CHAPTER XIV.
The Federal Administration.
Precautionary Measures—The Rioter Declared to be in a State of Insurrection—Indications of Trouble in Other Regions—General Schofield Ordered to Washington—Determination to Send General Hancock to Pittsburgh—The Rule of the Mob to be Overthrown by the Friends of Law and Order.
The tendency to complete anarchy bad become so manifest that the Government at Washington began to look at it in the light of an insurrection of a most formidable character—more dangerous, indeed, than would be a revolt of State governments.
The Cabinet held almost daily meetings about this time. On the 24th, a protracted session was held. The subject discussed was the situation of the country, and the difficulty experienced by the Government in consequence of the strike.
The Treasury Department had become seriously embarrassed on account of the inability experienced in despatching and receiving shipments of bonds and currency.
At another meeting of the Cabinet on the 25th, it was formally decided to treat the riotous demonstrations all over the country as an insurrection, and to suppress it in accordance with the law of the United States and the statutes in such cases made and provided. That was the temper of the Cabinet meeting. It was ordered that additional troops should be stationed along the line of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, for the purpose of opening at once the entire line to freight and passenger traffic. The troops which arrived at Washington from the South, Thursday night, were forwarded to Martinsburg and Cumberland to re-enforce those already there. Every person who resisted them were to be held amenable under the President’s proclamation, and, if possible, were to be promptly arrested. All unlawful gatherings were to be dispersed. It was also determined to sustain Governor Hartranft in his proclamation, open the Pennsylvania road, and suppress the resistance elsewhere to the laws in Pennsylvania.
There had been such a concentration of the regular army and marine and naval forces, that no doubt was entertained of the ability of the Government to put down the rioters and place the railroads in running order.
Public attention had been directed mainly to St. Louis and Chicago. The despatches from the Eastern States continued to be reassuring, and the opinion at the War Department was that there would be little or no trouble in the East thereafter. The opening of the Erie road, the persistent refusal of the New York Central employes to strike, and the failure of the Commune meeting in New York, had contributed to that belief.
Major-General Schofield, of the regular army, arrived at Washington, Wednesday, July 25th, and had a long conference with the President and members of the Cabinet. He subsequently furnished some very interesting statements of the situation in the States under the command of General Hancock, with whom he was co-operating, and of the intentions of the Government. He regarded Pittsburgh as the important place, and said the Government was resolved to suppress every vestige of mob violence there in the next twenty-four hours. He feared there would be a water famine in that city, and did not believe that provisions would hold out there beyond three days. It was therefore necessary that the men should return to work on the railroads and on the water-works.
“We are determined,” he said, “to operate the roads, re-open the shops, and to restore business and confidence. The troops which go to Pittsburgh under General Hancock’s orders will see that all these are accomplished. It will show the rioters in the West and New York that the Government is of the people and with the people in restoring law and order.”
General Schofield in speaking of the offers from the South was well pleased with it, and said that from what he had heard, one hundred thousand men were ready to come at the call of the President to protect the Government and State from insurrectionary movements. He said the Government had removed all the regular troops from the South, except a few in the forts, and was amply prepared with them and other detachments from the East and West to protect St. Louis, Chicago and other cities. Referring to the strength of the regular army, General Schofield said that when General Sherman publicly spoke in New York, recently, of the dependence of the Government upon it he knew what he was about, for he had travelled about the country extensively and knew its condition and the trouble likely to grow out of it and the probability that the Government would be called upon to protect the people from them. It was the duty of the army, General Schofield maintained, to aid in suppressing the present revolt, and the duty of congress and the legislatures to provide legislation to prevent another one in future. General Schofield added that he found the President fully alive to the situation, and determined in his purpose to restore peace at once and that he had forces sufficient to accomplished it.
Senator Saunders, of Nebraska, and Kirkwood, of Iowa, called on the President, Wednesday the 25th, and informed him that the situation in the West and Northwest was serious, and that if he should decide to call an extra session of congress, they would be among the first to approve his course. They declared that the public sentiment of their section was against mob-rule. The President replied that he was opposed to calling congress together. He did not think it would afford any immediate remedy for the existing troubles, which he believed would be out of the way long before congress could be convened. It does not appear that the question of calling an extra session had been seriously considered by the President and Cabinet since the demonstrations began.
Five companies of the Eighteenth Infantry arrived at Washington, on the 25th of July, from South Carolina, under command of Colonel Black, and three of the companies left early the next morning, under command of the same officer, to join General Getty’s command at Cumberland, Maryland. The other two companies remained at Washington, ready to be forwarded to any neighboring point should their services be needed. The Eighteenth Infantry is General Roger’s regiment, but that officer did not come with it, he being in command of the department of the South. General Schofield, accompanied by his aid, Lieutenant Michler, arrived from Philadelphia, Tuesday night. He had returned to Washington, at the request of the President, who desired a full report from him, he having been sent to Philadelphia to confer with General Hancock, who is the senior Major-General in command.
The troops from the Department of the Gulf ordered to Louisville, Kentucky, reached that city Thursday, as was reported to the War Department.
The Cabinet determined that General Hancock should proceed to Pittsburgh with a large force of troops, and he started for that place immediately. The principal object in his going over the line of the Pennsylvania Railroad to Pittsburgh was to aid the workingmen in rebuilding the roads that supplies might be sent to the various cities along the line, and to establish communication between Philadelphia and the interior of the State.
The following is the substance of the order which assigned Major-General Schofield to the command of the troops in Washington.
“By direction of the President, Major-General Schofield is assigned to temporary duty at the Headquarters of the Army, dating from the 23d instant, in addition to his command of the Department of West Point.
The forces of the United States, including the Navy and Marine Corps in the District of Columbia, will be reported to Major-General Schofield and act under his command.”
Tuesday afternoon a large crowd gathered on Virginia avenue, South Washington, and along the line of the Baltimore and Potomac Railroad, upon which was standing a locomotive and five cars filled with soldiers of the Third, Fifth and Second Artillery, who, with two companies of infantry, were about to depart for Philadelphia. A report was started and rapidly circulated that the engineer of the locomotive, which was to head the train, had declared that he would carry no “troop train” out of Washington, and this report, coupled with other rumors to the effect that the cars would not be allowed to leave, quickly stirred up considerable excitement. The crowd was composed largely of laboring men, two-thirds of whom were colored. It did not appear that any railroads hands were mingling in the commotion. Several of them were at work at the scene assisting loading cars, repairing tracks, and performing the respective duties with fidelity and were in no way molested, but held themselves aloof from any exciting conversation. Major Richards, Chief of Police, with an efficient detachment of the police force, was in the midst of the crowd, having promptly responded to the reports of anticipated trouble, and their presence undoubtedly had a salutary effect in preserving order. The soldiers quietly watched from the car windows the proceedings on the streets. In addition to the rifles of the troops, two Gatling guns and two caisons were shipped on the train. About 4:30, everything being in readiness, the bell sounded, and the train moved off with its regular employes attending to their duties. Some of the crowd cheered and called out to the soldiers not to shoot at the strikers, and several of the men in the cars waved hats and handkerchiefs from the windows. The crowd soon scattered, and absolute quiet reigned. It was the intention of the Government to throw a strong force along the line of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad as far west as the Ohio river, for the purpose of opening and keeping that road open to freight and passenger trains.
The Post office and War Departments were thoroughly advised of the situation at various points. A telegram from a thoroughly reliable source, received from Lynchburgh, Va., mentioned that the Atlantic, Mississippi and Ohio, the East Tennessee, Virginia and Georgia, the Memphis and Charleston, and the Memphis and Little Rock Railroad Companies had no trouble on their lines, nor was it believed that any would occur. A telegram received at the War Department from General Pope, announced that the danger of mob violence at St. Louis was lessening hourly. Another subject in connection with the strike which was discussed at length in the Cabinet meeting, was in regard to the United States courts sustaining receivers appointed by them for certain roads. The courts were to issue writs to the Marshals, instructing them to see that the roads in the hands of receivers were not interfered with by rioters, and the Marshals had the power, if necessary, to summon a posse to enforce the orders of the courts. This order brought the rioters in direct opposition to the power of the Federal Government in any attempt to interfere with any roads in the hands of receivers, and it was agreed by the Cabinet that the whole power of the Government should be brought to bear to sustain the United States Marshals, in case of necessity.
General Vincent was on duty at the War Department, and in almost constant receipt of despatches from the military commanders at the various points of disturbance.
The telegrams were promptly sent to the President at the Soldiers’ Home, giving him information as to the condition of affairs in the various cities. The regular troops in Chicago were, as in other States, under the orders of the Governor, and under those orders they were placed subject to the Mayor of Chicago, for the protection of property, and to maintain the peace. The forces in that city were six companies of the Twenty-second Infantry and six companies of the Ninth Infantry.
Colonel Black, in command of three companies of the Eighteenth Infantry, went from Washington and reached Cumberland, and then proceeded to Grafton, West Virginia. General Pope telegraphed that the last of the fourteen companies ordered from the West to St. Louis would reach there Tuesday morning. He considered the public property at St. Louis and Chicago secure. General Ruger had been ordered by General Hancock to Louisville, and to assume immediate control of the troops at that point and at Newport. Batteries D and I, of the Fifth Artillery, from the Department of the South, reached Baltimore Tuesday afternoon.
The forces of the United States steamer Tallapoosa, receiving ship Wyoming, at the navy yard at Washington, were kept in readiness to be sent to any point upon brief notice. The Secretary of the Navy also gave orders to have the force and vessels at the Philadelphia Navy Yard in readiness for service, to protect public property in that city, and aid the civil authorities in the maintenance of law and order.
The Adams Express Company advised the Treasury Department on the 24th, that for the present it would not transport money packages between New York and Washington, considering such service to be unsafe.
The situation of Pennsylvania having become alarming, the Governor of that State, hastening home from the West, whither he had gone, called out the military forces of the State, and made a formal call upon the President of the United States for assistance, whereupon the following document was promulgated:
By the President of the United States of America.
Whereas, It is provided in the Constitution of the United States, that the United States shall protect every State in the Union on application of the Legislature, or of the Executive, when the Legislature cannot be convened, against domestic violence; and
Whereas, The Governor of the State of Pennsylvania has represented that domestic violence exists in said State, which the authorities of said State are unable to suppress: and
Whereas, The laws of the United States require that in all cases of insurrection in any State, or of obstruction to the laws thereof, whenever, in the judgment of the President, it becomes necessary to use the military forces to suppress such insurrections or obstructions to the laws, he shall forthwith, by proclamation, command such insurgents to disperse, and retire peaceably to their respective abodes within a limited time;
Now, therefore, I, Rutherford B. Hayes, President of the United States, do hereby admonish all good citizens of the United States, against aiding, countenancing, abetting, or taking part in such unlawful proceedings, and I do hereby warn all persons engaged in or connected with the said domestic violence and obstruction of the laws, to disperse, and retire peaceably to their respective abodes on or before twelve o’clock noon, of the 24th day of July instant.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.
Done at the city of Washington, this 23d day of July, in the year of Lord one thousand eight hundred and seventy-seven, and of the independence of the United States of America the one hundred and second.
Many prominent citizens of Washington had a satisfactory interview with Secretary McCrary and Secretary Thompson in regard to the extent and character of the forces at hand for the protection of the capital city, in case of emergency. Both the Secretary of War and of the Navy were prompt in giving the assurance that the force of the Government was ample, and in a position to be readily available for the protection of both public and private property in Washington. They expressed satisfaction with the assurance that the citizens of Washington would be ready to co-operate with the Government authorities in the maintenance of public order.
The War Department about this time presented a scene of unusual activity, numerous telegrams were being transmitted between the Department and various military commanders, especially General Pope, commanding the Department of the Missouri, and General Hancock, commanding the Military Division of the Atlantic, in regard to the movements of troops for the protection of public property. Adjutant General Townsend, with a corps of assistants remained at the Department throughout the night.
The measures taken by the general Government for the protection of Pennsylvania were bearing good fruits. About this time a despatch was received at Army Headquarters from General Hancock, at Philadelphia, in which he reported that matters were comparatively quiet, that citizens were organizing for the purpose of preserving peace. Information in the hands of the Government warranted the belief that affairs were less threatening in all the disturbed districts, with the exception of Reading. The Government had no available troops to send to Reading, but efforts were made to cover that point at an early time. The Government had made most efficient arrangements through the Signal Office for communication throughout the entire country, and were receiving despatches regularly every hour, giving information as to the condition of affairs. Great activity prevailed in the Adjutant General’s Office and Ordinance Departments. The President and Secretary of War were momentarily advised by telegraph of any change in the situation. The Adjutant General prepared a statement of the United States forces in the South, and if necessary, it was determined to order North the remainder of the troops, save a small force as a guard to Government property.
Orders were issued from the Navy Department to have the various iron-clads at Washington, Philadelphia, and elsewhere, prepared for service immediately, and engineer officers were ordered to report on board, to move them without delay should it become necessary to do so. The President visited both the War and Navy Departments, and held consultations with Secretaries McCrary and Thompson.
In high administration circles it was believed that the crisis in the pending strikes was past, and by mutual concessions, the pending differences between the railroad companies and their employes would be satisfactorily adjusted. It was not believed that the financial question, as had been alleged in some quarters, had any thing to do with the outbreaks along the lines of the railroads, but that they were entirely of a local nature. It was shown in fact, that at Pittsburgh, for instance, where there is an arsenal in which was stored a large supply of arms and ammunition, no hostile demonstrations were made which might be construed into antagonism to the Government.
Little by little the truth leaked out, until men were well informed of the inner councils and earlier purposes of the Administration, and were constrained to marvel at the facility with which the President bent to the orders of Colonel Thomas A. Scott and men like Colonel Scott. It is not easy to understand clearly what passed in the Cabinet, but it is possible to comprehend that the emphatic declaration of Evarts—and one or two other Secretaries used the same phrase—in detailing the Cabinet decisions and discussions that the Government should not and must not go into the railroad business, presented the weakness of the National Administration in a manner to be deplored by every patriotic American.
Three Cabinet meetings in twenty-four hours gave a very fair gauge of the anxiety of the administration and the perplexity of the President. The late war saw little like this quick succession of councils, and fortunately nothing like the lack of counsel. The Cabinet sat two hours one day and separated. No second meeting was expected during that day. The President and Secretary McCrary drove out to the Soldier’s Home. They went five miles out of town to Edgemount. All the afternoon messages were passing over the long unused wire to the old Presidential cottage.
The President grew more and more alarmed, and Colonel Thomas A. Scott pelted him with despatches, peremptory and dictatorial. The whole series of despatches from railroad chiefs like Garret and Scott during those days of trouble would give the public a curious notion of the temper in which these men regard the President of the United States. Colonel Thomas A. Scott demanded extreme measures—all but commanded them. Pennsylvania must be declared in rebellion; the President must call for volunteers; the roads must be protected at once by the general Government. And the despatches were enforced by the arrival of his private Secretary in a special car. The text of these despatches are known to few, but they were read at the Cabinet meetings and left on the minds of one or two of the Cabinet Ministers the impression that the “railroads wanted to run the Government.” What and how much this means will hardly be believed on any thing short of the authority of a Cabinet Minister, but despatches were received demanding not only the preservation of the peace, but the movement of the trains by the Government. These men, speaking of their private property and personal interests as a national enterprise, declared that the riot could not be quieted until the Government had enabled them to run the trains which lay blockaded by supplying men, or supplying force to get men for the purpose. And the demand was backed by the declaration that the Government was bound to see not that peace, but that the commerce of the country was re-established in its usual channels. The President gave way before the pressure and drove to town again the same day, with confused ideas as to what should be done at the conference at Evarts’ house, but with clear ideas that something should be done to satisfy the demands of the roads. The story that only Evarts prevented rash orders, or the still wilder step of a declaration of insurrection and a call for volunteers is probably not far from the truth. True or false, certain it is that the conference met in that nervous uncertainty which drives together men too much alarmed to remain apart. Although called to take some signal step, the Cabinet conference adjourned without result.
Two hours longer the Cabinet talked and worried over the fear of a great disaster. A great heap of despatches had accumulated. Scott’s messages and the messages of men like him had grown sharp. The fond hope that the strike was failing was overthrown by the news from Philadelphia that an oil train was on fire.
For the third time the Cabinet carefully rehearsed the forces at their disposal, and this discussion the Cabinet went over time and again, vaguely estimating the number of militia regiments on whom the Government could depend, with such vague data as existed at Washington. The fidelity of the regiments in New York was discussed, and the number of trustworthy men which Hartranft’s last call would bring to the field, was calculated. Some purpose of pushing the general Government to the front as the chief actor in suppressing these riots, instead of keeping it upon the safe ground of an aid to the legitimate State authority, appears to have divided the Cabinet, it having been very pertinently agreed that no Presidential proclamation would insure the fidelity of a doubtful regiment, while a hasty attempt to enlist and arm volunteers was not to be thought of. The proclamation concerning Pennsylvania in terms like the two which preceded it, was at last agreed upon, but not before the Cabinet reached the conclusion that the only militia on which full reliance could be placed, were in New England and the South, and it was timidly suggested by this singular council that an attempt to suppress widespread disorder in the Middle States by marching into them troops of the Southern and Eastern States, would mean more than a suppression of a riot, it might mean sectional war.
The position assumed by the railroad companies in regard to the running of mail trains was a most serious obstacle to the proper despatch of the postal service. The gravest trouble was at Chicago, from which place the following dispatch was received by the Post office Department from James E. White, Assistant Superintendent Railway Transportation:
“Companies state that they expect strikers to take possession of mail trains, and run them. I have been asked by such companies to instruct clerks and agents to allow none but authorized agents of the Companies to proceed with mail cars in case attempts are made by strikers to run said cars. I am asked to instruct clerks and agents to place the mail in charge of the nearest post office. I cannot issue such instructions, and believe clerks and agents should accompany these cars and distribute the mails no matter who run the cars. Am I right? Please answer, that I may know how to act. A fight is now in progress on the Burlington road exit from city.”
In the particular matter at issue the Department appeared to have no definite policy, it was very anxious to move the mails, and it did not wish to break with the roads. To the above despatch the following answer was sent:
“The question you submit as to what the Department will do if strikers take possession of, and propose to run mail trains, will be promptly decided when an actual case shall arise. It is probable the Department will not, under any circumstances, encourage the strikers to the extent of recognizing their right to carry the mails on trains forcibly taken from the railroad companies.”
At most points in the country the mails were moving with reasonable freedom. At Pittsburgh the Postmaster telegraphed: “All mails are forwarded via here, with delay of only twelve hours, caused by transfer. Have received despatch saying that all mail trains departed from Cincinnati on time; on the Ohio and Mississippi with only an engine and postal cars. In Indianapolis matters were by no means so favorable, and Postmaster Holloway telegraphed: “Strikers now say that they will only allow one passenger train each way, but will let mail run on any train. I do not think roads will run unless they can take passengers. There is great indignation at the failure to lift the blockade. Our Mayor is too weak, and our Governor will do nothing. He is believed to sympathize with the strikers.” Some political feeling doubtless suggested the remark in regard to Governor Williams. The situation at St. Louis appeared to have somewhat improved. Superintendent Hunt telegraphed from there: “Mails are running regularly upon all the roads in this division, and upon all roads out of St. Louis except Chicago and St. Louis, Evansville and St. Louis, Quincy and St. Louis, and Rock Island and St. Louis.”
By the 29th and 30th of July, the situation had greatly improved. At the National Capital popular interest in the railway strike seemed to have subsided entirely, and the officers of the Government, whose duty it had been to respond to the numerous calls for assistance or advice, received from the disturbed districts, were allowed to spend two very quiet days. Reports received by the Administration were of the most reassuring character. No trouble had been announced on the Baltimore and Ohio Road calling for any action on the part of the Federal military. As a precaution, a force of one hundred and fifty marines was marched to the Baltimore and Ohio depot, in Washington, and held there until late in the evening of the 29th, in order that it might be ready for immediate departure to any point of difficulty, in case any resistance should be made to the starting of freight trains, which was to be attempted, but the force was not required. The loss of perishable freight on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad was reported by gentlemen who arrived from Cumberland, as much greater than had been supposed. The Cabinet was in session about an hour. Saturday the 28th, various telegrams were read in regard to the troubles received by the Secretary of War, all of which showed a decided improvement in the condition of affairs.
Two companies of marines from the headquarters of the corps commanded by Captain Bishop, joined those at the Washington Arsenal on Friday, and Saturday a battalion under Captain James Forney reported at the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad station, by order of General Schofield, to assist in moving freight trains on the road. Considerable guard duty was being done by the marines. A battalion under Colonel Charles Heywood was guarding the Pennsylvania Railroad in West Philadelphia, and a third battalion was at the Watervliet Arsenal, West Troy, New York. One company was held in reserve at the headquarters at Washington and others were at Brooklyn, Boston, and League Island Barracks. Norfolk Navy Yard and the ships of the North Atlantic Squadron had been stripped of marines on account of the labor strikes. Several officers who were at home enjoying their usual summer-leave surrendered it voluntarily and joined their battalions.
The company which marched to the Baltimore and Ohio station on the 28th stacked arms after getting there, and remained in readiness to leave for Baltimore at a moment’s notice, if necessary, until late in the afternoon despatches were then received, saying that trains were moving without trouble, and the marines returned to their quarters. General Barry reported that during the departure of trains from Baltimore large crowds were present, and some little demonstrations were made, but no disturbance took place. He had five hundred men present, with two field pieces in position.