Each calendar month has been given a suitable name, as follows:—
January, Pherekhong (to increase, to swell).
February, Thlakhola (to mature, because the grain is nearly ripe).
March, Thlakhobeli (maturity or harvest time).
April, Mbesa (the burning, because fires are now lighted in the lands to scare away the birds, it being no longer considered necessary to employ boys to keep away the winged thieves).
May, Motsey-anong (to complete, to become mature).
June, Phupo (to heap up, to store).
July, Phup'chane (to thrash).
August, Phāto (to break up, to delve).
September, Lœtsé (to water the land, i.e., rain time).
October, 'Mpalane (the coming of storms).
November, Phulunguāna (the seed is coming).
December, Tsitue (the name of the small beetle which during that month disturbs the whole of South Africa with its clamour).
These are as nearly correct as I can get them, but the people seem strangely vague about such things as dates, times, and seasons.
Very few of them can tell you their age, or even the ages of their children. They count from certain national events which have made deep impressions upon their minds, such as the "Gun War," the great plague of locusts, the death of a certain chief, &c., &c.
Their mode of counting is quaint. They use the fingers of each hand, beginning with the little finger of the left hand, which is held in an upright position, the back of the hand facing the person counting, the palm turned outwards. Thus, when they wish to signify one, they raise one finger; for two, they raise two fingers, and so on, keeping the other fingers down on the palm.
Translated literally their numerals are:—
1 'Ngue.
2 Peli (pronounced pedi), two.
3 Tharo, three.
4 'Né (pronounced iu-né), four.
5 Thlano, five.
6 Tselela (crossing, meaning the act of crossing from one hand to the other).
7 Supile (pointing, because the first finger of the right hand, which is generally used for pointing at objects, is raised).
8 Robile Monuāna 'mbeli (two broken fingers, because only two fingers remain down).
9 Robile Monuāna u le Mong (one broken finger, only one remaining down).
10 Leshume (the whole).
11 Leshume le metso u le Mong (the whole and one root); and so on up to twenty, which is—
20 Mashomé a Mabeli (two tens or wholes).
30 being Mashomé a Meraro (three tens); and so on up to one hundred, which is—
100 Le kholo (the big thing).
1000 Seketé.
The hours of the day were naturally quite unknown to them, the sun, moon and stars, light and darkness, being their only guides; for instance, sunrise, midday, afternoon sunset, and night time being the terms used to represent the various periods into which their day was divided.
They possess few customs which might be strictly termed religious, most of their beliefs being superstitions connected with the spirits of their forefathers, to whom they pray in times of trouble, and of whom they stand in great awe, offering sacrifices from time to time, with the view of assuaging their wrath; but acts of praise or actual devotion were unknown until the introduction of Christianity.
They have a few musical instruments, all very similar in appearance at first sight, but each varying a good deal with regard to the sounds produced. The simplest is the "Setolotolo," which is made by boring a hole in each end of a thick stick, into which are fixed two small pieces of cane, a piece about three inches long at the top, and one nearly double that length at the bottom. These are bent over and drawn towards each other by a thin wire or the twisted hairs from a horse's tail. The mouth of the musician is laid to the stick near the top, his left hand holds it near the bottom, while with the first finger and thumb of his right hand he touches the string at various distances from each end, at the same time making a peculiar little note in his own throat. The whole performance is weird and doleful in the extreme.
The "Seho," the "Lesiba," and in fact all the other musical instruments produce sounds the reverse of lively, but they are by no means harsh or unpleasing to the ear, and, heard in their native element, with the wild and picturesque surroundings of a Basuto village, or when played by the herds, leading (for cattle are never driven) the cattle to or from pasture, they certainly impress one favourably. The drum, on the other hand, is a thing to be shunned. It is made of bladder stretched over an earthenware pot which has had the bottom knocked out, to render the sound more hollow. It is placed on two stones and played, not with two small (or one large) drum sticks as in civilized countries, but with the hands. A booming, melancholy howl, like a creature in torment, is the result at a distance. These drums are only used in the spring-time, when the girls are being called to the native "schools," and on the feast day which terminates the "school" for that year, usually a period of from four to six months, according to the amount of food and the number of girls in each "school." In November every year, night after night, the stillness is broken by these hideous drums. The girls' schools are conducted by old hags, who are supposed to be learned in all witchcraft, and to possess the "evil eye." These women profess to teach the girls to grind, weed, smear, cook, and, in fact, all household duties, in addition to many other instructions in "medicines," folk-lore, and some very barbarous practices, of which it is impossible to write.
A fortnight after the girls join the old women, they (the girls) smear themselves from head to foot with white clay, and wear a screen of small reeds in front of their faces. This has to be continued until their education is completed. During the whole period they never return home, but spend their time in the "lands" and kloofs. They sleep during the day and remain awake all night. When they walk they carry long "doctored" sticks, which have the power of killing any outsider who dares to touch them. Many acts of cruelty and revenge are practised by these revolting old women under the guise of teaching the girls to be brave, or in some cases to be in their turn "wise women." Frequently a girl never returns to her home again. No questions dare be asked for fear of the "evil eye," but it is a recognised fact that she has been murdered, either because the wise woman has a spite against one or other of her parents, or against the girl herself; though, were such a thing even hinted at, dire would be the result. To the girls in the school it is stated that Molimo, or God, has said So-and-so must be sacrificed for the good of the others, or to make them brave or wise, or to save them or their families from destruction.
When the four or six months are over, a big feast is prepared in the village nearest the "school," to which both sexes come. Merry-making, eating and drinking continue for twenty-four hours. The girls then return home—"women"—with all the duties and privileges of womanhood. For a month they have to behave with great reserve to all around them, leaving home early in the morning and remaining away until dark. This closes that epoch in their lives.
The boys from sixteen years and upwards assemble at the villages also in November, and are taken off to school by the old witch doctors, who train them in all acts of cruelty and bravery. Some of the acts committed by them are too horrible to bear repeating. They begin by torturing and killing animals, and then do the same thing to human beings. They are also instructed in the use of herbs and various medicines, and also in the methods of warfare adopted by the Basuto, as well as a considerable knowledge of natural history.
Of course, both the Government and the missionaries keep a strong check upon these schools and all barbarous customs, and the country is in a very much more enlightened state than it was even when I first came to it. The people are not naturally cruel, and are quick to see how Englishmen look upon acts of brutality. They also know that certain punishment awaits the perpetrators should they be discovered.
The Basuto women indulge in no amusements beyond the dance, singing, and gossip. The men play a game called "Morābarāba," a species of draughts played with white and black stones on a large flat stone cut into squares like a chessboard.
CHAPTER IV. CHIEF WARS—MOROSI—DEATH OF MOLAPO—INFLUENCE OF THE MISSIONARIES—COLONEL GRIFFETH—GENERAL GORDON—1843 TO PRESENT TIME—GOVERNMENT HUT TAX—MISSION SOCIETIES.
The chief wars, apart from tribal disturbances, in which the Basuto have been engaged, are the Basuto-Dutch War, 1863-1868; the Morosi Campaign in 1879; and the Gun War in 1880-1881.
The Basuto-Dutch War of 1863 to 1868 was caused by the long-continued plundering of the Basuto all along the border. At that time Mosheshue was growing old, his people were half-starving savages, with large bands of cannibals among them.
The Orange Free State was rich in grain and in flocks and herds; the Mosuto is always at heart a cattle thief; he knows no temptation so great as that of "cattle lifting." No wonder, then, that, with the added force of starvation and their hatred of the Boers, the Basuto took to plundering those homesteads near the border.
In addition to this, the young "braves" thought they were too strong even for the English power to subdue—the result of the retreat of Sir George Cathcart in 1852, which they looked upon as a sign of weakness on our part, and they received no check from Mosheshue, who seems to have allowed his people a free hand. Undoubtedly they had great cause to hate the Boers for the many wrongs received from them, and to this day there is no love lost between Boer and Basuto. But we will enter into this subject later on.
The eventual result of these devastations was war, which raged for five years between the two nations. At first the Basuto were everywhere victorious; hunger was no longer known in their midst, and they became boastful, vain-glorious, and altogether over-confident. Then came the Boers' turn. Their commandos entered the Lesuto, which they conquered bit by bit, until the whole country of the northern part, from what is now called Winburg to Thaba Bosigo, was in their hands. This strong fortress had resisted all attempts to conquer it; but the Basuto were thoroughly frightened, and Mosheshue, dreading to fall into the hands of the Dutch, earnestly entreated the Governor of Cape Colony (Sir Philip Wodehouse) to protect them. Accordingly, the Lesuto was proclaimed British territory under the Colonial Government, and the Dutch were requested to return to the Free State. Soon afterwards the Governor went to Thaba Bosigo, when he laid down, with President Brand, the boundary of what is now the Lesuto, and which deprived the Basuto of that fertile tract of country, west of the Caledon River, which has since been called the conquered territory. Colonel Griffeth was appointed Commissioner, and the country became subject to British rule in 1869.
In 1879, Dodo Morosi's son, who had been imprisoned in Quthing prior to his removal to the Colony, escaped from prison, and joined Morosi on his famous mountain near Quthing. These two chiefs had always been rebels at heart, and only needed a little encouragement to become so openly. At that time Cetewayo was doing his utmost to stir up the Basuto, urging them to join him against the British Government. The Basuto have always looked upon the Zulu chief as, in a way, their head, to whom they owed a certain amount of obedience, and to whom they paid tribute of karosses, ostrich feathers, etc. Consequently, when the disaster of Isandhlala became known in the Lesuto, the people became almost ungovernable with excitement. Colonel Griffeth formed a camp at Pathlahla Drift, where he was joined by several of his staff, and by 400 Colonial troops, augmented by 1,200 loyal Basuto. Mr. Barkly, the magistrate of Mohali's Hoek, was appointed Staff Officer to Colonel Griffeth during the siege of Morosi Mountain, while Colonel (now General) Brabant, with 150 men, was sent up early in April to aid the besiegers.
Morosi was a Baputi Chief under the rule of the Paramount Chief. At this time he was an old man, almost completely under the influence of his son Dodo, a crafty, rebellious, and cruel man, who had been imprisoned and heavily fined by Mr. Austin, magistrate of Quthing, but had, as I have already stated, made his escape. Morosi now openly rebelled, whereupon the Colonial Government, through Colonel Griffeth, ordered the Basuto to enforce obedience. Thus, in April, the attack began, but many of the Basuto, though not themselves in open rebellion, refused to take up arms against their "brother." Consequently, there was not a sufficiently strong attacking force, and the first attempt was a complete failure, resulting in a loss of about fifty killed and wounded on our side. The mountain is very steep, and the whole face was protected by schanzes, or stone walls; stones also were hurled by the besieged upon their foes as they endeavoured to scale the mountain. Our force had a couple of field guns, which were of considerable service. The attack lasted from 5 A.M. till 8 P.M., during which time the besiegers were entirely without food. I am indebted to one who was a member of the C.M.R. present at the siege for the above information. The "Colonies and India," of June 1879, says:—"After the failure of the attempt to storm the enemy's position, and while awaiting the arrival of heavier cannon, the investment of the mountain still continued, pickets being posted day and night round three sides of it, the fourth being a perpendicular krantz of many feet in height.
"Notwithstanding all the vigilance and precautions taken, one of the pickets, consisting of a troop of the 3rd Yeomanry, were surprised on the night of the 29th instant. About two hundred of the enemy rushed into their camp, overpowering the sentries and assegaing some of the men in their tents. The Yeomanry, after six hours' fighting, beat them off, but not without sustaining a loss of six killed and fifteen wounded.
"There is but one path leading to the summit of the mountain, which is fortified by strongly-built stone walls, arranged with great skill, so that the lower ones are commanded and can be enfiladed by those above them. They are pierced by double rows of loopholes, and, in most cases, are situated on the verge of steep rocks, which render them almost inaccessible from below. The mountain was crowded with every kind of stock, and defended by several hundred Baphuti rebels under Morosi."
The siege dragged on until November of the same year (every effort to storm the mountain failing), when the enemy were starved into a surrender. Morosi and two of his sons were killed, and the others surrendered as soon as the C.M.R., who were the first to scale the ladders, had entered the stronghold with fixed bayonets, with which they attacked the starving garrison. Dodo, however, unfortunately escaped, but the greater number of the enemy were killed.
In September, previous to this event, Sir Gordon Sprigg (the then Premier of the Cape Colony) visited the Lesuto in connection with the Disarmament Act, which had just been passed by the Colonial Government, and a great Pitso was held at Maseru on the 16th of October (1879) to inform the Basuto that the Act was to be extended to the Lesuto. It was a most unfortunate time to select for the enforcement of such a law. The Basuto love their guns, and no amount of compensation would repay them for the loss of their firearms. In addition, the whole nation was unsettled, first by the Zulu Campaign, and afterwards by the fighting at Morosi's Mountain. They only needed tangible excuse to break out into open rebellion. That excuse the Government placed before them when it insisted upon the disarming of the whole nation. Chiefs and people alike were furious, and, though no immediate steps were taken by the Government, the whole country seemed on the brink of a volcano.
Early in 1880 a commission was appointed for each district, consisting of the magistrate, the principal chief of the district and the most influential trader. A fair and just value was to be given to each man upon delivering up his weapon or weapons. The Colonial Government completely ignored the fact that it was to blame in the first instance for the number of guns in the country, and that it had employed the Basuto to fight for it; in fact, was actually doing so at the time when the Act was passed, when it employed Basuto to aid in the siege of Morosi's Mountain. A deputation of chiefs was sent to Cape Town, but their petition was refused. Even the majority of the missionaries regarded the policy of the Colonial Government as an act of unnecessary oppression, and many of them did not hesitate to say so openly.
On the 28th of June the wise old chief Molapo died in the north of Basutoland, and his death no doubt hastened matters, for, had he lived, he would have used all his influence, which was considerable, on the side of the Government. His sons Joel and Jonathan succeeded him, but Joel was always strongly against the Government, and Jonathan was a young man without much power over the other chiefs. The French Protestant missionaries, though earnestly exhorting the people to refrain from bloodshed, were known by the Basuto to sympathise with them; consequently, their persons, homes, and mission stations were untouched during the rebellion which followed. The Roman Catholic Missions, which also belonged to the French, likewise remained unmolested, but the English missionaries and their stations fared badly indeed. The one at Mohale's Hoek was utterly destroyed. At Sekubu in the north everything perishable was burnt, the stone buildings alone remaining standing, and the mission buildings at Thlotse fared hardly better, the church to this day (though no longer used as such, having been replaced by a much larger building) bearing many marks of the conflict. The Government fixed upon the 12th of July as the day for the final disarmament of the people. Many loyalists sent in their arms, a course of action which resulted in many real hardships for them, and to this day the greater number have never received more than two-thirds (if that) of the compensation owed them by the Government, though many rebels received full compensation. Chief Jonathan remained loyal throughout, and, by his firmness, kept together a large following, who were of the greatest possible assistance to Major Bell, the magistrate of Leribe.
Canon Widdicombe gives a most interesting and graphic account of the fighting in the north in his book, "Fourteen Years in Basutoland." The actual fighting began on the 19th of July near the centre of the Lesuto, and soon rebellion became general throughout the country. In September a few hundred C.M. Rifles were sent up to Southern Basutoland by the Colonial Government, but nothing was done for the North. Mafeteng in the south was first attacked on the 13th September; Lerotholi, with a following of over 8,000 men, all mounted, opening the proceedings by a vigorous attack upon the station. Fortunately the rebels were repulsed with great loss. On October 4th the trading station of Lipering, belonging to the Messrs. Fraser, was attacked and destroyed; Maseru and Mohale's Hoek were attacked about the same time.
On the 19th October General Clarke, Commander-in-Chief of the Colonial forces, succeeded in reaching and relieving Mafeteng, but with heavy loss, the 1st Yeomanry alone losing 32 killed and 11 wounded. The former lie buried in the little cemetery at Mafeteng, where a monument has been erected to their memory. On November 8th the first attack was made upon Thlotse in the north. It was sudden and very well planned, but nevertheless it failed. Five thousand "braves" under Chief Joel made the attack at daybreak, but most fortunately heavy rain had fallen, causing the Thlotse River to become impassable, and thus preventing Ramanella and his contingent from joining in the attack. The defending force was only 140 strong. As soon as the river became fordable, Jonathan crossed into Thlotse with nearly 2,000 loyal followers. What that poor little garrison suffered can be but little imagined. Many acts of revolting cruelty were perpetrated by the rebels; Jonathan's village was burnt to the ground, and all his flocks and herds carried off, while he and his small following took refuge in Thlotse, the whole country from there to Maseru being by this time in the hands of the rebels. A force of nearly 300 of the Kimberley Horse, under Major Lawrance, was sent from Maseru to the aid of the Thlotse garrison, and most effectively they fulfilled their mission, driving off an enemy ten times their own size right across the Thlotse River, almost into the mountains. This state of affairs continued all through the country until the 17th of April, 1881, when an armistice was made, followed by a treaty of peace, for the unusually hard winter had at length proved the "last straw" to the rebels, who, worn out with fighting and hardships, eventually realized the futility of attempting to overcome the "White Man." Unfortunately, the Colonial Government, in its anxiety to bring the war to an end, was ready for peace at any price. A little firmness for a month or two longer, and the Basuto would have been completely conquered. They were in real distress for food, and were unfit to stand the hardships of the winter months of June and July; but the Government apparently did not see the matter in this light, and on April 29th the new Governor, Sir Hercules Robinson, issued a proclamation which promised a fair indemnity for their loss to the loyal Basuto, and was by no means severe upon the rebels; but the promises were never properly fulfilled, and to this day there is many a sore heart and shaken faith in the word of the English to be found in Basutoland.
Colonel Griffeth pointed out the unwisdom of such conduct, but he was granted a year's leave of absence, after which he was pensioned. It would be a moral lesson to many were they to hear a Mosuto's opinion of this act, though it is extremely galling to realise how British prestige suffered for many months, morally and physically, and the marks of her degradation will remain for ever. Oh! how can people wish to bring civilization into a country, when it brings such suffering in its train!
In April, 1881, General Gordon had offered his services to the Colonial Government, but it was not until September, 1882, that they availed themselves of his offer. He then proceeded to Basutoland, where at any rate he won the admiration and affection of all those Basuto who came in contact with him. His stay in the country was short. Let my reader refer to Sir W. Butler's Life of Gordon for the reason. Again the Government had thrown away the chance of permanent settlement.
In 1883 came the war between Joel and Jonathan, the two great chiefs of the North, which resulted in the overthrow of Joel, who with his followers fled to the Free State. Captain Blyth, C.M.G., was at that time "Governor's Agent" of Basutoland; but as he had only moral force with which to govern the people, what could he do except report to Cape Town all that had occurred? At length, in November, 1883, Basutoland was taken over by the Imperial Government, and early in 1884, Sir Marshall Clarke (Lt.-Col., R.A.) was sent as Resident Commissioner of Basutoland, under the control of the High Commissioner.
From this time a more hopeful state of things ensued, though even to the present time there are not infrequent inter-tribal wars, squabbles, and jealousies to "keep the country from going to sleep."
Basutoland is a native territory under Imperial Government. In 1868, the country was annexed to the British Empire, though in December, 1843 Mosheshue signed a treaty with England, in which the boundaries of his country were defined as the Orange River, from its source to its junction with the Caledon, and a line about thirty miles northeast of the Caledon, from Bethulie to Sikonyela's country. This did not at all meet with the approval of Mosheshue, and quietly he extended his sway, while the British authorities were engaged in settling matters with Adam Kok, the emigrant farmers, and various others. From 1847 to 1851 there were constant "strained relations" between Mosheshue and the British Government, ending in an alliance between him and the emigrant farmers. England was then not in a position to enforce obedience from Mosheshue, and his affairs were allowed to drift until such time as force could be brought to bear to ensure his subjugation.
In the end of 1852, General Cathcart, with a force of 2,000 Infantry, 500 Cavalry, and two field guns, marched upon Basutoland, and sent a message to Mosheshue asking him how he intended to behave, and demanding the delivery of 10,000 head of cattle and 1,000 horses within a week. Mosheshue endeavoured to comply with this demand, but the Basuto love their cattle, and could not be induced to part with more than 4,000 head. They were also anxious to try their strength against the English, and would not listen to their chief when he endeavoured to show them how futile would be their efforts. The result was that on the 20th December, the British forces advanced to attack, and it was upon that day that the awful ride of a small body of Lancers down an almost precipitous ravine took place. It happened thus. The cavalry were ordered to march to the north of Berea Mountain, but seeing a great number of cattle apparently unguarded on the top of the hill, they tried to secure them. Suddenly a strong force under Molapo advanced, scattering cattle and foes in all directions. Had it not been for the bravery of Colonel Napier, our loss would have been very severe; but he, with the small party round him, attacked the Basuto, thus giving many of our men a chance to escape. One small body of Lancers mistook an almost precipitous ravine for the bridle-path, and charged down it at a gallop; those who were not killed in the descent rushing headlong into the midst of an armed force of Basuto at the bottom. To this day the spot is called "Lancers' Gap," and many Basuto tales are told of that ride to death of the brave "Ma-Soldier" of the Great White Queen, or "Mofumahali" as they call her. The Basuto fought well, and showed considerable bravery. They were nearly all armed with guns or rifles, in addition to their native weapons; but the coolness and bravery of our small force against such vast numbers alarmed them, and Mosheshue pointed out that they could not hope to overcome the strong reinforcements which would follow. After a hurried counsel the Basuto fled during the night to the most inaccessible mountains; and thus, after two days' hard fighting, ended the advance of the British troops.
Mosheshue wrote a most diplomatic letter to General Cathcart, on the advice of the French Missionary M. Casalis, saying he had seen the power of the English; he had been corrected; he now desired peace, and would never again become an enemy to the Queen. The General accepted the apology, and retired across the Caledon.
Into the advisability, or otherwise, of this step I prefer not to enter. Theal, in his "History of the Boers in South Africa," enters fully into the subject, and gives a very good account of the after effects of General Cathcart's step, as also the General's reasons for taking it.
Basutoland was taken over by the Colonial Government in 1870, the "Gun War" following in 1871, in consequence of the Colonial Government endeavouring to enforce the Disarmament Act. After the conclusion of the second "Gun War" (1880-1882), Basutoland reverted to Imperial rule. It is directly under the control of the Resident Commissioner, who lives at Maseru, and has under him seven Assistant Commissioners, one in each district, a Government Secretary at headquarters, and a dozen Sub-Inspectors in charge of the different detachments of native police, stationed in each district. Each detachment has also one or two European constables, according to the number of police and the size of the district.
The Resident Commissioner has a difficult position to fill. He is responsible to the High Commissioner on the one hand, and has to win the confidence and favour, not only of the Paramount Chief, but of the whole nation on the other, and to maintain the prestige of British supremacy without going too closely into purely native matters. The chiefs have considerable power up to a certain point, but are answerable to the Paramount Chief first, and through him to the Resident Commissioner, for the exercise of that power. They hold courts for the settlement of all native matters, save those of grave importance, which are dealt with by the Assistant Commissioners. Natives are always allowed to appeal to the Assistant Commissioner of their district against the decision of their own court or "Khotla," but no appeal is possible to even the Paramount Chief against the decision of the Government. In murder cases, and others of equally grave importance, two Assistant Commissioners must "sit in judgment." All sentences are referred to the Resident Commissioner for confirmation. All "liquor" cases are brought to the Assistant Commissioner of the district. The police patrol the country, and bring in cases for trial, and report any suspicious events. There are post offices at all the Government stations, under the supervision of the Assistant Commissioners, and most of the stations are now possessed of telegraphic communication. There is also a medical service, consisting of the Principal Medical Officer, resident at Maseru, and a Medical Officer at most of the stations, with a staff of native dispensers. Medical attendance is free to all officials and their families, and to the police; and also to the whole nation between the hours of ten to twelve daily, at the dispensary, a nominal fee of sixpence being charged by the Government to cover the cost of the medicine received.
The revenue is considerable, and is chiefly derived from the hut tax. This is a tax levied on each wife in reality, though it is nominally on the hut. It used to be 10s. for each hut, but has now been raised to £1 each. A man having two wives pays £2, though he may have three or more huts, and so on.
The expenditure consists of the salaries of all Government officials, including natives, cost of maintaining the roads, educational grants, and building and repairing of Government buildings, with various other minor expenses connected with the administration, pensions, &c. The work of education is a heavy item, there being over 100 schools. The Missionary Societies are the Paris Evangelical, the Anglican and the Roman Catholic. I have placed them in the order in which they stand. The French missionaries were the first to visit Basutoland, and are a big majority. They have done much for the Basuto, apart from religious instruction and example, for in the early days of their arrival they taught the people the use of many cereals and plants, of which, till then, they were ignorant, and also how to build, to plough, and reap, and the European methods of irrigation, as well as introducing into the country various domestic animals, such as the pig, the cat, and a dog, superior to the miserable specimens already to be found in the villages. Fowls, turkeys, ducks, and geese were also first introduced by the missionaries.
There are now several industrial schools in different parts of the country, in which the boys are taught masonry, carpentry, blacksmith's and painter's trades, besides the three "R's." Many of these boys show considerable ability, and are painstaking and neat in their work, taking a real pride in it.
At Morija, the largest mission station in Basutoland, as well as the first, it having been founded by MM. Casalis, Arbousset, and Gossellin in 1833, not only are there four missionaries employed, but quite a large number of assistant teachers and instructors of various branches of education. There is the Bible School, which trains natives for missionary work; the Normal School for teachers; a printing and publishing establishment, where Sesuto books, pamphlets, and a monthly newspaper are published, and in which all the work is done by natives, under European supervision. Then there is the Mission School, in which the children are taught. Twice Morija was nearly destroyed, in the Boer invasions in 1858, and again in 1865, but nevertheless it is now a flourishing station, nestling in a hollow at the foot of the mountains. Here also are to be found on some of the rocks the footprints of an enormous lizard, and traces of the haunts of lions and other beasts of prey.
CHAPTER V. THABA BOSIGO—CANNIBALS—THEIR MANNER OF CAPTURING AND DESTROYING THEIR VICTIMS—SUPERSTITIONS—LAND TENURE.
Near Morija rises the mountain of Basutoland, Thaba Bosigo! Surely no other spot in the country contains so much history as this small mountain, where Mosheshue first took his stand, and where he and all the principal chiefs of the past now lie buried.
Thaba Bosigo rises abruptly from the plain around it. The sides are very steep, and in many parts precipitous, especially near the top. There are narrow zig-zag paths by which the people ascend and descend, but of these there are not more than half a dozen, and when Mosheshue lived there they were all strongly fortified, so that the mountain was practically impregnable. The remains of the fortifications are still to be seen. The top of the mountain is peculiar, a great part of it being covered with waves of sand; but there is plenty of pasture and a good water supply.
Before and during the time of Mosheshue many of the Basuto were cannibals, but it is supposed they originally became so from starvation, rather than from choice. Some years ago there lived at Thlotsi an old woman, who in her girlhood had a wonderful escape from a band of cannibals. She was fat and young, a truly tempting object, and she was all alone, walking to the "lands" from her home. They seized and bound her, and carried her off to their lair. Here they amputated both little fingers, and removed her upper lip; then placing her in the pot of warm water they left her to bleed to death while they went to collect firewood; but she happening to be a particularly robust, determined damsel, removed herself during their absence, and managed to gain her home, where her wounds were attended to, and she rapidly recovered. Many years afterwards, as she was preparing the porridge for breakfast, outside her hut, two old men came up and asked for food. She looked up, recognised them as two of her former captors and—gave them breakfast. The spot where she was caught was the death trap of many a poor victim, and now it is believed to be haunted. Strange tales have been told by people who have tried to pass there at night. Shadowy forms have been seen seated in a ring, chanting weird songs, while from the centre of the ring have issued smoke, and the cries and groans of the victims. A horseman, too, has been seen to ride up in haste, though no sound of hoofs has disturbed the night; but on his approach the ghostly company has dispersed. I know of one or two other spots visited in the same way by "ghosts," which are known to have been the abodes of cannibals. In the north of Basutoland there still live two old people, a man and a woman, no connection or relationship exists between them, but each has been in youth a cannibal, and in the eyes of the Basuto they are each branded with the evidence of their crimes, for each has white spots on the skin, which are gradually increasing in size—a sure sign, according to Basuto superstition, of cannibalism, as these spots were not there in childhood, not even in middle age. Very few Basuto have been known to bear this "hall mark." It is very peculiar, generally beginning as a small round white mark, not as big as a marble, under the arm, which increases in size and is joined by others, until it is supposed to resemble a hand (a very clumsy one, certainly).
The Basuto are the people of the crocodile (Kuena), or as it is in Sesuto, "Bakuena," the crocodile being their sacred animal. They believe that one crocodile still exists in the Caledon, but I have never met any one who had seen it. Still they cling to this belief, for what would Basutoland be without its Kuena? There is no need to see it, it is there. It will not desert its people, so why should they disturb it? Are not the chiefs its especial people? and they are not influenced by idle curiosity to prove its actual existence.
At one time, no doubt, there were crocodiles in the larger rivers, as there were lions and tigers in the mountains—in fact, the country abounded with wild animals; but at the present day, save for a few elands, and buck of various sorts, there are none, unless one includes baboons and an occasional silver jackal, and rarer still, a "tiger" as it is called, which I believe is in reality a leopard.
Some sort of belief in the transmigration of souls is evidently indulged in by the Basuto, for they will tell you quite solemnly that such and such a snake is the spirit of So-and-so's grandfather, and that the spirit of another ancestor has revisited the earth in the form of a dog or baboon. They firmly believe in the efficacy of charms, or certain portions of an animal or human being to ward off the evil spirits, or to give courage or special strength, or again to endow with "second sight." The charms are worn on the body; the portions of flesh are burnt, then ground to a fine powder, mixed with some vile concoctions by the "medicine man," and drunk by those desirous of receiving the special quality desired. In the old days much wealth could be made by the medicine men out of the heart of a white man, the people believing that to drink the medicine made from it would endow them with the courage and mental abilities of "le khuoa" (the white man.)
The Basuto, like most native races in South Africa, are distinctly conservative as regards their superstitions and laws, any changes in the customs of their forefathers being looked upon with much suspicion and strong disfavour as a rule. They still cling to their belief in witchcraft, in "throwing the bones," in ghosts, in the evil water-spirits, and in the "evil eye." Their traditions are handed down from generation to generation by men who make it their business to learn, even to the most minute detail, all the folk lore, history, superstitions, and customs of their nation. They are an emotional people, easily moved to tears or laughter, more like uncontrolled children than men and women. They believe that their witch doctors can find out anything, and can call down the lightning god's wrath upon any individual, who will, unless he is able to propitiate promptly the deity, be struck by lightning ere many days have passed. These witch doctors are also rain-makers, and greatly in request in the dry seasons; but they are extremely clever, and take pains to study the signs in the heavens before committing themselves in any way. When they can be persuaded into praying for rain, they seldom fail to bring it; thus the belief in their superhuman powers is unbounded.
With regard to the land, it is all practically in the possession of the Paramount Chief; but each householder has a right to as much as he can cultivate, and each chief owns large tracts of country, subject, of course, to the approval of the Paramount Chief, who has power to give or take away as he deems desirable, though certain of the principal chiefs, notably the sons of old Molapo, are too powerful for him to interfere with, unless supported by the Government.
Pasture is free to all, but certain tracts of pasturage are marked off by each chief as winter grazing, other as summer grazing, and cattle found feeding on one or the other out of season are impounded until the owner has been caught and reprimanded or fined, according to the enormity of his offence.
There are no rates nor land taxes, neither can the land be sold; but the people give a certain amount of help to their chief in the cultivation of his land, and the Paramount Chief has power to summon the whole population to his aid, did he desire to do so.
The chief conducts all his legal affairs at the entrance of the "Khotla," or court-house, a large, empty hut situated in the centre of the village, with a big open space in front, where the people assemble to hear and to give evidence. In the doorway, on a mat or kaross, the chief sits, with his head-man beside him, while on either hand are seated his councillors. No women are ever allowed to be present. Any one can have a hearing, no matter how trivial his evidence or grievance may be, and in any serious offence the longer the list of witnesses the better every one is pleased. It is no unusual thing for a trial to last several days, and the interest is as keen at the end as at the commencement.
When a chief dies he is succeeded by the eldest son of his principal wife. Should she have no sons, then the eldest son of the second wife succeeds, unless for some exceptional reason a special son is chosen in his father's lifetime and presented to the people as their future chief. A woman rarely succeeds to the chieftainship.
Most of the European houses in Basutoland are built of brick, and are by no means substantial; but there are some very good stone buildings, and the country is certainly not lacking in suitable rock from which to build. In some instances raw brick is used and plaistered inside and out and afterwards whitewashed. Our first home at Mafeteng was a little whitewashed thatched cottage, with mud floors and calico ceiling, the calico merely being caught up and tacked here and there to a beam in the roof. In the rainy season the water used to pour in at the back door (the house was built on the slope of a hill), and if not promptly directed into a more desirable course would speedily threaten to drive us out of house and home. As a rule the houses are small, except those of the Assistant Commissioners, and of course the Residency and Government Secretary's houses at Maseru. One or two of the more wealthy traders are now beginning to build better houses and shops; but when we first entered the country, the majority of the buildings were very poor specimens of the builder's art.
At Leribe there is a funny little fort built inside the prison enclosure at the time of the "Gun War," and which stands sturdily facing all weathers to the present day, though it is the roughest of workmanship.
Every spring the grass is burnt through the length and breath of Basutoland, which makes it very rank and coarse, and what is called "sour veldt." No wonder there are few wild flowers to be seen, save in the kloofs of the mountains. There are not many ferns, but the maidenhair grows in glorious profusion. The only wild fruits to be found are a small, very inferior blackberry, the wild raspberry, and the dwarf cape gooseberry.
The Basuto ponies are supposed to be descendants of some Shetland ponies which were imported into the Eastern Province of Cape Colony about the year 1840, and were soon after lost sight of in the Stormberg Mountains, and are supposed to have wandered into Basutoland. Certainly some of them are even now small enough to be "Shelties," and are not unlike them in shape.
CHAPTER VI. MARRIAGE CUSTOMS—DEATH CUSTOMS.
When a youth wishes to marry, he does not go to his father and ask for a wife. Such a course would be most disrespectful, and altogether wanting in etiquette. The young men before marriage are not supposed to make requests, or to converse much with their elders. Their duties are chiefly those of herds; the elder boys or youths looking after the cattle, and the smaller boys guarding the sheep and calves. But to return, when a youth wishes to marry, he gets up very early one morning and takes out his father's cattle to the pasture without milking the cows, and lets the calves run with their mothers and drink all the milk. No notice of this is taken on his return, and the same course is pursued by him for thirty days. All his companions leave him severely alone, and nickname him "the silly one." On the thirtieth day his father says, "Surely my son wants to get married." This remark is repeated to the youth, and the next day the cattle return to their former habits and are milked as usual, but on the first morning of their milking the youth must do it unaided. All this milk is then poured into a pot and made into butter. The butter is boiled and poured into a new pot, and kept to anoint the prospective bridegroom's face. No questions are asked as to whom the youth wishes to marry. His wishes are very secondary considerations, and not to be weighed for a moment against those of his father. If the wife selected by his father does not happen to be the "lady of his heart," he is at liberty to choose a second wife for himself, as soon as he can pay the dowry or persuade his father to pay it for him, for when he is a married man, he is on an equality with his father, and can consult him or ask for his help.
After the episode with the cattle, the youth's father will select a girl, and go to talk over matters with her father. After they have agreed as to the number of cattle required for the dowry, about a month is allowed to elapse, at the end of which time the cattle are chosen (as a rule, thirty head are required, but occasionally fifteen or twenty, with a horse or a few sheep and goats thrown in, will suffice). The bridegroom's father prepares a small feast, the mother makes a large quantity of "leting" (mild beer), and all the friends and relations on his side regale themselves. The bridegroom then takes out the remaining cattle to pasture, while his father and male friends start off with the dowry. Some little distance before they reach the bride's home two cattle are chosen from the herd, a male and a female, to represent the bridegroom's parents; these are driven at a gallop through the village and into the kraal. This is supposed to represent the impatience of the parents to welcome their new daughter. The other cattle are driven leisurely along, the herds lustily singing the Basuto wedding song. These cattle are also shut up in the kraal on their arrival. All the relations and friends of the bride then seat themselves on one side of the entrance to the kraal, while the bridegroom's procession sit on the opposite side. For a short time dead silence prevails, until the bride's father (who hitherto has not appeared) joins the party and greets the strangers, after which every one is allowed to talk. The bull and heifer are then driven out and commented upon after the usual manner, very fulsome remarks and compliments being exchanged. No girls must be seen anywhere about, and the bride must be shut up in her father's hut, and the mother in another hut by herself.
After a few pleasantries the bride's father goes to tell his wife his opinion of the cattle. He then calls for "Juala" (strong beer), the first pot being given to the two men who drove in the bull and heifer. After they have drunk as much as they can, they say—
"We are coming to borrow a cup of water for our son."
The bride's father asks—"How many cattle have you brought?"
They reply "Thirty," or whatever the number may be.
The cattle are then counted, and every one drinks again.
The bridegroom's companions now begin to dance, and all the girls of the village must join in the dancing, with the exception of the bride and three chosen companions. This is continued till dark, all the bridegroom's procession sleeping in the bride's village for the night. The next morning the bride's father chooses the fattest ox he possesses and has it killed, thus showing the bargain is completed. Should there be no ox killed, then the bridegroom's father knows there is some hitch, either the dowry is not sufficient, or a more eligible suitor has come forward. A little tact and patience is necessary to find this out, as no direct questions may be asked. If it is merely a matter of dowry, a bargain is made, and, upon the arrival of the extra cattle, the proceedings continue. After the ox is killed, the dewlap is cut off and divided into two strips, one of which is bound round the girl's wrist, and the other sent to the bridegroom to be bound round his wrist. This signifies that they are now bound to each other. The bridegroom's father then sends for a big ox, which is killed, and the skin given to the bride's mother. All that day there is feasting and merry-making. The next day the bridegroom's procession returns home. For a period of from one to three months from this time the bridegroom continues to herd his father's cattle, and life goes on much as usual, except that the father and mother set about preparing their son's future home. When the necessary time has expired, the bride sets out for her husband's home, accompanied by two girl companions and two old women. On leaving her father's house she must not say good-bye to her parents, nor must she speak or look back until she reaches her husband. To look back or bid farewell would show regret, and be an insult to her lord. Silence is enjoined, because her first word must be her greeting to him. As a rule several of her girl friends accompany her part of the way, laughing and singing, and doing all in their power to make her either speak or look back. While they are yet some little distance from the bridegroom's village, they come to a standstill, the old women obstinately refusing to go any farther until some suitable gift is presented to them. The watchers at the village, who have seen all this byplay, and quite understand what it means, hasten to tell the bridegroom's father, who at once sends out either some wearing apparel, an ox, or young animal. As soon as the sun sets, the bride enters the village, being conducted straight to the bridegroom's house. She and her four companions must remain perfectly silent, nor must they accept any refreshment from the bridegroom's mother until his father has killed and roasted a sheep and offered a portion of it to them to eat. The girl must be kept at her mother-in-law's hut for the night, and remain perfectly silent. A number of wedding guests now assemble, and feasting and singing continue all night. In the morning the bride's friends return to their homes.
For the next month the bride is instructed in all household work by her mother-in-law, and carries all the water from the well for the use of the household. While going to fetch water she must neither turn her head nor speak, no matter who may accost her. While in the "skerm," or even in the hut, she is allowed to converse in low tones with any one who comes in, but her voice must not be raised either in anger or laughter. All this time remarks are freely made in her hearing as to her attractions or lack of such, and very outspoken are those remarks.
Meanwhile, the bridegroom endeavours by every means in his power to see and speak to his bride, but on no account must others see him near the hut, and his mother keeps watch more or less strictly, as she happens to be more or less favourably disposed towards his bride. The consequence is that the bridegroom creeps round the hut whenever he gets away from observation, and, should he be fortunate enough to find his bride alone in the "skerm," he crawls in and talks to her in low tones while she is grinding, for, upon seeing him enter in that manner, she knows he is her husband, and instantly begins grinding. Should any one be heard approaching the hut, the bridegroom will at once disappear. When the month of probation is ended, the bride is conducted to her own hut, and freed from all restrictions.
It is the custom of the wife, some few months afterwards, to take her pitcher to the well, break it, and leave the broken pieces where they will be seen, and run away to her own parents, without giving any one a hint as to her intentions. Her mother will at once make her a new pitcher. When it is ready she and her friends will set out for her own home, laden with pots of "leting," and in some cases driving an ox before them. Her return is the signal for renewed feasting and merrymaking.
Of course, now that the missionaries have introduced European marriage customs, a great many of these native rites and ceremonies are done away with, a Christian native's marriage being conducted on the same lines and subject to the same rules as a white man's, the bride even adorning herself with cheap (in quality, but not in price) white finery, with the orthodox wreath and veil, in which, poor creature, did she but know it, she looks extremely ridiculous. She is attended by bridesmaids, all decked out in bright colours, and the bridegroom and best man are resplendent in brand-new suits, white dress shirts, and upright collars, with gorgeous ties.
A Mosuto has no objection to marriage with a blood relation, provided she will prove a desirable connection, and it is the custom for the chiefs to inherit their fathers' wives as well as his other possessions. These wives, as a rule, each chief distributes amongst his councillors and favourites, but their children are always called his, thus giving him a considerable source of wealth, as the sons work for him, and the daughters bring him large dowries of cattle. Fidelity, either from the husband or wife, is a virtue rarely to be found amongst the heathen, but its absence creates no trouble as long as it is not discovered. If a man ill-uses his wife to any great extent, she can return to her father; the marriage is then annulled, and her father is entitled to retain both her and the cattle paid by the ex-husband for her at the time of the marriage.
In cases where a chief wishes to retain the services of a man, he will bestow one of his wives upon him for the length of time his services are required, but any children born of this marriage belong to the chief. This state of affairs is kept as much as possible from the knowledge of Europeans, and indeed the missionaries have done much towards the improvement of the people in this respect, as well as in other ways; but, while such vast numbers are averse to Christianity, the improvement must naturally be slow.
Such a thing as an "old maid" is almost unknown amongst the heathen Basuto, nor are widows allowed to remain as such for any length of time. Generally, a widow is married again twelve months after her husband's death, to his nearest blood relation, most frequently his brother.
The superstitions and practices with regard to illness and death are worthy of record. If any one is taken ill it is believed to be because he or she has offended the spirits of his forefathers. To propitiate them, an ox or a sheep must at once be sacrificed, the blood of which must be used to wash the sick person, while the fat from the entrails of the sacrifice must be wrapped round the patient's neck. The meat of the sacrifice is eaten by the "family doctor" and the male relations, without salt, and at one meal. If the patient recovers, it is because the sacrifice has found favour with the spirits; but if he dies, they are still angry, and further means must be taken to propitiate them.
In cases of serious illness, when it is unmistakable that death is near, the sick person is taken out of the hut, if it is at all possible to remove him, without causing him instant death, as the spirits obtain easier access to the "Skerm" than to the interior of the hut. A hole is cut in the "Skerm" to enable the spirits to enter, as they cannot do so through the doorway of mortals. The friends and relatives of the dying man (or woman) then bid him farewell and leave him to the care of the watchers, old women, blood relations of the family. These heartless creatures resort to the most cruel and barbarous acts, which it would be too revolting to describe; suffice it to say, that, ere life is quite extinct, they place their victims in the recognisedly correct posture, namely, in an upright position, with knees up to chin, and arms doubled up. They then tie him securely so that he cannot move his limbs.
In cases where death has been unexpected, the sinews have to be severed at the elbows, knees, and hips, in order to place the dead in the correct position for burial. As soon as death has occurred, a skin is thrown over the corpse, which on no account must be removed by any one. The old women then break out into a dismal wailing cry, and the watchers outside know that all is over. They immediately throw ashes on their heads and join in the weeping, placing their hands on their bowed heads, and almost prostrating themselves before the dead. All friends are then summoned, each one bringing a present of grain for the dead to sustain him on his journey. They then kill an ox as a sacrifice, which is cooked after dark; the mourners weep and gird their loins with strips of hard hide, and seat themselves in groups by the hut. Very little talking is allowed, the only permissible subject being the good deeds and noble qualities of the deceased. After dark a few of the nearest male relatives set off to dig the grave, which is a circular hole about four feet deep. The doctor is called to pray for clouds, in order that the night may become very dark.
Shortly before midnight the corpse is carried, still wrapped in the skin, and placed at the entrance to the cattle kraal, which is left open all night, as he alone must guard the cattle from straying on this, his first night in the spirit world. Just before dawn he is placed in his grave with the grain, a small piece of meat, salt and leting, and a large stone, as nearly the size of the grave as possible, is placed on his head. He is placed facing the east, to be ready to obey "Molinio's" call, and in a crouching position, so as not to be late in answering it. The grave is then filled up with earth and stones, until there is a fair-sized mound. On the top of this is placed the contents of the stomach of the cow or ox, sacrificed at sunset to the spirits who rule over life and death, after which every one must leave the grave, without one backward glance, if they do not wish to incur the severe displeasure of the spirits.
The entrance to the cattle kraal is then built up, and a new one made. The cattle are called "Melimo a' nko e metse" (the spirits with the wet noses). The graves of old men are always dug round the kraal, others are buried, either on the hill top, or in sight of the kraal, but not very near.
The mourners then return to the hut, where the meat of the sacrifice is divided between them; but before eating, they wash themselves, and the near relations of the deceased fasten a piece of fat from the entrails round their neck, thus signifying that they mourn for a parent, or husband, or child, and to propitiate the spirits, lest another of the family should die. In eating the meat great care must be taken that no bones are allowed to be thrown away, or given to the dogs, because they are a sacrifice to the old god, and dogs may neither partake of such food nor enter the "happy land." When all the meat is eaten the bones are collected and burnt, while the mourners stand round and cry, "Our God, hear us, oh! hear us, we pray, and receive this dead brother (or sister) in peace. There is a light to our grandfather's Father. May the old God pray to the new God for us."
I forgot to mention that the meat of the sacrifice must not be cut with a knife, nor have salt eaten with it. It must be torn in pieces, as to use a knife would be to make sickness sharp. The poles of the dead man's hut are then pulled out, as no one must live in it again, and it is made a ruin.
After four or five months the pieces of fat are removed from the necks of the mourners, and replaced by a black reim, or strap, which is worn until the year of mourning has expired. The nearest male relative, uncle or brother of the deceased, then arrives, and is shown all the clothing, bedding, &c., with any possessions, such as knives, weapons, saddlery, &c., which belonged to the dead man. A sheep is then killed, and the blood is sprinkled over the clothing. The whole sheep must be eaten by the uncle alone before he can return to his own house. When it is finished he breaks the mourning chains, which he takes with him. A pack ox or horse and all the personal effects of the deceased are brought to the door and taken away by the uncle, who thus removes all sickness from the family. When he reaches home, before he enters his own house, another sheep is killed and quickly eaten by him and his family, so as to drive sickness far from the house.
Should any one be so heartless as not to cry at the funeral of friend or relation, the spirits become enraged, and visit him with some terrible sickness as a punishment for his hardness of heart.