Annals of the great strikes in the United States

All Serene in Dixie—A Slight Ripple in Texas—Speedy Restoration of Peaceful Relations—“Old Virginia Never Tires”—Southern Men Offer Services to Restore Order in Northern States—The Era of Sectional Harmony—Law and Order.

The South, during the trying days of the strikes, must have experienced peculiar feelings. After having incurred the stigma of the champion rebel of American history, after having been watched and distrusted for years as the great seat of discontent in this country, the unfaithful member, whose probable rally to “the lost cause” was sure to come or to be imputed at least once in four years—after having endured all these things—this black sheep in the flock must have experienced peculiar pleasure in seeing its federal garrisons stripped to furnish troops to take care of the North, to see the President and his Cabinet in daily session, receiving war bulletins from New York, Philadelphia, Pittsburgh, Chicago, and other centers of unlimited loyalty. If humor were a southern quality, the impulse of Governor Wade Hampton and Governor Nicholls to offer the services of the troops of South Carolina and Louisiana to the President, to put down these incendiary Pennsylvanians, would have been irresistible. What a strange scene would it have been for Governor Hampton to have “marched through Baltimore” in the spirit of 1861?

This aspect of the affair illustrates how the times invited oblivion of the past, and hurried us on to new issues—industrial questions, the restoration of the national currency to its true value, the expansion of our foreign commerce, the amelioration of the condition of the working classes, and the establishment of all the conditions of national prosperity.

Touching this point of the working classes, by the way, Pennsylvania has a moral responsibility resting on her, no whit less than her magnificent material resources. Now that the Centennial is over and sufficiently glorified, now that the coal ring has collapsed, and the Mollie Maguires have been hanged, and Pittsburgh has been humiliated in ashes and blood, it is time to appeal to the State founded by William Penn, and ask if she is not following pretty close after the almighty dollar, and sometimes regarding too little how common humanity is getting along. Philadelphia, honored as a city of homes, may be well enough, but how is it with the miners, how is it with other portions of the State? It is well known that the servile and materialistic spirit of the age in politics, has so far been imitated by a selfish despotism in the coal regions, as to have greatly debased the condition of the laborer. There was plenty of very orthodox conservatism in Pennsylvania, and it fulminated a harsh and materialistic gospel compared with the sweetness and light of Penn’s faith and life-long practice. Let liberal Pennsylvania, if there be any such, send out a new evangel of political and religious freedom and practical Christianity to Pennsylvania in bonds, lest the Keystone State should turn all to ignoble clay at the base, and to sordid gold at the top of her social structure.

But the South, at peace within her borders, undisturbed by the spirit of Communism, or the purse-proud tyranny of millionaires, could afford to look on in undisturbed serenity at the scenes of strife and turmoil which agitated the North, and furnished a spectacle to the world. Her broad cotton fields, and sugar and rice estates, were not to be affected by the conflict, and her growing crops were meanwhile going on to maturity by the certain unfailing laws of nature. But the events in the North afforded an opportunity to the Southern people to demonstrate beyond all future controversy, that with them the past was indeed “the eternal past,” that henceforth while our political institutions shall remain, her fortunes and her fate, are inseparably bound with those of the great American sisterhood of States.

This complete restoration of good feeling between the North and South, was well illustrated in Louisville, Kentucky, during the strikes. It was an interesting fact attending the outbreak in Louisville, which was at once followed by the enrollment of nearly one thousand citizens for the protection of the city; was the service side by side of ex-Federal and ex-Confederate soldiers. Ex-Secretary Bristow, for instance, Colonel of one of the Federal regiments recruited in Kentucky, stood guard with General Basil Duke, John Morgan’s most dashing Lieutenant, and ex-United States Marshal, Eli H. Murray, the youngest Brigadier in the Union Army, commanded one of the hastily mustered companies, while Major E. A. Richards, who served under General Lee, was one of his fellow officers. Hundreds of ex-soldiers of the blue and grey stood shoulder to shoulder in the ranks.

At Louisville, July 23rd, a committee of the Louisville and Cincinnati Short Line Railroadmen, appointed a committee on Sunday, called on Chancellor Bruce, while in open court this morning, and through the attorney of the road, according to their instructions, requested that the order for a reduction of wages, to take effect from the 1st of August, be rescinded, Judge Bruce immediately ordered that the circular of Mr. McLeod, making the reduction, be withdrawn. The matter did not come before Receiver McLeod for the reason that he was out of the city, and beyond the reach of the telegraph. An official message was telegraphed over the wires of the Louisville, Cincinnati and Lexington Railroad during the afternoon of the 23rd.

To all agents and employes of the Railroad Company announcing that in the absence of Receiver McLeod, who could not be reached by telegraph, Chancellor Bruce in open court, on application of parties, had issued an order withdrawing the circular that announced a reduction in pay. This telegram was signed by Mr. J. E. Reeves, Master of Transportation on that road.

General satisfaction was shown everywhere over Chancellor Bruce’s action in rescinding Receiver McLeod’s reduction in the Louisville, Cincinnati and Lexington Short Line, and the announcement that the Louisville and Nashville and Great Southern management would not cut down, met with universal satisfaction. Governor McCreary had been advised of the feeling among railroadmen, on Sunday, and after receiving and considering information from all quarters in the State where trouble might occur, came to the conclusion that there would be no strike. He had prepared the militia of the State in case they were needed, but thought there would be no trouble. The reduction orders were all rescinded.

On the 24th of July, a committee of workingmen of the Louisville, Nashville and Great Southern Railroad, appointed to wait on Dr. D. C. Standiford, President, and demand the restoration of wages reduced on the first of the month, did so. The result was that the road agreed to restore the former wages, and the men went away apparently satisfied.

There was no fear of trouble on the Louisville, Cincinnati and Lexington, as the reduction ordered had been rescinded. The Jeffersonville, Madison and Indianapolis, and Ohio and Mississippi lines, terminating at Louisville, were refusing freight and passengers.

In the city, a gang of negro sewermen stopped work, and with picks, shovels, hoes, etc., on their shoulders, marched through the streets, stopping all other laborers. Before night there were several hundreds, including some whites. Mayor Jacob issued a proclamation, calling on them to disperse. All the police were on duty, doubly armed, and arms had been ordered from Frankfort Arsenal. There was a determined spirit manifested among good citizens to quell the disorder.

Seven hundred militia, many of them being influential and wealthy citizens, were on duty, armed with guns and pistols. The police numbered one hundred and seventy-five. Business houses were closed, and the storekeepers were enrolled in the militia. The very worst elements were mixed in with the idlers who began the troubles. Mayor Jacob had issued orders to trifle with none; to use prompt and effective measures to suppress the least indication of violence or talk thereof.

The laboring men of the Louisville and Nashville Railroad were not included in the number whose wages were raised. They quit work, and so did the moulders and workmen generally.

On the 27th, Louisville remained quiet. The citizen-militia were still on active duty. Passenger trains were running on schedule time on the Jeffersonville, Madison and Indianapolis, and Ohio and Mississippi Railroads. Amicable relations had been established between the President and employes of the Louisville and Nashville Railroad, where the men had gone to work. There had been active movements of the United States infantry. Seven companies went to Indianapolis, under the command of General Morrow; five companies and two batteries to Newport, under General Floyd Jones. Five companies remained at Louisville, under General De Trobriand. General Ruger, commanding the Department of the South, reached Louisville on the 27th of July.

Judge Connelly F. Trigg sent an order to United States Marshal Wheat, at Nashville town, on the 30th, instructing him to summon a posse from that district, to protect freight trains running on the St. Louis and Southeastern, on the Nashville division, upon which strikers still held out. Marshal Wheat took charge of the Southeastern shops that day, and informed the strikers that all who wanted to resume work might report for that purpose the next morning, and others would have to seek employment elsewhere. Any interference with trains would subject them to arrest. A posse sufficient to protect the running of freight trains, was sworn in, and the order of the court was enforced. Disaffected employes held a meeting, and drafted a petition to Judge Trigg, setting forth their grievances, and asking a restoration of their former wages. This was forwarded to Judge Trigg.

The employes of the Texas Central Railroad, at Corsicana, struck at noon on the 27th, and no freight trains were allowed to pass that point. The strikers were orderly, but determined. Many of them enrolled in the special police force, and expressed a determination to protect life and property.

At a conference of train hands at Hearn, on the 27th, an agreement was made to prevent the passage of freight trains, and that no one should be permitted to interfere with railroad property until the strikers became satisfied that the stoppage of freight trains would not bring the Company to terms.

Employes of the Central road at Houston, held a meeting, and a resolution was adopted instructing the committee to demand the January standard of wages, ten per cent. additional to the rates they were receiving, also, nine hours’ labor per day.

The employes of the Texas Central road held another meeting at Houston, the following morning, and appointed a committee to wait on the officers of the road, and lay before them their grievances. The committee was met by Vice President Jordan, Superintendent Swanson, and Secretary Love. After a lengthy conference, both sides made concessions, and it was agreed that the wages should be restored to the April standard, half the increase to take effect August 1, and half October 1. The committee of employes immediately telegraphed to all points on the road that a satisfactory adjustment had been arrived at, and work should be resumed at once.

The railway troubles in Texas were then confined entirely to the Texas Pacific road. Freight traffic on that road was suspended, but there was no violence. The good behavior of the men, and their claim that they had not been paid their wages since March, excited sympathy for them.

The negro longshoremen employed at Central Wharf, in Galveston, who had been working for thirty cents per hour, struck for forty cents, the amount paid white laborers on other wharves. After some little delay their demand was good naturedly acceded to, and they resumed work. A detachment of police was at the wharf to suppress any outbreak, but their services were not required.

The strike on the Texas Pacific road came to an end the morning of the 30th. The Company agreed to pay amounts due employes prior to June 1, by August 25, and amounts due prior to August 1, by October 1, and to make wages uniform with other Texas roads. Trainmen on the San Antonio road secured an advance of ten per cent., to take effect August 1. Shop hands on that road accepted the proposition. The men had not struck, but would have done so if an advance had not been granted. Early in the morning of the 30th, the negro laborers employed in reconstructing buildings destroyed by the late fire on Market street, organized a strike, and marched to the corner of Strand and Twenty-fourth streets, where a block of buildings were in course of erection, and induced laborers to quit work. From that point the strikers went to the corner of avenue A and Twenty-fourth street, and induced laborers working upon a block nearly completed, to join them. They next visited the Narrow-gauge Railroad, and gangs engaged in ballasting and track-laying on A and Bath avenues joining the strikers. Lomis’ pickery, Stump’s planing mill, the San Antonio and Houston freight depot, flour mills, and other places were visited, and in most instances laborers quit work. The strike was confined entirely to unskilled colored laborers. White mechanics were working as usual. The movement was without leaders, or a common purpose, and whenever it was met with firmness, it accomplished nothing. The negroes appeared to be unable to explain why they struck, or what they demanded. The movement was incited by white demagogues. A strong detachment of police were keeping the strikers constantly in view, and any violence to persons or property would have been promptly suppressed.

There were no strikes in Virginia. The citizens of Richmond were justly moved by a keen sense of the admirable temper displayed by the railroadmen there, and the laboring classes generally. As General Wickham said, the workingmen of that city were the first in the country to denounce the lawlessness which reigned in several sister cities. All honor to them. With laborers the times were hard. But while wages were low, their condition in that respect would compare favorably with the financial status of any city in the country, except, perhaps, some municipalities on the Western slope.

Richmond, compared to New York, showed to the advantage of the former, securities were above par, business was increasing in volume, and at a turning of the tide that promised to flood with speedy improvement. Richmond was bound to be strengthened by her law-abiding and dignified attitude before the country. While Northern communities were aflame with an excitement that boded no permanent or transient good, the Southern heart beat more normal. While in Northern cities was beheld communism rearing its dragon-head, the great centres of the South were “solid” in their devotion to industry, and in their respect for law.

At New Orleans, July 30th, a committee of the Shoemakers’ Benevolent Association called upon the Acting Mayor, and stated that when the association attempted to hold a meeting they were surprised to find in the hall a number of policemen, who requested the society to cease all deliberations. The committee stated that they had called to ascertain the cause of interference by the police. Acting Mayor Dennis replied that for several days many rumors had prevailed of meetings of a number of societies on Sunday, and in addition he observed that the shoemakers were to meet at a building where the bakers, by an advertisement, had requested five hundred men to assemble. Believing, in view of what had occurred North, that certain emissaries of the Communists might be in the city, and that until the crisis had passed, it were better not to agitate the labor question, he had directed the Chief of Police to suppress all meetings, for the time being, in the interests of the whole people. Had the shoemakers notified him of the proposed meeting he would have gladly furnished a sufficient police force to preserve order, and prevent any interference from the ruffianly element. If at any future day they proposed to meet, and notified him of time and place, he would take this precaution. The committee expressed itself satisfied with this arrangement, and gave assurance that the society is on the side of law, and opposed to any thing which would disturb existing harmonious relations between labor and capital.

It was a Southern brain that dictated, and a Southern hand that traced the sentiments quoted below. “Call you that treason? What we need is, first, to correct abuses, to remove the cause of reduced wages, and of violence, to restore that prosperity which, with good management, this country ought always to have, except for the brief period of occasional panic and depression. Then we need, instead of meeting violence with violence, except in emergency, or providing the imperial machinery for repressing disorder, that unerring, inevitable, and continual application of law which begets respect for law. There is no fear of power or respect for force which can ever compensate a country for a want of that regard for the law which is all powerful at all times. It is that intangible but almighty power which constrains a people with all the bonds of use and custom which they live under, and breathe like an atmosphere. Men fear, and love, and revere it. They respect it, and never hate it like they do power and the military force—the machinery of despotism. They would as soon violate the natural law of gravitation under which they live, as to violate it. It is that we need, not power. It is slow of growth, but it may be grown by public opinion, constraining the courts and juries, for it is not courts or laws, but the people are responsible. Then they demand that punishment shall follow violation of law, as surely as sunrise follows sunset, as surely as death follows the violation of the natural law of gravitation; then we will need no strong arm and have no violence. These are remedies strengthening the blind, savage arm of government, which is only to be used in a great emergency, and regularly relied on, is no remedy.”