Among Congo cannibals

Note 1.—On Yeasts or Ferments

On the Lower Congo, where palm-wine was easily procurable, I have often made bread by using one tumbler of palm-wine to one of lukewarm water, with some sugar to counteract the sourness or acidity of the wine, and salt to taste. This was mixed with flour into a dough about 8 a.m., divided into two lumps, put into two well-floured or greased tins, and placed out in the sun to rise, with a cloth over them to keep away dust and dirt. About 11 or 12 o’clock the loaves would have risen well, and were ready for baking.

If palm-wine can be bought regularly, then it can be used for every batch of bread; but if the supply is doubtful, or very irregular, then a knob of the dough—about the size of an egg—should be taken from the dough before it is divided into loaves, put into a mug, covered and placed on one side. This lump of dough will rise, and in two or three days, when the next batch of bread is required, it can be thoroughly mixed with a pint of warm water, a tablespoonful of sugar, some salt (and, if you have it, a pinch of bicarbonate of soda), and the process is completed, and with this yeast you can make the bread as though using fresh palm-wine.

At Monsembe, however, there was no palm-wine, but plenty of sugar-cane wine, so we used that with very good results. Sugar-cane wine should be strained through a fine cloth before using, otherwise the fibres left in the wine will irritate the stomach and give rise to serious consequences.

The following, however, is the most satisfactory leaven that has yet been discovered on the Congo, where it is becoming a general favourite, and is fast ousting palm-wine as a leaven: Take a pint bottle and put into it two tablespoonfuls of flour, one tablespoonful of castor sugar (or its equivalent in lump sugar), a teaspoonful of salt, nearly fill the bottle with warm water, thoroughly shake until well mixed, lightly cork, and stand it in a warm corner of the house. Occasionally stir the mixture, and on the fourth or fifth day it will sing with fermentation.

I found the following the best method for making bread with this leaven: When the contents of the bottle were singing with fermentation I took the bottle in the evening (about 5 or 6 o’clock), and, well stirring the fermenting mixture, poured it into a wash-hand basin, leaving at the bottom of the bottle some of the liquid—about two fingers deep. Into the basin was then put a half-pint of lukewarm water, a small teaspoonful of salt, and two lumps of sugar; the cook boy thoroughly stirred into this mixture some flour to the consistency of a batter. He generally beat the batter for ten or fifteen minutes—the more it is beaten the lighter will be the bread. A towel was spread over the basin, and it was put away in the cupboard.

I then took the bottle, measured into it flour, sugar, salt, and warm water as before, shook it well, and put it back in its place. On account of having left in the bottle a little of the old leaven the new preparation would be ready in two days, and it should be used then, or not later than the third day. A family of two or three persons will soon find how much bread they need for two days and can add more or less water to the leaven poured into the basin.

It will be found next morning that the batter or sponge put away in the cupboard has almost filled the basin with a fine dough. To this sponge add flour, well knead it into a medium stiff dough, put in two tins, place out in the sun (or if a cloudy day stand near the kitchen fire), drop a thin cloth over the tins to keep dust away, and in three or four hours the dough will be well risen, and then bake. This always gave us splendidly light bread. An occasional pinch of bicarbonate of soda dropped into the bottle will neutralize acidity. A good, neutral bread is a great boon, and helps to keep one in good health.

Note 2.—On Boloki Verb

The verb in the Boloki language has the eight following forms: Active, Passive, Stative, Causative, Prepositional, Reciprocal, Reflexive, and Repetitive.

The moods of the verb are: Infinitive, Imperative, Indicative, Subjunctive, and Purportive.

Infinitive mood is made by prefixing lo to the verb: najingi lokanga = I desire to tie.

The imperative is kanga, and a more emphatic form kangaka = tie. The imperative hortative is formed by leme = let, followed by the present subjunctive, as leme nakanga = let me tie.

The indicative is nakanga = I tie.

The subjunctive, (te) nakanga = (that) I may tie.

The purportive, naye nokakanga = I am come to tie.

The tenses are as follows:

The past imperfect and progressive tenses made with the aid of the verb “to be” are as follows:

There are only three conjugations to be found, and these are formed on the final vowel of the root:

It will be interesting to the reader, before closing this very short note on the verb, for me to give an idea of the number of verbs that can be built up on a single verb by the aid of affixes which can all run through the various tenses already mentioned. The seven given in the first paragraph of this note are not repeated here:

Active transitive. Kanga = to tie.

Passive and prepositional. Kangemela = to be tied for (a purpose).

Passive and causative. Kangimija = to cause to be tied.

Passive, prepositional, and causative. Kangemelija = to cause to be tied for (a purpose).

Active, reciprocal, and prepositional. Kangenela = to tie one another for (a purpose).

Active, reciprocal, prepositional, and causative. Kangenelija = to cause to tie one another for (a purpose).

There are many other combinations in use, but these twelve will give some idea of the possibilities of the verb and its prefixes and suffixes. It will be noted that although the passive of kanga is kangama, yet in the above examples the vowels sometimes become e and sometimes i, this is because the vowel e in ela (see first example, the passive and prepositional form given in the preceding paragraph) changes the final a of kangama into e as kangamela, and has a retro-active force in turning the initial a of the passive suffix also into e; kangama is really kangaama, but as one a elides another it becomes kangama, and kangemela is really kangamaela, but a elides before e, so it becomes kangamela, and the e in the penultimate demands that the other a of the suffix should become e also, hence we have kangemela. The same euphonic law demands that kanga-ama-ija should become kangimija, and kanga-ana-ela should become kangenela.

There is also an intensive form of the verb that is best expressed in English by a suitable adverb:

Kata = to hold; katatala = to hold tightly; and this has a causative Katitija = to cause to hold tightly.

Kana = to push in; kanalala = to be pushed in too much, kaninija = to cause to go in too far.

Ama = to press; amamala = to be pressed too far: amimija = to cause to be pressed too much.

Tamba = to stand out; tambambala = to be standing out conspicuously, and the causative tambimbija = to cause to stand out well in sight.

In the above are very good examples of what I call, for the lack of a better word, the retro-active power of their euphonic laws for harmonizing the vowels.

By the aid of so plastic a verb we had no difficulty in expressing the finest shades of meaning in the New Testament—a part of which is translated into the Boloki language—and in translating other books for the benefit of the natives.

Note 3.—On Boloki Method of Counting

The numerals from 1 to 5 are declinable. The letter in brackets is the particle that changes according to the class of the noun used, e.g. two persons would be batu (ba) bale = persons two but two cloths would be bilamba (bi) bale = cloths two.

The numerals are: 1, (y) awi; 2, (i) bale; 3, (i) atu; 4, (i) ne; 5, (i) tanu; 6, motoba; 7, nsambu; 8, mwambi; 9, libwa; 10, jumu or mokangu mwawi = one tying; 11, jumu na (y) awi; 12, jumu na (i) bale; 20, mikangu mibale; 30, mikangu miatu; 40, mikangu mine; 50, mikangu mitanu; 60, mikangu motoba; 70, mikangu nsambu; 80, mikangu mwambi; 90, mikangu libwa; 100, nkama or munkama; 200, minkama mibale; 1000, nkutu yawi; 2000, nkutu ibale; 10,000, mokoko; 20,000, mikoko mibale.

The meaning of mikangu mibale (20) is, two tyings. 10 is often called mokangu mwawi = one tying, from kanga = to tie. It is the custom of the natives to roll their 15-inch brass rods (the currency) into a series of rings about 1½ inches in diameter, and these they run one on another, like split rings, until there are ten linked together, and they call that mokangu mwawi = one tying = 10.

The ordinal numerals are:

To use a word of another class we will take elamba = cloth.

The fingers are constantly used in counting. If a man wants to say thirty-four he will say mikangu (= tyings = tens) and hold up three fingers for those to whom he is speaking to say miatu (= three), na = and, hold up four fingers for them to say (i) ne (= four). The letter in brackets changes according to the class of the noun understood. By this means they ensure their hearers following and understanding them, and no one can afterwards plead that they did not hear the price properly, as any discrepancy between the number mentioned by the hearers and the number of fingers held up would be corrected at the time.

The way in which the Boloki folk use their fingers is somewhat irregular, and for the sake of clearness I draw two hands and number the fingers 1 to 10—1 to 5 left hand, and 6 to 10 right hand. 1 and 10 are the thumbs. The right hand is used more than the left.

One is expressed by doubling 6, 7, 8, and putting 10 over them, thus leaving 9, the index finger, standing alone.

Two, by doubling down 6 and 7 and putting 10 over them, thus leaving 8 and 9 standing.

Three, by doubling down 9 and putting 10 over it, leaving 6, 7, and 8 standing.

Four, by putting 10 at the bottom of the division between 7 and 8, that causes 6 and 7 to come forward a little, so the hand is turned about that the two sets of two fingers may be clearly seen.

Five, the whole of the fingers of the right hand are left standing with the palm turned towards the person to whom you are speaking.

Six, by doubling down 2 on the left hand and putting 1 over it, so leaving 3, 4, and 5 standing, and doubling down 9 on the right hand and putting 10 over it, so leaving 6, 7, and 8 standing, thus making two sets of three fingers.

Seven, the same as 4 with the right hand and doubling down 2 on the left hand and putting 1 over it, thus making a 4 and a 3.

Eight, by working the right hand as under 4 and putting 1 at the bottom of the division between 3 and 4, and twisting the hands about so that the four sets of two fingers may be clearly seen.

Nine, by holding up the fingers of the right hand as under 5 and putting 1 at the division between 3 and 4, and twisting the left hand about to show the two sets of two fingers.

Ten, by holding all the fingers of the two hands with the palms towards the auditors, and every folding down of the fingers and re-spreading of them means another 10. Second way—by clapping the hands together, and every clap stands for 10. Third, and more frequent method—by holding out the fist of the right hand, and every decided shake of the fist stands for ten.

Eleven, by shaking the right fist and holding up one finger as described under one.

Twelve, by shaking the right fist and holding up two fingers as described under two; and so on.

The toes are very rarely used in counting. I have only seen them used when counting 20,000, and then the man stretched down and put the fingers of both hands on the toes of both of his feet and said: mikoko mibale = 20,000. Sometimes, when trying to give me an idea of vast numbers, they would say: “It will take all our fingers and toes to tell you,” i.e. tens of thousands.

For addition and subtraction under 10 they use their fingers, but for higher numbers they use palm nuts, or anything suitable to hand. This is not because they are incapable of adding and subtracting mentally, but because they are so suspicious of each other that they want an ocular proof that the sum is right, and that neither one is getting the better of the other. Those who know figures and can run through their arithmetical tables accept each other’s sums, but in transactions with the untaught they resort to the fingers and palm nuts for counting.

They always count by fives and tens, e.g. if a person wants to make up 26 brass rods he will take 3 rods and then put 2 with the 3 and push that 5 on one side, he will make another 5 in the same way, and then put the two fives together, making 10, and then make two more fives and put those together, keeping, however, the tens separate, then another 5 is made by the 3 and 2 process, and at last 1 put down. Then the two tens are counted, and the 5, and lastly the 1.

Note 4.—On Boloki Relations or Kinship

The accompanying lists I received about the same time from two different young men of fair intelligence, and after I had written the two lists down I called both the young men and read over to them their different names for the same relative. They each argued that what they had given was the right one, and the other was wrong. I have found the same difficulty on the Lower Congo. It is impossible to procure a list of any real value. My colleagues find it much the same among other tribes.

The natives of Monsembe are unanimous respecting the terms for mother = nyongo; father = ango and tata (ango is only used by a son to the one who begot him, tata is used by a slave to his master, by a son to his father, and I have heard it used by a mother to her son. It seems to be a term of respect in its wider use); brother = nkaja; sister is also nkaja (a sister calls her brother nkaja, and a brother calls his sister nkaja; but if a girl speaks of her younger sister, or elder sister, she uses the words mojimi for the younger one and motomolo for the elder only; the boy uses the same words for younger or elder brother); younger sister or younger brother, nkaja mojimi; elder sister or elder brother, nkaja motomolo (nkaja is never used in speaking of the same sex as the speaker, i.e. by a sister of a sister, or a brother of a brother); wife = mwali; husband = moloi; child = mwana; male child = mwana lele, i.e. son; female child = mwana muntaka, i.e. daughter; grandparent = nkoko; great grandparent = nkokolele; great great grandparent = ndalola; but a grandchild is nkoko, and so with a great grandchild = nkokolele, and great great grandchild = ndalola.

All agree in the above names for the relationships indicated, but the farther you get away from those degrees of relationship the more confused the native becomes, and the more contradictory will be his statements. The terms of relationship are employed in addressing each other, but personal names are also used without any hesitation. The only exception is this: When two persons of the same name speak to or of one another they never mention the name, but say, ndoi = namesake. The names of the dead are freely mentioned, and even passed on to children. No genealogies are kept, and in two or three generations all ties of near relationship are lost; and if, here and there, remembered, are non-effective except where a man can get a drink of sugar-cane wine, or a feed by recalling kinship.

Mama is not an introduced word, as we found it in full use on our arrival; and although it was often used about one’s own mother, yet it had the same meaning, as applied to a female relative, mistress, or mother, that tata has to a male relative, master or father.

By “no distinctive name,” I mean no term indicative of relationship. They were known by their personal name only.

Note 5.—On Native Diseases

1. Scrotal hernia, liboke denotes an early stage, and the word also means a parcel, bundle; benda is a later stage when the hernia is large; and likuku the last stage when the hernia reaches the knees. I have seen two or three examples of the last stage.

2. Paralysis from sickness, boboku. I never saw a case of this.

3. Smallpox, kokotu. We had an epidemic of this disease in 1893. Some people died, and others carry the marks to this day.

4. Bad diarrhœa, bolete, is supposed to be the result of a curse.

5. Bleeding at the nose from any cause, bolongo.

6. Insanity, bomwa; mild insanity in which there is extreme foolishness, lemana.

7. Madness of a violent character, mokalala.

8. Idiocy, bowewe and ewelewete.

9. Asthmatical wheezing, yoko and likoko.

10. Cough, ekokótu. Coughs and colds are very common.

11. Crack in skin, etena. This is common and very troublesome, especially when on the sole of the foot, as the hard skin takes months to heal.

12. Crippled limb, etengumwi. This is very rare and results from a wound received in a fight, or from a burn, or from walking on the toes, heel, or side of the foot when there is a crack in the sole.

13. Nervous condition, jita-jita-jita, i.e. twitching.

14. Bad fever, molungi juku-juku = heat, or fire plenty plenty. Fevers are common among the natives and yield to simple treatment. The temperature often goes very high.

15. Great debility, lela.

16. Poor state of health, indicated by frequent crops of boils breaking out on various parts of the body, libembe.

17. Patches of pustular sores, lifwanja.

18. Sore throat, lilele.

19. Yaws, lingala, mostly used in the plural, mangala.

20. Puffy condition of the body, probably a form of dropsy, lontutu.

21. Blindness, lulanda; not common.

22. Sleeping-sickness, luwa, yobi, and makwata.

23. Form of non-infectious leprosy in which the skin becomes a sickly white, indurated, cracked, and peeling. It is found generally on the hand and the arm below the elbow, munkana.

24. Very bad rheumatism, yambaka. Persons suffering from this complaint must not burn the wood of a certain tree called lobaka, or the pain will become more acute.

25. Intestinal worms, munsobi, and munsembe.

26. Dysentery with much blood, mwajakongo.

27. Ague fever, nyankili.

28. Chest complaints of all kinds, as pleurisy, pneumonia, etc., are called ntulu = chest; to feel or suffer from such is oka ntulu = hear, i.e. feel the chest. It is also called mobanji = side, ribs.

29. Elephantiasis, mungita; not very common.

30. Abscesses and severe boils, litunganaka.

31. Umbilical hernia, muntolu; very common.

32. Scabies, mputu.

33. Fits and convulsions, bonsinga.

34. Sciatica, and extreme debility, yombi.

35. Boil, ndala; very frequently found.

36. Mild form of rheumatism, mokoko.

37. Cataract of the eye, elalei and molondo; common.

38. Blindness in one eye, muntelele; occasionally found.

39. Ganglion on back of hand and wrist, etai.

40. Deafness, lōko; very seldom noticed.

41. Dumbness, mbubu. I never met with a case, but the fact that a word is known for it shows that the complaint is occasionally to be found among the people.

42. Venereal diseases, lisabu.

Note 6.—On Health of White Men on the Congo

Perhaps the following statistics respecting the health of white people on the Congo will interest the reader. I have kept careful notes during the last thirty years, and the figures may be accepted as accurate. The figures refer only to Missionaries of the Baptist Missionary Society.

One hundred and ten men have joined the Mission since its inception in 1878 until December 31st, 1911.

During recent years we have found it advisable for men to remain out only for a first term of two years instead of three years, and afterwards four years instead of five years as formerly.

During the same period 79 ladies have joined the Mission. Of these:

During the first years of our Mission we lost the most of our men through bad houses, poor food, and ignorance of the proper treatment of fevers, etc. From 1878 to 1890 we lost in twelve years 20 men by death; but during the twenty years from 1891 to 1911 we have lost 18 men, although we have had in the field on active service twice, and sometimes thrice, as many men as in the earlier twelve years. The first years cost us most dearly while we were buying our experience. I might say that we are total abstainers, but are willing to take alcohol medicinally; and the smokers and non-smokers are about equally divided. Every man and woman must undergo a very strict and careful medical examination before being accepted by the Committee of the Society.

It will be seen that the first year of a man’s life on the Congo is the most crucial one, and the next trying year is the third, i.e. at the beginning and end of a man’s first term of service. We have altered the first term to two years. In the case of the ladies the first year and the fourth are the crucial ones. The ladies’ first term of service has always been two years, then one year at home. The figures point to the early months of the first and second terms as being most fatal. It will be noticed that the ladies have stood the climate better than the men; but they have never roughed it as the men, nor do they ever have to expose themselves in doing the kind of work that necessarily falls to the men—looking after building, transport, etc.