CHAPTER VIII.
The Reign of Anarchy.
The Commune in Baltimore—A paralyzed State Government—An Appeal to the President—A Perilous Situation—Apprehensions felt by the Administration—Another Riot—Clubs and Skulls—A mob of twelve thousand people—From the Atlantic to the Mississippi—The Country in an Uproar—Precautions—Unparalleled Demonstrations.
Startling as was the collision on Friday night, in the streets of Baltimore, that event had become but an episode—an incident no longer to be remembered before the close of another day. The smaller and less important was lost in the greater and more momentous events transpiring all over the country. What mattered a few volleys, what importance could longer attach to the death of ten or twelve obscure individuals in Baltimore, when the whole country was in an uproar, when no human foresight could determine that a reign of devastation and death, such as had never before afflicted the world, might not commence at any time? The appearance of the Commune, bold, audacious, apparently organized, was a matter for more serious concern than the death of a few roughs, and some innocent citizens by the fatal discharge of musketry in the streets of Baltimore. Strikes were occurring almost every hour. The great State of Pennsylvania was in an uproar; New Jersey was afflicted by a paralyzing dread; New York was mustering an army of militia; Ohio was shaken from Lake Erie to the Ohio river; Indiana rested in a dreadful suspense. Illinois, and especially its great metropolis, Chicago, apparently hung on the verge of a vortex of confusion and tumult. St. Louis had already felt the effect of the premonitory shocks of the uprising wave of popular passion.
And yet in the public mind, there was no well defined fear of dreadful deeds to be committed by railroad strikers. The public mind was settled in the conviction that the strikers would interrupt traffic on the highways of commerce by quitting their posts, and even by threats and violence preventing others from taking their places, but such acts, if lawless, were regarded at most as but venial faults. There was an abiding confidence in the good character and honorable disposition of the working men as a class. The public refused to believe that a class of persons who had contributed so much toward building up the country by their toil, and devotion to duty, could in the short space of a few days become untamed savages—merciless plunderers and murderers.
It was not, therefore the fusilades, and the bloody results of the collision at Baltimore that engaged public attention. It was that which appeared “beneath the surface.” The event itself was nothing, but that which was revealed by it, was everything. Behind the strikers men beheld a more dreadful force. It was the awful presence of that socialism, which has more than once made Europe tremble on account of its energy, its despotism, its fearful atrocities. The smoke had scarcely cleared away from the streets, when the character of the Baltimore mob was revealed in all its hideousness. The Commune had found a place in America. Taking advantage of the disorders caused by the strike, these socialistic disorganizes appeared on the scene, and displayed a boldness and energy really awe-inspiring. Who could say that the Red Lady might not soon appear to garner a ghastly harvest of bodiless heads?
Events happening in other sections of the country, had called public attention away from the situation in Baltimore, and the region along the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. But, the condition of affairs there was still critical in the extreme. The mob had not been subdued, scarcely even checked. True, the militia was able to hold the depot of the railroad, but the city itself was in imminent danger. About twelve hundred striking can-makers, box-makers, and other factory operatives, were thronging the streets. In the wake of these came the rabble, numbering thousands, and then came the railroad men, badgered and exasperated by the repressive measures adopted against them by the civil and military authorities, and behind them all were the communistic committees, acting upon each, manipulating and plotting, organizing and inflaming the minds of the lower classes, against the order of society, by appealing to their baser passions, and denouncing all whose condition in life was better than theirs as thieves and plunderers, who deserved almost any fate that the most infernal malice could suggest.
The day after the conflict, the Executive Committee of the Internationalists called a conference at No. 20 Bond street, to devise a plan of action in prosecuting a campaign “against the propertied classes.” There is reason to believe that they deliberately encouraged the opinion among the rabble that to them belonged a portion of the accumulated wealth of the city, and that it was not only the right, but the duty of the vagrants, thieves and tramps congregated in Baltimore, to proceed by force to possess themselves of their share. At all events the conduct of the mobs in the streets was overbearing and threatening. The experiences of the night before had not taught them any considerable amount of respect for the militia, and it was evident, to even a casual observer, that some formidable organized movement was on foot among the malcontents. Penetrated with this conviction; knowing the inefficiency of the forces at his command, and dreading the consequence of a failure to meet promptly any designs of the mob, Governor Carroll, at the time the mob fired the depot, decided to make a formal call upon the President of the United States for assistance. Accordingly, the Governor announced to the President that there were unlawful combinations in the commonwealth of Maryland which the authorities of the State were unable to successfully combat, and asking the assistance of United States troops. In response to this call, Secretary of War McCrary, telegraphed that he was directed by the President to say that assistance would be given to the extent of the power of the government, but intimating that it might be necessary to call on neighboring States for assistance. Adjutant General Vincent informed the Secretary of War that General Barry, at Fort McHenry, was convenient to the scene, and had three field pieces ready. General Barry was immediately ordered to report to the Governor of Maryland for orders. Meanwhile the President issued another proclamation, the second since the strikes commenced, couched in terms similar to those employed on the former occasion, when called upon by Governor Matthews of West Virginia.
The Collector of the port of Baltimore, Hon. John L. Thomas, Jr., becoming alarmed for the safety of the Government property entrusted to his care, sent a despatch to the Secretary of War, requesting troops to protect it. The military posts about Washington and Baltimore were already drained of troops, and the Secretary of War replied asking a more definite statement in regard to the character of the troubles, and asking if he could not enlist citizens to protect Government property if authorized to do so. The revenue cutter Ewing, then lying in the harbor, was ordered by the Collector to immediately proceed to Locust Point, and take up a position to protect the Government bonded warehouses located there. Captain Fengar proceeded at once to carry out these instructions. General Barry, placing himself under the orders of Governor Carroll, brought up three field pieces and took up a position to command the piers and railway buildings at Locust Point.
The conduct of the Fifth Regiment Maryland National Guards, had won for that organization unqualified praise, and upon them the hopes of the citizens of Baltimore for protection largely depended. The Sixth had not been so successful in gaining the good will of the citizens, though it was conceded that its Commander, Colonel Clarence Peters, had particularly distinguished himself. It was the Sixth which was so persistently assailed by the mob the night of the 20th of July, and which had fired upon and committed such havoc among the rioters.
During the day, five hundred special policemen were sworn in, armed and assigned to duty. Every exertion was made to be fully prepared for any emergency that might arise. The forces at command at best were weak to combat a reckless, wrathful mob, numbering many thousands. But the very best possible disposition was made of them, and as events proved the disposition of the forces was not uncalled for.
During the morning of the 21st the remains of the ten men killed by the Sixth Regiment of militia, the preceding evening, were removed from the Middle Police Station to their late homes. A vast multitude had collected. Each body had been placed in a coffin, and was borne from the Station house to the wagon which waited to receive it, on the shoulders of four police officers. A profound silence pervaded the vast assemblage, as the procession of policemen proceeded with their mournful work.
It was definitely ascertained that twenty-two persons in the crowd had been seriously wounded by the fusilades of the soldiers.
The soldiers who were wounded by the missiles of the mob were Lieutenant W. H. Rogers, Captain W. P. Herbert, Lieutenant Forney Spear, Sergeant Armstrong, Corporal Heywood, Sergeant Dull, Privates McKenzie, Lewis, Price, Wanderly, Shurry, Flack, and Lieutenant Sadler.
There were no outbreaks during the day, but it was evident the mob meant mischief after nightfall. It was surmised that the day had been employed in organizing and preparing for a night attack. Groups of men were observed in vacant lots, and other retired localities apparently engaged in deep and earnest conference. In halls, in various parts of the city, mysterious meetings were held, and no little apprehension was felt that the night would bring scenes of riot and bloodshed.
But as the night advanced and no outbreak had taken place, the citizens began to congratulate themselves on their escape from the imminent danger which had impended. Up to ten o’clock nothing unusual had occurred. The streets were more crowded and the pedestrians who surged back and forth appeared more restless than in ordinary times, but that was all. At thirty-five minutes past ten o’clock, intelligence was rapidly diffused through the central portion of the city, that a mob, variously estimated at from ten to fifteen thousand men, had collected, and were moving on the streets converging on the Camden Station. Immediately the excitement became general. The force on duty at the Station was not sufficiently large to repel a mob of such overwhelming numbers. The report proved in the main correct. After eight o’clock, the guards on duty at the depot, became aware of a movement among the rioters. Crowds began to assemble on the streets leading toward the depot. Preparations were made to meet them. The picket lines were drawn in; the positions held by the soldiers were strengthened; orders were given to load with ball cartridges, and every possible precaution taken to prevent surprise by a sudden rush of the mob. The men stood to their arms in battle array.
Meanwhile, a large body of police was got ready, and marched rapidly toward the station on the Lee street side. By this time the mob was becoming noisy and demonstrative. Among the rioters were a considerable number of women and girls, who played the part of petroleuses, boldly urging the men on to acts of outrage and bloodshed. The number of rioters in the vicinity is believed to have been not less than ten thousand. The police force marched briskly around, and struck the mass of rioters on Eutaw street, on a charge, at the same time firing their pistols, and routed them, making a breach through the throng. The rioters retreated in haste up Eutaw street, and began to tear up the pavement, arming themselves with formidable missiles. The police only paused long enough to secure the prisoners they had taken, when they again charged the mob, making a great noise by firing their pistols, which were charged with blank cartridges. The rioters had had no time to complete their preparations, to devise a plan of action, or even get well armed with paving stones. However, they made some show of resistance, but the police force wielding their clubs with great determination and vigor, speedily triumphed and once more put the mob to flight. About fifty of them were captured, taken to the station, tied with ropes, and laid out in the gentlemen’s waiting room.
This vigorous assault of the police produced a very salutary effect upon the mob, which after some noisy demonstrations, such as shouting and jeering at the police and the soldiers, finally dispersed. The majority of the rioters captured proved to be young roughs. The appearance of women among the rioters was something unusual in this country, and the further fact stated that the women were the boldest and most heartless creatures in the mob, is a circumstance of no little significance. The night passed away without any further disturbance. Still the public mind was in a state of unrest, doubt and apprehension.
At Cumberland about three o’clock on the 21st, a train arrived from Keyser with two companies of United States regulars, under command of Captain Litchfield. There was a large number of strikers and roughs assembled at the depot. When the troops left the train the crowd derided them, and as they marched away to their quarters the rioters became so threatening that the soldiers were ordered to a halt, and brought their arms to “a charge bayonets,” when the crowd fell back. This was the first instance since the commencement of the strike, that regular soldiers of the United States had failed to receive respectful treatment. Two other companies under Captain Rogers arrived at Cumberland later in the day.
The strikers at Cumberland were perhaps the most defiant of any along the line of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. A large number of them were Chesapeake and Ohio canal-boatmen, who had struck several weeks before, and another portion were Baltimore and Ohio rolling mill men who had been thrown out of employment on account of the Company “closing down” some two months before. There was now at Cumberland a force of one hundred and thirty-five regular troops, well equipped and provided with extra ammunition. The presence of the soldiers had a quieting effect upon the strikers. Nevertheless, they assumed a tone of semi-defiance. The Mayor of Cumberland was in open sympathy with the strikers, and was at no pains to conceal his opinions. When it was announced that a large party of canal-boatmen were on the way to that town, and a delegation waited on him, asking him to issue his proclamation closing the drinking saloons, he flatly refused to comply with the request. Colonel Douglas, Aid-de-camp to Governor Carroll, had taken up his quarters at Cumberland. The Railroad Company was represented by Mr. Sharp, master of transportation, and Counsellor Cowan at that point.
The strike had now assumed such proportions; the public mind had become so excited; the popular feeling so divided, and the military resources of the country were so limited that the administration had become thoroughly alarmed at the threatening posture of affairs. The bold and persistent attack made by the mob on the militia at Baltimore, had awakened no little apprehension in the highest official circles at the National Capital. Washington itself was considered to be in danger. A consultation between the President and members of his Cabinet took place on the morning of the 20th, when it was decided that no further depletion of the military and naval forces at the capital ought to be made. The order which had been issued to send the Marine Corps to Baltimore was revoked, and they were ordered to remain with their arms ready to move at any moment. Later in the day the intelligence received induced the President and Cabinet to take other precautionary steps for the protection of the property of the Government, and especially to provide for the defence of the Treasury. In pursuance of this purpose troops were ordered from Fortress Monroe. The war-vessels Swatara and Powhattan, of the North Atlantic Squadron, were directed to take on board the sailors and marines stationed at Norfolk, and on the national vessels in that vicinity, and proceed at once to the Potomac, to remain at the Navy Yard, Washington. The effective strength of this force was not greater than seven hundred and fifty men. They arrived the following morning ready equipped for immediate duty. All the metropolitan police of the district were summoned to duty. The gathering of the mob at Baltimore, which the police subsequently dispersed, and the grave apprehension created in consequence of that assemblage, of which facts the Government was apprised, was deemed an emergency of sufficient magnitude to call for immediate action. Accordingly two companies of marines were ordered from Washington at a late hour of the evening. As this force marched through the streets, a great crowd gathered along the route, saluted them with groans and hisses. It was a singular demonstration in the Capital of a nation, when its defenders were thus jeered by the populace. In the vicinity of the newspaper offices crowds had collected to read the dispatches as they were bulletined. Anything indicating the success of the strikers was loudly cheered.
A strong police force was placed on guard at the Treasury building. These civic guards were supplied with additional firearms.
A notice was served on the Agent of the Adams Express Company at Washington, requiring him to decline all valuable packages. In consequence the daily shipment of bonds and currency from the Treasury could not be made.
It was formally announced that the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company would make no further efforts to run trains on their line for the time being.
Thus, the efforts of a gigantic corporation, supplemented by the whole power of the Government to protect and aid it, were ineffective to raise a blockade on one of the great thoroughfares of the nation, when that blockade was enforced only by a number of stokers and brakemen without financial credit or political patronage. Thus the movement had gone on until the National Government found itself powerless for the time being to suppress it. The strikers had now become a mighty power. With a purpose of revolution, with organization and leadership, it was within the grasp of the railroad employes and other classes of laborers to have taken absolute possession of every commercial center in the nation; aye! even to have overturned the Government itself!