mockery of justice, did not cost the security merchants less than £50,000.
FOOTNOTES
[1] Dr. Douglas, Bishop of Salisbury.
[3] The concluding sentence in Captain Cook’s journal affords a striking proof of the high value he attached to “a discovery, which, though the last, seemed in many respects the most important of any that had hitherto been made by Europeans throughout the extent of the Pacific Ocean”.
[4] A short historical account of the revolutions that have taken place in the Sandwich Islands, from their discovery in 1779, till the arrival of the author in 1809, collected from the voyages of Cook, Meares, Portlocke, Vancouver, Broughton, Turnbull, and Lisianski, will be found in the Appendix, No. IV.
[5] Edinburgh Review, Vol. IX. p. 332.
[7] It appears from Dr Langsdorf’s Voyage, that the amour propre of the Russian ambassador, Von Resanoff, was so much mortified by his reception at Japan, that he despatched in October, 1806, an expedition against the most southern of the Kurile islands, where the Japanese have settlements. A second expedition was undertaken in May, 1807.—Vide Langsdorf, Vol II. p. 298.
[8] Those friendly invitations seem to be somewhat inconsistent with the inhospitable character of the Japanese. It is most likely, however, that the author is mistaken in the nature of the signals they made, which were more probably those of reproach than kindness, similar to those captain Saris was assailed with—“Core, core cocori ware,”—“you Coreans, with false hearts.”
Vide Quarterly Review, Vol. IV. p. 379.
[9] The inscriptions will be found in Captain Krusenstern’s Voyage. The Monument was erected by the officers of his ship, the Nadeshda, near the tree where Captain Clerke was buried.
Krusenstern, Vol II. p. 203.
[10] It appears from Captain Krusenstern’s voyage, that this was the Slawa Rossii, the ship commanded by Captain Billing, and afterwards by Admiral Sarytscheff.
Krusenstern, Vol. II. page 29.
[11] This observation, made without the assistance of an ephemeris, or tables of declination, can only be considered as an approximation. It however proves that Sannack and Halibut island is the same, the latitude of that island, as ascertained by captain Cook, being 54 deg. 27 min. As the observation was made about the time of the equinox, the correction for declination might be estimated within a few minutes.
[12] Captain Mears, in the Snow Nootka, navigated this strait in 1786; he named it Petrie’s Strait. In the chart affixed to Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, and by Dr. Langsdorf, it is named the Strait of Chelekoff.
[13] A verst is about two thirds of a mile.
[14] The dates in this part of the work, are according to the Russian style.
[15] This place is named St. Paul by Captain Lisianski. We must suppose that since his visit in 1803, the name has been changed in honour of the present Emperor. Dr. Langsdorf merely calls it the new harbour of Kodiak.
[16] This Company was established in the reign of the Empress Catharine II. for the purpose of giving solidity and effect to the fur trade; and the better to promote these purposes, all the islands lying between Kamschatka and the Russian part of the northwest coast of America, were granted them in perpetuity. His present majesty, Alexander I. has extended the privileges of the Company, and graciously declared himself their immediate patron.
Lisianski, p. 13.
[17] This ship sailed round the world in the Russian expedition under captain Krusenstern, and was commanded by captain Lisianski, who has published an account of the voyage. He talks in raptures of her good qualities. “As to the Neva itself, I shall be excused if, with the warmth of a sailor, I declare, that there never sailed a more lovely vessel, or one more complete and perfect in all its parts. So little had it suffered from the length of the voyage, and even from the disaster of striking on the coral rocks at our newly discovered island, that, in a few weeks, it was again ready for sea, and was despatched to the north west coast of America.”
Lisianski’s Voyage, p. 317.
[18] Captain King estimates the height of this mountain at not less than 18,400 feet; exceeding the peak of Teneriffe, according to the computation of the Chevalier Borda, by nearly 6,000 feet. The result of a trigonometrical measurement by the latter, gives 1,742 toises, as the altitude of that mountain above the level of the sea. Vide Cook’s Third Voyage, vol. iii. p. 103. and Voyage fait par ordre du Roi, an 1771-2, tom. i. p. 119.
[19] According to the admeasurement of Dr Horner, astronomer to the Russian expedition under captain Krusenstern, in 1804, the height of Mouna-roa is 2,254 toises. Krusenstern’s Voyage, vol. 1. p. 193.
[20] Scotice, “on his hunkers.” The emphatic word used by the author in describing this particular mode of genuflexion, and which has no English synonyme into which it can be translated, is thus defined by Jamieson: “to sit with the hips hanging downwards, and the weight of the body depending on the knees.”—Scot. Dict. verb Hunkers.
Upon his hunkers bended.”—Burns.
[21] The author was obliged to employ a boy to work the treadles, not being able to work them himself from the loss of his feet.
[22] During the thirteen months the author remained on the island, there were at least twelve ships called at Wahoo, of which two were English, the Duke of Portland, captain Spence; and the Otter, Jobelin. One Russian, the Neva; and the remainder Americans, viz. the Catherine, Blanchard; O’Kean, Winship; Otter, Hill; Vancouver, Swift; Liddy, Brown; Dromo, Woodward; and three or four more, when he was at Pearl river, whose names he does not remember.
[23] Captain Portlocke distinguishes the first of these points by the name of Point Dick, and the latter by that of Point Banks.
Portlocke, p. 75.
[24] Captain Broughton mentions a harbour which he surveyed, called Fair Haven, which lies five or six miles E. S. E. of Whyteete; it is formed by an opening through the reefs, with a clear channel, in a N. N. E. direction. The wind generally blows fresh out of it, rendering it necessary to warp in, as there is no room for working. The harbour, though of small extent, is safe and convenient, with five fathoms sandy bottom within the spits. A fine stream of fresh water empties itself at the head. It was discovered in 1794 by Mr. Brown, master of the Butterworth, the same who was afterwards murdered by the natives at this place. Vide Broughton’s Voyage, p. 39.
[25] Hairbottle had been fifteen years on the island, he was mate of the Jackall, which arrived about the end of 1794. Vide Broughton.
[26] This inlet is evidently the same which Captain Vancouver surveyed, and which, he says, is named Oropoa; finding that, in consequence of the bar, it was only navigable for small craft, the survey was not continued. He merely says, that within “it seemed to spread out, and to terminate in two bays about a mile farther to the northward.” He mentions another opening to the eastward, called by the natives Honoonoona, which must be either Bass’s harbour or Hanaroora. From the similarity of the name, it is more probably the latter place; but he passed it without examination, being informed that it was shallower than the other inlet.
[27] Tamaahmaah is so dexterous in the use of the spear, that he probably runs little risk in thus exposing himself. Vancouver relates, that in a sham-fight he saw him ward off six spears that were hurled at him almost at the same instant. “Three he caught as they were flying with one hand; two he broke by parrying them with his spear; and the sixth, by a trifling inclination of his body, passed harmless”—Vancouver, Vol. III. p. 254.
[28] Captain Lisianski relates the same practice as prevalent among the Aleutian women: if he is not mistaken in ascribing it to them instead of the Sandwich islanders, or if our author has not fallen into the opposite error, the coincidence is remarkable.
Campbell, upon being questioned, related several instances of its having occurred in Wahoo. He cannot say as to the practice of the Aleutian islands.
[29] The editor has not thought himself at liberty to alter the orthography of the king’s name adopted by Vancouver and Broughton. Although, to his ear, it would be more correctly Tameamea. Every voyager has spelt it in a different manner. Captain King has spelt it Maiha Maiha; Mr. Samwell, the surgeon of the Discovery, who published an account of Captain Cook’s death, Cameamea; Portlocke, Comaamaa; Meares, Tomyhomyhaw; Vancouver and Broughton, Tamaahmaah; Lisianski, Hameamea; Langsdorf, Tomooma; and Turnbull, Tamahama. As the hard sound of C and T is scarcely to be distinguished in the pronunciation of the language, and the h is silent, the reader, from a comparison, will be able to ascertain the most correct way.
[30] The postscript was added in Latin, at the request of the author, when the surgeon read the case to him, Archibald Macbride being the name he assumed when he entered the American ship. Vide p. 17.
[31] It is not easy to ascertain the name, or even the identity of this chief, called by captain King Tewarro; by Vancouver Teamawheere; and by Lisianski, Kiava.