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Chapter 39: CHAPTER 6 - Notes
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This comprehensive survey traces architectural developments from the early nineteenth century through the mid twentieth, grouping the material into three chronological sections that examine Romantic classicism and Durand’s rational doctrines; Gothic revival, picturesque tendencies, and the advent of iron-and-glass construction; mid-century eclecticism, national schools, and the rise of commercial and domestic building types; and the emergence of Art Nouveau and modernist movements led by architects from several countries. It analyzes technological innovations, shifting stylistic vocabularies, regional variations, and debates between tradition and modernity, while offering plans, illustrations, and critical commentary on major architects and typologies.

96.  There are measured drawings of these commercial buildings in Hitchcock, H.-R., Guide to Boston Architecture, New York, 1954.

97.  The most thorough study of American industrial building of this period, including the housing of operatives, is Coolidge, J. P., Mill and Mansion, New York, 1942, which deals with Lowell, Mass. Considerable Rhode Island work is illustrated in Hitchcock, H.-R., Rhode Island Architecture, Providence, R.I., 1939.

98.  See Eliot, W. H., A Description of the Tremont House, Boston, 1830.

99.  Davis intended to include a central domed space on the model of Latrobe’s Bank of 1798. This was omitted when the design of the interior was revised by Samuel Thomson or William Ross and executed by John Frazee. See Torres, L., ‘Samuel Thomson and the Old Custom House’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, XX (1961), 185-90.

100.  See Schuyler, M., ‘A Great American Architect; Leopold Eidlitz’, Architectural Record, XXIV, 163-79, 277-92, 364-78, and, for a more general treatment, Meeks, C. L. V., ‘Romanesque before Richardson in the United States’, Art Bulletin, XXXV (1953), 17-33.

101.  See Stone, E. M., The Architect and Monetarian: a Brief Memoir of Thomas Alexander Tefft, Providence, R.I., 1869, and Wriston, B., ‘Architecture of Thomas Tefft’, Rhode Island School of Design Bulletin, XVIII (1940), 37-45.

102.  See Meeks, C. L. V., ‘Henry Austin and the Italian Villa’, Art Bulletin, XXX (1948), 145 ff.

103.  See Smith, R. C., John Notman and the Atheneum Building, Philadelphia, 1951.

104.  See Young, A. B., New Custom House, Boston, Boston, 1840. The tower that now replaces the dome was built by Peabody & Stearns in 1913-15; it was the first real skyscraper in Boston.

105.  See Young, A. B., Plans of Public Buildings in Course of Construction under the Direction of the Secretary of the Treasury, [Washington] 1855-6.


CHAPTER 6 - Notes

106.  Hussey devotes only a portion of his book to the Picturesque in architecture. See also Pevsner, N., ‘The Picturesque in Architecture’, Journal of the Royal Institute of British Architects, LV (1947), 55-61. C. L. V. Meeks in ‘Picturesque Eclecticism’, Art Bulletin, XXXII (1950), 226-35, extends the range of the Picturesque to include considerably more of nineteenth-century architecture than is usual. As with ‘Romantic’ or ‘Classical’, it makes a difference whether or not one uses a capital; with a capital it seems best to restrict the term Picturesque to the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, although the point of view lasted down into the fifties, and it is also possible to recognize a sort of ‘Neo-Picturesque’ in the seventies and eighties (see Chapters 12 and 13 particularly).

107.  See Note [19], Chapter 1.

108.  Thomas Hopper was even more addicted to the ‘Neo-Norman’, as Gosford Castle in Ireland, begun in 1819, and the rather late Penrhyn Castle of 1827-37 near Bangor in Wales, all built of Mona marble and with a keep copied from that of twelfth-century Hedingham Castle in Essex, splendidly illustrate. See Fedden, R. R., ‘Thomas Hopper and the Norman Revival’, in Studies in Architectural History, II (1956).

109.  See Musgrave, C., Royal Pavilion; a Study in the Romantic, Brighton, 1951; and Roberts, H. D., A History of the Royal Pavilion, Brighton, London, 1939.

110.  See Stroud, D., Henry Holland, London, 1950.

111.  Repton’s scheme was much less eclectic than Nash’s, being entirely based, like Sezincote, on the Daniells’ book on India (see Chapter 1).

112.  See Dale, A., Fashionable Brighton, 1820-1860, London, 1947; and History and Architecture of Brighton, Brighton, 1950.

113.  The work was begun in 1818 and continued down into the thirties. See Thompson, Francis, A History of Chatsworth, London, 1949.

114.  See Clark, E., The Britannia and Conway Tubular Bridges, 2 vols and album, London, 1850.

115.  This was begun only in 1837 and completed, without the elaborate Egyptian decoration that Brunel originally intended, by W. H. Barlow (1812-1902) in 1864.

116.  See Donner, P., ‘Edensor, or Brown come True’, Architectural Review, XCV (1944), 39-43; and Chadwick’s The Works of Sir Joseph Paxton, 162-5, which gives primary credit to Paxton.

117.  See Loudon, J. C., Encyclopaedia of Cottage, Farm and Villa Architecture and Furniture, London, 1833; 2nd ed. with Supplement, 1842. This is the culminating anthology of the Picturesque, summarizing and all but concluding some forty years of Cottage and Villa Book production in England.

118.  In addition to the treatises of C. L. Eastlake, Sir Kenneth Clark, Basil F. L. Clarke, and Marcus Whiffen listed in the Bibliography, see Kamphausen, A., Gotik ohne Gott: ein Beitrag zur Deutung der Neugotik und des 19. Jahrhunderts, Tübingen, 1952.

119.  See Britton, J., The Architectural Antiquities of Great Britain, 5 vols, London, 1804-14; Cathedral Antiquities of Great Britain, 14 parts, 1814-35; etc.

120.  See Pugin, A. C., and Willson, E. J., Specimens of Gothic Architecture, 2 vols, London [1821]; Examples of Gothic Architecture, London, 1831. Two more volumes of the Examples were published by A. W. N. Pugin after his father’s death.

121.  See Rickman, T., An Attempt to Discriminate the Styles of English Architecture, London [1817]; many later editions. The terms Rickman introduced here—Early English, Decorated, and Perpendicular—for the successive phases of the English Gothic are still in general use. For Rickman’s use of iron in his early churches in Liverpool, see Chapter 7.

122.  See Whiffen, M., ‘Rickman and Cambridge’, Architectural Review, XCVIII (1945), 160-3.

123.  Pugin’s really important books concerning architecture were three: Contrasts, or a Parallel between the Architecture of the 15th and 19th Centuries, London, 1836; The True Principles of Pointed or Christian Architecture, London, 1841; and An Apology for the Revival of Christian Architecture in England, London, 1843. All of these have later editions which sometimes show significant omissions and additions.

124.  Founded at Cambridge University in 1839 and later known as the Ecclesiological Society. The Society’s periodical, The Ecclesiologist, which began to appear in 1841, together with their other publications, had a notable influence on architectural development in England and English-speaking countries in the forties and fifties and even later. See White, J. F., The Cambridge Movement, Cambridge, 1962.

125.  See Bonnar, T., Biographical Sketch of G. Meikle Kemp, Edinburgh and London, 1892.

126.  The palace-planning of one Durand pupil, Klenze, behind the regular façade of his Königsbau in Munich is actually very unsymmetrical and episodic, as Giedion points out in his Spätbarocker und romantischer Klassizismus.

127.  See Summerson, J., ‘Pugin at Ramsgate’, Architectural Review, CIII (1948), 163-6.

128.  An influential publication of this period was Hopkins, J., Essay on Gothic Architecture, Burlington, 1836. Bishop Hopkins himself designed and built several churches of the rather feeble Gothick order of the plates in this book.

129.  See Upjohn, R., Upjohn’s Rural Architecture, New York, 1852.

130.  See Wills, F., Ancient English Ecclesiastical Architecture ..., New York, 1850, which includes designs for new churches. Similar is Hart, J., Designs for Parish Churches in the Three Styles of English Church Architecture, New York, 1857.

131.  Downing’s major work, A Treatise on the Theory and Practice of Landscape Gardening adapted to North America, New York and London, 1841, with later editions to 1879 (and twentieth-century reprints), devotes only a chapter to house design. His really influential architectural books were Cottage Residences, New York, 1842, with later editions to 1887, and The Architecture of Country Houses, New York, 1850, with later editions to 1866.

132.  See Scully, V. J., ‘Romantic Rationalism and the Expression of Structure in Wood: Downing, Wheeler, Gardner and the “Stick Style”, 1840-1876’, Art Bulletin, XXXV (1953), 121-42.

133.  See Robinson, P. F., Rural Architecture, London, 1822, with later editions to 1836, and also his Designs for Ornamental Villas, London, 1827, again with later editions to 1836.

134.  The handsomest and one of the most authoritative mid-century books on chalets was by Graffenried and Sturler, Architecture suisse, Berne, 1844.

135.  See Vaux, C., Villas and Cottages, New York, 1857, with later editions to 1874.

136.  See Lancaster, C., ‘Oriental Forms in American Architecture’, Art Bulletin, XXIX (1947), 183-93. For other work of Samuel Sloan, a very productive mid-century architect and architectural writer, see Coolidge, H. N., ‘A Sloan Checklist, 1849-1884’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, XIX (1960), 34-8.

137.  See Owen, R. D., Hints on Public Architecture, New York, 1849.

138.  Of the Seven Lamps, of the first volume of the Stones of Venice, and of the Lectures on Architecture and Painting, American editions appeared respectively in 1849, 1851, and 1854, the same years as the original London editions, and were succeeded by new issues and new editions at a pace far exceeding that maintained by the original publishers in England. In part this may merely mean that the American editions, all pirated, were smaller; but it is certainly evidence of an avid and extensive body of American readers from the mid century down to 1900.

139.  See Chenesseau, G., Sainte-Croix d’Orléans; histoire d’une cathédrale gothique réedifiée par les Bourbons, 1599-1829, 3 vols, Paris, 1921.

The design of 1707 for the façade was by Robert de Cotte, J.-H. Mansart’s principal lieutenant. The work was carried on more actively by A.-J. Gabriel under Louis XV. With the Restoration in 1816 Louis XVIII took up the completion of the project—which Napoleon had actually ordered before Waterloo—as part of the general preoccupation of the Restoration with a strengthening of the Church, and Charles X opened the finished church in 1829. Thus the renewal of activity here in the second decade of the nineteenth century precedes the other Neo-Gothic work described below by some twenty years. But credit—or discredit—for its Rococo-Gothic character belongs to the eighteenth not to the nineteenth century.

140.  See Rotrou, E. de, Dreux, ses antiquités, Chapelle St Louis, Dreux, 1864.

141.  The aesthetic climate of the period is presented in several books: Rosenthal, L., L’Art et les artistes romantiques, Paris, 1928; Robiquet, J., L’Art et le goût sous la Restauration, Paris, 1928; Schommer, P., L’Art décoratif au temps du Romantisme, Paris, 1928. These were published in advance of the ‘Centenaire du Romantisme’ in 1930.

142.  See Thiénon, C., Voyage pittoresque dans le Bocage de la Vendée, ou vues de Clisson et ses environs, Paris, 1817.

143.  In 1836 Viollet-le-Duc wrote to his father that every greengrocer had a small Italian Villa with a tower, but this is patently a rhetorical exaggeration.

144.  See Kaufmann, E., Three Revolutionary Architects, Boullée, Ledoux and Lequeu, Philadelphia, 1952.

145.  See Heideloff, K., Nürnberg’s Baudenkmale der Vorzeit, Nuremberg, 1839; and Die Kunst des Mittelalters in Schwaben, Stuttgart, 1855. His Ornaments of the Middle Ages (to give it its English title), which began to appear in Nuremberg in 1838, had several editions with French and English text.

146.  This is least true in France, where the Neo-Catholic intellectuals were Gothic enthusiasts and succeeded in imposing Gothic on the architects, few of whom ever took to it with whole-hearted enthusiasm. Even Viollet-le-Duc, after the forties, was confusedly eclectic in most of his newly designed buildings as distinguished from his ‘restorations’ and his completions of unfinished medieval monuments (see Chapter 11).


CHAPTER 7 - Notes

147.  See Sheppard, R., Cast Iron in Building, London, 1945, and Gloag, J. and Bridgwater, D., A History of Cast Iron in Building, London, 1948. These accounts require considerable revision in the light of later research by T. C. Bannister and by A. W. Skempton. See Note [151], infra, and for further illustrations, ‘The Iron Pioneers’, Architectural Review, CXXX (1961), 14-19, and Richards, J. M., The Functional Tradition in Early Industrial Buildings, London, 1958.

148.  Problems of fire-resistance were already under discussion in England in the forties. The London Fire Department even refused to enter burning buildings with internal skeletons of iron because of the danger of their collapse; while the effectiveness of fireproofing iron columns with masonry sheathing was already being tested in 1846. I owe this information, as well as that on many other significant points in this chapter, to Turpin C. Bannister.

149.  See Harris, J., ‘Cast Iron Columns 1706’, Architectural Review, CXXX (1961), 60-1.

150.  See Raistrick, A., Dynasty of Ironfounders, London, [1953].

151.  See Giedion, S., Bauen in Frankreich: Eisen, Eisenbeton, Leipzig, 1928, an account which its own author and others have considerably emended since.

152.  This was replaced a quarter of a century later when a new stair-hall was built by Percier & Fontaine.

153.  See Bannister, T. C., ‘The First Iron-Framed Buildings’, Architectural Review, CVII (1950), 231-46; Skempton, A. W., and Johnson, H. R., ‘The First Iron Frames’, Architectural Review, CXXXI (1962), 175-86. In 1803-4 came two more iron-framed mills, the North Mill at Belper and one at Leeds.

154.  See Fairbairn, W., On the Application of Cast and Wrought Iron to Building Purposes, London, 1854.

155.  See Buckler, J. and J. C., Views of Eaton Hall, London, 1826.

156.  See Mock, E., The Architecture of Bridges, New York, 1949; Whitney, C., Bridges; a Study in their Art, Science and Evolution, New York, 1929; De Maré, E., The Bridges of Britain, London, 1954; Andrews, C., ‘Early Iron Bridges of the British Isles’, Architectural Review, LXXX (1936), 63-8; and ‘Early Victorian Bridges in Suspension in the British Isles’, Architectural Review, LXXX (1936), 109-12; and Mehrtens, G., Der deutsche Brückenbau in XIX Jahrhundert, Berlin, 1900.

157.  In addition to Telford’s own superbly illustrated autobiography and the two modern monographs, see Sutherland, R. J. M., ‘Telford’, Architectural Review, CXIV (1953), 389-94.

158.  The American James Finley built an iron-chain suspension bridge as early as 1801 and patented the system in 1808 after he had built several more. See Pope, T., Treatise on Bridge Architecture, New York, 1811, which was probably known to Telford.

159.  These early French bridges—and several important early English ones too—are illustrated in later editions of Rondelet’s Traité (See Note [40], Chapter 2), and in Bruyère, L., Études relatives à l’art des constructions, Paris, 1823. Delon’s name is also given as Dilon and Dillon.

160.  See Séguin, M., Des ponts en fil de fer, Paris, 1824.

161.  See Ellet, C., The Wheeling Bridge [Philadelphia, 1852]. For this bridge Roebling provided the cables but not the design.

162.  Sec Conant, W., The Brooklyn Bridge, New York [1883].

163.  Hautecœur lists nearly forty built before 1848 in Paris alone. For the Galerie d’Orléans, see Fontaine, C., Histoire du Palais Royal, Paris, 1834.

164.  Thiollet, F., Serrurerie de fonte et de fer récemment exécutés, Paris, 1832, illustrates several examples.

165.  See Pevsner, N., ‘Early Iron: Curvilinear Hothouses’, Architectural Review, CVI (1949), 188-9.

166.  Sec Meeks, C. L. V., ‘The Life of a Form: A History of the Train Shed’, Architectural Review, CX (1951), 163-74, and his book The Railroad Station, New Haven, 1956.

167.  See Arschavir, A. A., ‘The Inception of the English Railway Station’, Architectural History, IV (1961), 63-76, for the story before Crown Street.

168.  See Clark, E., The Britannia and Conway Tubular Bridges, 2 vols and atlas, London, 1850.

169.  See Hitchcock, H.-R., ‘The Coal Exchange’, Architectural Review, CI (1947), 185-7.

170.  See Bannister, T. C., ‘The Genealogy of the Dome of the United States Capitol’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, VII (1948), 1-16.

171.  Bogardus’s priority in this matter is by no means absolute. Certainly earlier in America was the Miners’ Bank, built by Haviland in Pottsville, Penna., in 1829-30; but here cast iron was used only to provide a decorative sheathing of the brick walls in the absence of available stone. Also earlier was a steam flour-mill three storeys high prefabricated by Sir William Fairbairn in London in 1839 and sent to Turkey, where it was erected in Istanbul in 1840. This was more like Bogardus’s building, and he had probably actually seen it when it was exhibited in London in Fairbairn’s shops at Millwall before being disassembled and shipped away. Daniel D. Badger (1806-?) also claimed priority because of the many one-storey shops he had built of iron, one of which was just across Center Street in New York from Bogardus’s factory. But Bogardus deserved the publicity he received at home and abroad; undoubtedly it was his activity which really started the general vogue of cast-iron fronts in the United States. See Bogardus, J., Cast Iron Buildings: their Construction and Advantages, New York, 1856 (written for Bogardus by a friendly ‘ghost’, John W. Thomson), and Bannister, T. C., ‘Bogardus Revisited, Part One: The Iron Fronts’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, XV (1956), 12-22.

172.  See Sturges, W. K., ‘Cast Iron in New York’, Architectural Review, CXIV (1953), 233-8.

173.  See Hitchcock, H.-R., ‘Early Cast Iron Façades’, Architectural Review, CIX (1951), 113-16.

174.  See Hitchcock, H.-R., The Crystal Palace ..., 2nd ed., Northampton, Mass., 1952.

175.  See Carstensen, G., The New York Crystal Palace, New York, 1854.

176.  The date of this is often given as 1855, when Labrouste took charge of the work at the Bibliothèque Nationale, and the original project for it may well be more nearly contemporaneous with the Reading Room of the British Museum.

177.  Six pavilions were built first and four more before 1870; the remaining two were not erected until the 1930s. See Baltard, V., and Callet, F., Monographie des Halles centrales de Paris construites sous le régne de Napolèon III, Paris, 1865.

178.  Technically the architect of Saint-Eugène in Paris was L.-A. Lusson, and in his monograph on the church, Plans, coupes, elevations, et details de l’église ... de Saint Eugène, Paris, 1855, he does not even mention Boileau’s name. However, the credit—or, to many contemporaries, the discredit—for the character of the cast-iron Gothic interior of the Paris church has always been given to Boileau.


CHAPTER 8 - Notes

179.  A notably extreme early example is Visconti’s Fontaine Molière of 1841-4 in the Rue de Richelieu in Paris.

180.  Here Visconti’s taste also proves to have been premonitory. His project of 1833 for a library already had a bulbous roof over the central pavilion; while that of 1849 for the Bibliothèque Nationale in the Rue de Richelieu had bold engaged orders on the central pavilion and a tall straight-sided mansard as well.

181.  See Hitchcock, H.-R., ‘Second Empire “avant la lettre”’, Gazette des Beaux Arts, XIII (1953), 115-30. The existence of French analogues in the forties was insufficiently stressed there, however.

182.  See Kramer, E. W., ‘Detlef Lienau, an Architect of the Brown Decades’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, XIV (1955), 18-25. Lienau was born in Schleswig-Holstein, then Danish, but received his early education in Germany. For a still earlier mansard than Lienau’s, see Dallett, J. F. ‘John Notman’s Mansard, 1848’, Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, XIX (1960), 81.

183.  See Aulanier, C., Le Nouveau Louvre de Napoleon III, Paris [1953], and Hautecoeur, L. Histoire du Louvre, Paris [n.d.]

184.  See Pinkney, D. H., Napoleon III and the Rebuilding of Paris, Princeton, N.J., 1958. Work began on the extension of the Rue de Rivoli in 1851; but it was only in 1853 that the Emperor found in G.-E. Haussmann (1809-91), whom he made Prefect of the Seine and later a baron, an adequate collaborator and executant for his tremendous urbanistic programme.

185.  A tour which can be taken vicariously is provided in a splendid set of lithographs of the period, Paris dans sa splendeur; from this Plates 19 and 55B are taken.

186.  The degree of control exercised by public authority over the façades varied. For the extension of the Rue de Rivoli, continuation of Percier & Fontaine’s original design was required; and for the Place de l’Étoile and the Place de l’Opéra comprehensive designs established in advance were enforced (see below). Elsewhere only the height of the cornice line and the silhouette of the mansard were ordinarily standardized by regulation.

187.  Built in 1855 as the Hôtel des Chemins de Fer, but now the Hôtel du Louvre, and the work of Hittorff, Rohault de Fleury, Armand, and Pellechet. Hittorff and Rohault were also collaborating on the houses surrounding the Place de l’Étoile at this time. T. L. Donaldson, reporting on the new hotel at the Royal Institute of British Architects on 22 June 1855, remarked: ‘The roof plays an important part in the design ... much of the majesty of French buildings is derived from these lofty roofs.’ Donaldson supervised the erection of the Hope house, and had thus played a personal part in the introduction of the French mansard into England six years earlier.

188.  It is curious that there should be uncertainty about the authorship of a complex so central to the building activity of its era. The Grand Hotel which occupies the corner of the Boulevard des Italiens to the left of the Opéra was by the team responsible for the Hôtel des Chemins de Fer at the other end of the avenue (see Note [187]). Pinkney in Napoleon III and the Rebuilding of Paris, the latest to discuss the subject, gives credit for all the façades around the Place de l’Opéra to Rohault; Hautecoeur assigns the rounded pavilions opposite the front of the Opéra to Blondel and mentions no other architect. Whoever was responsible, Garnier felt they were much too tall and confining for his Opéra.

189.  See Garnier, J.-L.-C., Le nouvel Opéra de Paris, 2 vols text and 6 vols plates, Paris, 1875-81.

190.  By this time Viollet-le-Duc was far more ‘Victorian’ than Garnier, yet his secular work had become so eclectic and even original in detail as hardly any longer to be Neo-Gothic at all (see Chapter 11.

191.  See Daly, C., and Davioud, G.-J.-A., Les théâtres de la Place du Châtelet, Paris, 1860.