Bismarck

I again quote from my diary.

Saturday, September 3rd.—We left Donchery shortly before 1 o’clock. On the way we were overtaken by a short but severe storm, the thunder echoing along the valleys. This was followed by a heavy rain, which thoroughly drenched the Chancellor, who sat in an open carriage, as he told us in the evening at table. Happily it had no serious consequences: it depends more on diplomacy, and if the Chief were to fall ill who could replace him?

I drove with the Councillors. Count Bohlen gave us numerous details of the events of yesterday. Napoleon had left Sedan at such an early hour it must have been before or shortly after daybreak—because he felt it was unsafe to remain in the midst of the furious soldiery, who were packed into the fortress like herrings in a barrel, and who burst into paroxysms of rage, breaking their rifles and swords on hearing of the capitulation. During the first interview at Donchery the Minister had, amongst other things, told Wimpffen he must be well aware that the arrogance and quarrelsomeness of the French, and their jealousy at the success of neighbouring peoples, did not originate with the working and industrial classes, but with the journalists and the mob. These elements, however, swayed public opinion, constraining it to their will. For that reason the moral guarantees to which the general had referred would be of no value. We must have material guarantees, at present by the capitulation of the army in Sedan, and then by the cession of the great fortresses in the East. The surrender of the French troops took place on a kind of peninsula formed by a bend of the Meuse. Moltke had ridden out some distance from Vendresse to meet the King. The interview between the two Sovereigns took place in the drawing-room of the château of Bellevue. They were alone together for about ten minutes. Subsequently the King summoned the officers of his suite, ordered the capitulation to be read to him, and, with tears in his eyes, thanked them for their assistance. The Crown Prince is understood to have informed the Hessian regiments that the King had selected Cassel for the internment of the Emperor Napoleon, in recognition of their gallantry.

The Minister dined with the King at Vendresse, where we once more put up for the night, but he nevertheless took some refreshment with us afterwards. He read over to us a portion of a letter from his wife, energetically expressing in biblical terms her hope that the French would be destroyed. He then added meditatively, “Well, in 1866—seven days. This time possibly seven times seven. Yes—when did we cross the frontier? On the 4th? No, on the 10th of August. Five weeks ago. Seven times seven—it may be possible.”

I again send off a couple of articles to Germany, amongst them being one on the results of the battle of the 1st September.

We are to start for Reims to-morrow, our first halt to be at Rethel.

Rethel, September 4th, evening.—Early this morning before we left Vendresse I was called to the Chief, to receive instructions respecting reports for the newspapers of his meeting with Napoleon. Towards the close he practically dictated what I was to say.[7] Shortly afterwards, about half-past 10, the carriages arrived, and we began our journey into the champagne country. The way was at first somewhat hilly, then we came to a softly undulating plain, with numerous fruit gardens, and finally to a poor district with very few villages. We passed some large detachments of troops, at first Bavarians, and afterwards the 6th and 50th Prussian regiments. Amongst the latter Willisch saw his brother, who had been in battle, and had escaped unwounded. A little further on the carriage of Prince Charles had to be left behind at a village, as the axle had caught fire. We took Count Dönhoff, the Prince’s master of the horse, and Major von Freyberg, aide-de-camp to Prince Luitpold of Bavaria, into our conveyance. The tragedy at Bazeilles was mentioned, and the major gave an account of the circumstances, which differed considerably from that of Count Bohlen. According to him twenty peasants, including one woman, lost their lives, but they were killed in fight while opposing the soldiers, who stormed the place. A priest was afterwards shot by court-martial. The Major however does not appear to have been a witness of the occurrences which he relates, so that his account of the affair may also prove to be inaccurate. He knew nothing of the hangings mentioned by Bohlen. There are some people whose tongues are more cruel than their dispositions.

We arrived at Rethel about 5.30 P.M. The quarter-master had chosen a lodging for us in the roomy and well-furnished residence of one M. Duval, in the Rue Grand Pont. The entire field bureau of the Foreign Office was quartered in this house. After dinner I was summoned three times to receive instructions from the Chief. Amongst other things he said: “Metz and Strassburg are what we require and what we wish to take—that is the fortresses. Alsace is a professorial idea.” He evidently referred to the strong emphasis laid upon the German past of that province and the circumstance that the inhabitants still retained the use of the German language.

In the meantime the German newspapers were delivered. It was highly satisfactory to observe that the South German press also began to oppose the efforts of foreign diplomacy which desired to mediate in the negotiations for peace between ourselves and France. In this respect the Schwäbische Merkur was perfectly in accord with the Chief’s views in saying: “When the German peoples marched to the Rhine in order to defend their native land, European diplomacy said the two antagonists must be allowed to fight out their own quarrel, and that the war must be thus localised. Well, we have carried on that war alone against those who threatened all Europe, and we now also desire to localise the conclusion of peace. In Paris we shall ourselves dictate the conditions which must protect the German people from a renewal of such predaceous invasion as the war of 1870, and the diplomats of foreign Powers who looked on as spectators shall not be allowed to have anything to say in the matter. Those who took no part in the fight shall have no voice in the negotiations.” “We must breed other articles from this one,” said the Chief, and it did.

Reims, September 5th.—During the whole forenoon great masses of troops marched along a road not far from our quarters at Rethel Bridge. The procession was closed by four regiments of Prussian infantry. It was very noticeable how few officers there were. Several companies were under the command of young lieutenants or ensigns. This was the case with the 6th and 46th, one battalion of which carried a captured French eagle. Although the day was stiflingly hot, and the men were covered with the white dust of the limestone roads, they marched steadily and well. Our coachman placed a bucket of water by the way, so that they could fill their tin cans and glasses, and sometimes their helmets, as they passed.

Between 12 and 1 o’clock we started for Reims; the district through which the road runs is in great part an undulating plain with few villages.

At length we see the towers of the Cathedral of Reims rising over the glistening plains, and beyond the town the blue heights that change to green as we approach them, and show white villages along their sides. We drive at first through poor outskirts and then through better streets, and across a square with a monument, to the Rue de Cloître, where we take up our quarters, opposite the Cathedral, in a handsome house, which belongs to a M. Dauphinot. The Chief lodged on the first floor, while the office was set up on the ground floor. The streets are crowded with Prussian and Würtemberg soldiers. The King has done the Archbishop the honour of taking up his quarters in his Palace. I hear that our landlord is the Maire of Reims. Keudell understands that the territory to be retained by us at the close of the war will probably not be incorporated with any one State or divided between several, but will become the collective possession of all Germany.

In the evening the Chief dined with us, and as we are here in the centre of the champagne country we try several brands. In the course of conversation the Chief mentions that he is usually bored at the royal table. “When there are but few guests I sit near the King, and then it is tolerable. But when there are a great number present I am placed between the Bavarian Prince and the Grand Duke of Weimar, and then the conversation is inexpressibly tedious.” Some one remarked that yesterday a shot was fired out of a café, at a squadron of our hussars. The Minister said the house must be immediately destroyed, and the proprietor tried by court-martial. Stieber should be instructed to inquire into the matter.

I understand we are to remain here for ten or twelve days.

Tuesday, September 6th.—I have been working hard from 10 to 3 o’clock without interruption in preparing, amongst other things, exhaustive, and also shorter, articles respecting the conditions upon which Germany should make peace. The Chief found an article that appeared in the Volkszeitung of the 31st of August “very sensible and well worth calling attention to.” The writer argued against the annexation to Prussia of the conquered French territory; and after endeavouring to show that such a course would rather weaken than strengthen Prussia, concluded with the words: “Our aim ought to be, not the aggrandisement of Prussia, but the unification of Germany, and to put it out of the power of France to harm us.” Bamberger has established a French newspaper at Nancy, to which we are to send reports from time to time.

At dinner Count Bohlen remarked, as he counted the places, “I hope we are not thirteen.” “No.” “That’s right, as the Minister does not like that number.” Bohlen, who seems to be charged with the supervision of the fleshpots, has to-day evidently inspired the genius of our chef-de-cuisine to one of his greatest achievements. The dinner is magnificent. Amongst the guests are Von Knobelsdorff, a captain in the Guards; Count York, and one Count Brühl, a somewhat bashful young man, in the uniform of a lieutenant of dragoons. The latter brought the great news that a Republic had been proclaimed in Paris and a Provisional Government appointed, in which Gambetta, hitherto one of the orators of the Opposition, and Favre have portfolios. Rochefort, the editor of La Lanterne, is also a member of the Cabinet. It is said that they wish to continue the war against us. The position has, therefore, not improved in so far as peace is concerned; but it is also by no means worse, especially if the Republic lasts, and it becomes, later on, a question of gaining friends at foreign Courts. For the present it is all over with Napoleon and Lulu. Like Louis Philippe in 1848, the Empress has fled. We shall soon discover what the lawyers and literary men, who have now taken over the conduct of affairs, can do. Whether France will recognise their authority remains to be seen.

Our uhlans are now at Château Thierry; in two days they may reach Paris. It is now certain, however, that we shall remain another week at Reims. Count Bohlen reported to the Chief the result of his inquiries respecting the café from which our cavalry were fired at. Yielding to the entreaties of the proprietor, who is believed to be innocent, the house has not been destroyed. Moreover, the treacherous shot failed of its effect. The proprietor has been let off with a fine of two hundred or two hundred and fifty bottles of champagne, to be presented to the squadron; and this he gladly paid.

At tea somebody (I now forget who it was) referred to the exceptional position accorded to the Saxons in the North German Confederation as regards military arrangements. The Chancellor did not consider the matter of much importance. “Moreover, that arrangement was not made on my initiative,” he observed; “Savigny concluded the treaty, as I was seriously ill at the time. I am disposed to regard even less narrowly the arrangements respecting the foreign relations of the smaller States. Many people lay too much stress on this point, and apprehend danger from the retention of their diplomatic representatives besides those of the Confederation. If such States were in other respects powerful, they could, even without official representatives, exchange letters with foreign Courts and intrigue by word of mouth against our policy. That could be managed by a dentist or any other personage of that description. Moreover, the Diets will soon refuse to grant the sums required for all such luxuries.”

Thursday, September 8th.—The Chancellor gives a great dinner, the guests including the Hereditary Grand Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Herr Stephan the Chief Director of the Post Office, and the three Americans. Amongst other matters mentioned at table were the various reports as to the affair at Bazeilles. The Minister said that peasants could not be permitted to take part in the defence of a position. Not being in uniform they could not be recognised as combatants—they were able to throw away their arms unnoticed. The chances must be equal for both sides. Abeken considered that Bazeilles was hardly treated, and thought the war ought to be conducted in a more humane manner. Sheridan, to whom MacLean has translated these remarks, is of a different opinion. He considers that in war it is expedient, even from the political point of view, to treat the population with the utmost rigour also. He expressed himself roughly as follows: “The proper strategy consists in the first place in inflicting as telling blows as possible upon the enemy’s army, and then in causing the inhabitants so much suffering that they must long for peace, and force their Government to demand it. The people must be left nothing but their eyes to weep with over the war.” Somewhat heartless it seems to me, but perhaps worthy of consideration.

Friday, September 9th.—Engaged all the forenoon and until 3 o’clock in writing various articles, amongst others one on the inconceivable attachment of the Alsacians to France, their voluntary helotry, and the blindness which will not permit them to see and feel that the Gauls only regard them as a kind of second-rate Frenchmen, and in many respects treat them accordingly. News has arrived that Paris is not to be defended against us nor regarded as a fortress. This is very questionable, as, according to other reports, the French have still some regular troops at their disposal, although not many.

Saturday, September 10th.—The Chief dined with the King to-day, but also joined us at table for half an hour. Bohlen, who had visited the Imperial château at Mourmelon, near Châlons, told us how the people had wrecked the whole place, breaking the furniture, mirrors, &c. After dinner the Chancellor had a long talk alone with Boyen and Delbrück, who were amongst the guests. I was afterwards summoned to the Minister to receive instructions respecting a communiqué to the two French newspapers published here, namely the Courier de la Champagne and the Indépendant Rémois. It was to the following effect: “If the Reims press were to declare itself in favour of the proclamation of a French Republic, and recognise the new Government by publishing its decrees, it might be inferred that as the town is occupied by German troops the organs in question were acting in harmony with the views of the German Government. This is not the case. The German Government respects the liberty of the press here as at home. It has however up to the present recognised no Government in France except that of the Emperor Napoleon. Therefore until further notice it can only recognise the Imperial Government as authorised to enter upon international negotiations.”

I give the following from my diary merely to show the genuine kindness and simple good-heartedness of our Chief. After giving me my instructions he remarked that I had not been looking well; and when I told him I had been rather unwell for the last few days, he inquired minutely into the details, and asked me whether I had consulted any doctor. I said I had not much faith in physicians.

“Well,” he replied, “they certainly are not of much use as a rule, and often only make us worse. But this is no laughing matter. Send to Lauer—he is really a good man. I cannot tell you how much my health owes to him during this campaign. Go to bed for a couple of days and you will be all right again. Otherwise you will have a relapse and may not be able to stir for three weeks. I often suffer in the same way, and then I take thirty to thirty-five drops from that little bottle on the chimney-piece. Take it with you, but bring it back again. And when I send for you tell me if you are not able to come and I will go to you. You can perhaps write in bed.”

Sunday, September 11th.—The Chief’s bottle has had an excellent effect. I was again able to rise early and work with ease. The contents of the communiqué were forwarded to the newspaper at Nancy as well as to the German press. It was pointed out, in correction of the remarks of the Kieler Zeitung and the Berlin Volkszeitung, that Prussia did not conclude the Peace of Prague with France, but with Austria, and that, consequently, the French have as little to do with paragraph 5 as with any other paragraph of that treaty.

In the course of the day one M. Werle called upon the Chief. He was a tall, haggard man, with the red ribbon in his button-hole which appears to be indispensable to every well-dressed Frenchman. He is understood to be a member of the Legislative Chamber, and a partner in the firm of Veuve Clicquot. He wished to speak to the Chief as to measures for mitigating the distress which prevailed in the town, and for providing against popular riots. It was feared that the working classes here, being in a state of ferment, would declare in favour of a Red Republic. As Reims was an industrial centre, with ten or twelve thousand ouvriers within its walls, there might be general ground for apprehension on the withdrawal of our troops. That also was a thing one could have hardly dreamed of a month ago—German soldiers protecting the French from Communism!

After dinner I was summoned several times to the Chief to receive instructions. In Belgium and Luxemburg our wounded were received in an unfriendly manner, and it is suspected, probably not without reason, that ultramontane influence is at the bottom of this conduct. Favre, “who does not exist for us,” as the Chief declared to-day, has asked, indirectly through London, whether we are disposed to grant an armistice and to enter into negotiations. Favre seems to consider this question as very pressing. The Chancellor, however, does not.

When Bölsing brought in the despatch from Bernstorff, stating that Lord Granville requested an early reply from the Chancellor of the Confederation to Favre’s inquiry, the Minister simply remarked, “There is no hurry to answer this rubbish.”

After 10 P.M. the Chief joined us at tea.

The conversation ultimately turned on the politics of recent years. The Chancellor said: “What I am proudest of, however, is our success in the Schleswig-Holstein affair, in which the diplomatic intrigues would furnish matter for a play. In the first place, Austria could not well have sided with the Augustenburger in presence of her previous attitude as recorded in the proceedings of the Germanic Diet, for which she was bound to show some regard. Then she wanted to find some tolerable way out of the embarrassment in which she had involved herself with the Congress of Princes at Frankfurt. Immediately after the death of the King of Denmark I explained what I wanted in a long speech at a sitting of the Council of State. The official who drew up the minutes of the sitting omitted the most important part of my speech; he must have thought that I had lunched too well, and would be glad if he left it out. But I took care that it was again inserted. It was difficult, however, to carry my idea into execution. Everything was against it—Austria, the English, the small States—both Liberal and anti-Liberal, the Opposition in the Diet, influential personages at Court, and the majority of the Press.

“Yes, at that time there was some hard fighting, the hardest being with the Court, and it demanded stronger nerves than mine. It was about the same at Baden-Baden before the Congress at Frankfurt, when the King of Saxony was in Baden, and wanted our King to go to that Assembly. It was literally in the sweat of my brow that I prevented him from doing so.” I asked the Chief, after some further remarks, if the King had really wished to join the other Princes. “He certainly did,” replied the Minister, “and I only succeeded with the utmost difficulty in preventing him, literally hanging on to his coat-tails.” The Chief then continued to the following effect: “His Majesty said he could not well do otherwise when a King had come to him as a courier to bring the invitation. All the women were in favour of his going, the Dowager Queen, the reigning Queen, and the Grand Duchess of Baden. I declared to the Dowager that I would not remain Minister nor return to Berlin if the King allowed himself to be persuaded. She said she was very sorry, but if I seriously meant that, she must surrender her own view and use her influence with the King in the other direction, although it was greatly opposed to her own convictions. The affair was, however, still made quite disagreeable enough for me. After the King of Saxony and Beust had been with him, his Majesty lay on the sofa and had an attack of hysterical weeping; and when at length I had succeeded in wringing from him the letter of refusal, I was myself so weak and exhausted that I could scarcely stand. Indeed, I actually reeled as I left the room, and was so nervous and unhinged that in closing the outer door I tore off the handle. The aide-de-camp asked me if I was unwell. I said, ‘No, I am all right again now.’ I told Beust, however, that I would have the regiment stationed at Rastatt brought over to guard the house, and to prevent anybody else having access to the King in order to put fresh pressure upon him.” Keudell also mentioned that the Minister had intended to get Beust arrested. It was getting late when the Chief had finished his narrative of those events, so he retired, saying: “Yes, gentlemen, a delicate nervous system has to endure a good deal. I shall therefore be off to bed. Good night.”

Monday, September 12th.—Engaged writing various paragraphs till noon.

According to some of the German papers the Chief had declared that in the battle of Sedan, Prussia’s allies fought best. What he said, however, was only that they co-operated in the best possible way. “The Belgians,” said the Minister, “display such hatred towards us and such warm attachment for the French, that perhaps after all something might be done to satisfy them. It might at any rate be well to suggest that arrangements even with the present French Government are not entirely out of the question, which would gratify Belgian yearnings towards France. Call attention,” added the Chief, “to the fact that the present animosity in Belgium is due chiefly to ultramontane agitation.”

The Bavarian Count Luxburg, who is staying with Kühlwetter, has distinguished himself by his talent and zeal. In future he is to take part in the consideration of all important questions.

A report has been received to the effect that America has offered her services as a mediator between ourselves and the new French Republic. This mediation will not be declined, and as a matter of fact would be preferred to that of any other State. It may be assumed that the authorities at Washington are not disposed to interfere with our necessary military operations, which would however probably be the consequence of such mediation. The Chief appears to have been for a considerable time past well disposed towards the Americans, and not long ago it was understood that he hoped to secure permission to fit out ships in the American harbours against the French navy. Doubtless there is no longer any probability of this being done.

To conclude from a communication which he has forwarded to Carlsruhe, the Minister regards the general situation as follows:—“Peace seems to be still very remote, as the Government in Paris does not promise to be permanent. When the proper moment for negotiations has arrived, the King will summon his allies to consider our demands. Our principal object is and remains to secure the South-Western German frontier against the danger of a French invasion, to which it has now been subjected for centuries. A neutral buffer State like Belgium or Switzerland would not serve our purpose, as it would unquestionably join France in case of a fresh outbreak of war. Metz and Strassburg, with an adequate portion of surrounding territory, must belong to all Germany, to serve as a protective barrier against the French. The partition of this territory between single States is inexpedient. The fact that this war has been waged in common cannot fail to have exercised a healthy influence in other respects on the cause of German unity; but nevertheless Prussia will, as a matter of course, after the war as before it, respect the views of the South, and avoid even the suspicion of any kind of pressure. In this matter a great deal will depend upon the personal disposition and determination of the King of Bavaria.”

Before dinner to-day Prince Luitpold of Bavaria had a long interview with the Chief. In the evening at tea the Minister, referring to this interview, said: “The Prince is certainly a good fellow, but I rather doubt whether he understood the historical and political statements which I made to him to-day.”

I have reason to believe that this interview was the beginning of negotiations (which were several times interrupted) between the Chancellor of the Confederation and the Emperors of Austria and Russia, which gradually led to an understanding and finally resulted in the so-called Drei Kaiser Bündniss, or Three Emperors’ Alliance. The object of these “historical and political statements” was to induce Prince Luitpold to write a letter to his brother-in-law, the Archduke Albrecht, submitting certain views to the personal consideration of the Emperor Francis Joseph. This was one of the few ways in which it appeared possible for those considerations to reach the Emperor’s own ear in an ungarbled form. They were as follows: The turn which events have taken in Paris renders it possible to regard the present war between Germany and France as a defence of monarchical conservative principles against the republican and socialistic tenets adopted by the present holders of power in France. The proclamation of the Republic in Paris has been welcomed with warm approval in Spain, and it is to be expected that it will obtain a like reception in Italy. In that circumstance lies the great danger for those European States that are governed on a monarchical system. The best security for the cause of order and civilisation against this solidarity of the revolutionary and republican elements would be a closer union of those countries which, like Germany, Russia, and Austria, still afford a firm support to the monarchical principle. Austria, however, can only be included in such an understanding when it is recognised in that country that the attempts hitherto made in the Cisleithan half of the monarchy to introduce a liberal system are based on a mistaken policy, as are also the national experiments in a Polish direction. The appointment of Klaczko, a Polish literary man, to a position in which he is in close relations with Beust, the Chancellor of the Empire, whose policy and tendency are well known, together with the latest declarations of Klaczko, must be regarded as indications of Beust’s own views and intentions. This co-operation with the Polish revolutionists, together with the hostility to Russia which is manifested thereby, is for the Chancellor of the German Confederation a serious hindrance to good relations with Austria, and must at the same time be regarded as an indication of hostility to ourselves. In connection with the above the position of the Cisleithan half of the dual State must be taken into consideration, and the difficulties which it presents cannot be overcome except by a conservative régime. It is only through the frank adoption of relations of mutual confidence towards united Germany and Russia that Austria can find the support which she requires against revolutionary and centrifugal forces, a support which she has lost through the disastrous policy of Count Beust.

Prince Luitpold’s letter giving expression to these views failed to produce the desired result. It is true the Archduke Albrecht submitted it to the Emperor, but he showed it at the same time to Beust. His answer, which was inspired by Beust, was in the main to the effect that Austria, so long as no special political advantages were offered by us, did not feel any need of support. If Prussia, as it would appear, regarded a rapprochement with Austria as desirable or requisite, nothing had been heard so far as to what she had to offer in return to the dual monarchy, whose interests were complex. The Emperor would gladly consider any suggestions that reached him in a direct way.

The Tsar Alexander was informed of the attempt made in Vienna through the Bavarian Prince, his attention being at the same time called to the notorious understanding which existed between the present Government in Paris and the revolutionary propagandists throughout Europe. The desirability of a close co-operation of the Eastern Powers against this movement was urged upon him on the one hand, while on the other the necessity was pointed out for Germany to avoid, when concluding peace, anything which might look like disregard for the real requirements of the country in the matter of frontier protection and security, and thus give the German revolutionary party an opportunity of poisoning the public mind. The Tsar declared himself in perfect agreement with these views, and expressed a strong desire for the realisation of the proposed union of the monarchical elements against the revolutionary movement.

Subsequently, after the insurrection of the Communists in Paris, the progress of the International, upon which considerable stress was also laid in the Press, was used as a further argument for the combination of the conservative Powers against the republican and socialistic propaganda. This time the representations in question met with more success in Vienna.

Tuesday, September 13th.—In the course of the forenoon I was called in to the Chancellor six times, and wrote as many paragraphs for the press. Amongst them were two for the local French papers, which also received some information from us yesterday. Arrangements were made to secure the insertion of the portrait and biography of General von Blumenthal in the illustrated papers with which we entertain friendly relations, a distinction which he has well deserved. “So far as one can see,” said the Chief, “the papers make no mention of him, although he is chief of the staff to the Crown Prince, and, next after Moltke, deserves most credit for the conduct of the war.

“I should like a grant to be made to him. He won the battles of Weissenburg and Wörth, and afterwards those of Beaumont and Sedan, as the Crown Prince was not always interfering with his plans, as Prince Frederick Charles did in 1866. The latter fancied that he understood a great deal about these matters.”

In the evening the Count sent for me once more. It was merely to show me a telegram, which he handed to me with a smile. It was a message from the Grand Duke of Weimar to the Grand Duchess, couched in the style of the King’s despatches to the Queen, in which the Duke reported, “My army has fought very bravely.” Greatness, like murder, will out. But still there are cases in which imitation had better be avoided.

On the 14th of September, shortly before 10 o’clock, we started for Château Thierry, and reached Meaux on the next day.

Before dinner we heard that a parlementaire has arrived from Paris, a slight dark-haired young gentleman, who is now standing in the courtyard before the Chief’s house. From his language he would appear to be an Englishman. In the evening he has a long conversation with the Chief over a bottle of kirschwasser, and turns out to be Mr. Edward Malet, an attaché of the British Embassy in Paris. As I had to pass through the antechamber I noticed the attendant, Engel, with his ear to the keyhole, curious to know what they were talking about. He had brought a letter from Lord Lyons asking whether the Count would enter into negotiations with Favre as to the conditions of an armistice. The Chancellor is understood to have replied: “As to conditions of peace, yes; but not for an armistice.”[8]

I see from the letters of some Berlin friends that many well-meaning and patriotic persons cannot bring themselves to accept the idea that the conquered territory is not to be annexed to Prussia. According to a communication from Heinrich von Treitschke, of Freiburg, it is feared that Alsace and Lorraine may be handed over to Bavaria, and that a new dual system may thus arise. In a letter to the Chief he says: “It is obvious that Prussia alone is capable of once more Germanising the Teutonic provinces of France.” He refers to a “circumstance to which too little attention is paid in the North—namely, that all sensible men in South Germany desire to see Alsace handed over to Prussia;” and declares that “it is a great mistake if it is thought in the North that the South must be rewarded by an increase of territory and population.” I cannot imagine where Treitschke can have heard such erroneous views. So far as I am aware they are held by none of our people. I fancy it is thought here that the South will be sufficiently rewarded in being at length secured against French lust of conquest. Other ideas of the writer can only be regarded as sound in certain circumstances. Our Chief’s plan, to which I have previously referred, is unquestionably more just and better adapted to the existing situation—namely, to make those provinces the common property of all Germany. By taking that course the conquered territory would not become an object of envy and a cause of dissatisfaction to Prussia’s allies; but, on the contrary, would serve as a bond of union between North and South.

I hear from Willisch that certain apprehensions are entertained in Berlin, which are understood to originate in the entourage of the Queen. Owing to the anxiety occasioned by the blowing-up of the citadel at Laon, objections are raised to the King entering Paris, where, it is apprehended, something might happen to him. Wrangel has telegraphed in this sense to the King, and it is stated that as a matter of fact his Majesty is now no longer inclined to go to Paris, and is disposed to await the further development of affairs at Rothschild’s place in Ferrières, which lies about half-way between Meaux and Paris.

Prince Hohenlohe dines at our table, where the Chief also joins us after returning from dinner with the King. We learn that Reims will be the administrative centre of the French provinces occupied by our troops, with the exception of Alsace and Lorraine. The Grand Duke of Mecklenburg is Governor-General, and will be at the head of the administration, and Hohenlohe will take a position under him.

The Chief remarked to his cousin, who complained of not feeling well: “At your age” (Bohlen is now thirty-eight) “I was still as sound as a bell, and could take all sorts of liberties with myself. It was at St. Petersburg that my health first sprang a leak.”

Somebody turned the conversation on Paris and the subject of the French and the Alsacians. The Chief gave his views on this matter very fully, addressing his remarks to me at the close, which I took to be a permission, or a hint, that I should either get his words or their purport into the newspapers. The Alsacians and the Germans of Lorraine, he declared, supply France with numbers of capable men, especially for the army, but they are not held of much account by the French, and seldom attain to high positions in the service of the State, while they are laughed at by the Parisians, who make caricatures and stories out of them, just as the Irish are laughed at in London. “Other French provincials are treated in the same way,” added the Minister, “if not quite so badly. To a certain extent, France is divided into two nations, the Parisians and the Provincials, and the latter are the voluntary helots of the former. The object to be aimed at now is the emancipation, the liberation of France from Parisian rule. When a provincial feels that he is capable of making a future for himself he comes to Paris, and is there adopted into, and becomes one of, the ruling caste. It is a question whether we should not oblige them to take back the Emperor as a punishment. That is still possible, as the peasants do not wish to be tyrannised from Paris. France is a nation of ciphers—a mere herd. The French are wealthy and elegant, but they have no individuality, no consciousness as individuals, but only as a mass. They are like thirty million obedient Kaffirs, each one of whom is in himself featureless and worthless, not fit to be compared with Russians and Italians, to say nothing of ourselves. It was an easy task to recruit out of this impersonal, invertebrate mass a phalanx ready to oppress the remainder of the country so long as it was not united.”

After dinner wrote several paragraphs in accordance with the Chief’s instructions and explanations. The subjects were: The German friends of the Republic—men like Jacoby, the Socialistic Democrats, and others holding similar views—will not hear of the annexation of French territory, being in the first place Republicans, and only in a secondary sense, to a certain extent, German. The security afforded to Germany by the seizure of Strassburg and Metz is detestable to them, as it is a bulwark against the Republic which they want to see established, weakening their propaganda, and injuring their prospects on our side of the Rhine. They place their party higher than their country. They welcomed the opposition to Napoleon, because he was an opponent of their doctrines, but since he has been replaced by the Republic they have become Frenchmen in sentiment and disposition. Russia has expressed a desire for a revision of the treaty entered into as the result of her defeat in the Crimean war. The alterations proposed in certain points of that instrument must be regarded as just. The Peace of Paris includes conditions respecting the Black Sea which are unfair, in view of the fact that a great part of the coast belongs to Russia. This must, however, be cautiously expressed.

The conjecture that the Crown Prince is of opinion that the Bavarians and Suabians, if they are not disposed willingly to form part of united Germany, must be compelled to do so, is correct. He is inclined to act on the maxim, Der Bien muss. I hear that at Donchery, or near that town, he had a long conversation on the subject with the Chancellor, who declared himself strongly against this idea.

Saturday, September 17th.—I did a good deal of work this morning and afternoon from instructions received yesterday. Amongst other things, I embodied in an article the following ideas, which are very characteristic of the Chancellor’s manner of thinking:

“The morning edition of the National Zeitung of September 11th contains a paragraph entitled ‘From Wilhelmshöhe,’ in which the writer, after lamenting the considerate treatment of the Prisoner of Sedan, falls into further errors. Nemesis should have shown no indulgence towards the man of December 2nd, the author of the laws of public safety, the prime mover in the Mexican tragedy, and the instigator of the present terrible war. The victor has been ‘far too chivalrous.’ That is the way in which the matter is regarded by ‘public opinion,’ as endorsed apparently by the writer. We do not in any way share those views. Public opinion is only too much disposed to treat political relations and events from the standpoint of private morals, and, amongst other things, to demand that in international conflicts the victor, guided by the moral code, should sit in judgment upon the vanquished, and impose penalties not only for the transgressions of the latter towards himself, but also, if possible, towards others. Such a demand is entirely unjustifiable. To advance it shows an utter misapprehension of the nature of political affairs, with which the conceptions of punishment, reward, and revenge have nothing in common. To accede to it would be to pervert the whole character of politics. Politics must leave to Divine Providence and to the God of Battles the punishment of princes and peoples for breaches of the moral law. The statesman has neither the authority nor the obligation to assume the office of judge. In all circumstances the sole question he has to consider is what, under the conditions given, is to the advantage of the country, and how that advantage is to be best secured. The kindlier affections have as little place in the calculations of politics as they have in those of trade. It is not the business of politics to seek vengeance for what has been done, but to take precautions that it shall not be done again. Applying these principles to our case, and to our conduct towards the vanquished and imprisoned Emperor of the French, we take the liberty to ask by what right are we to punish him for the 2nd of December, the law of public safety, and the occurrences in Mexico, however much we may disapprove of those acts? Political principles do not even permit us to think of taking revenge for the present war, of which he was the author. Were we to entertain such an idea, then it is not alone on Napoleon but almost on every single Frenchman that we should wreak the Blücher-like vengeance mentioned by the National Zeitung; for the whole of France, with her thirty-five million inhabitants, showed just as much approval of, and enthusiasm for, this war as for the Mexican expedition. Germany has simply to ask herself the further question, Which is more advantageous in the present circumstances, to treat Napoleon well or ill? And that, we believe, is not difficult to answer. Upon the same principles we also acted in 1866. If certain of the measures taken in that year and certain provisions in the Treaty of Prague could be regarded as acts of revenge for former affronts, and punishment for the offences that led to the war in question, the parties affected by those measures and conditions were not exactly those who had deserved the severest punishment or had done most to excite a desire for vengeance. Herr von Beust’s Saxony suffered no reduction of territory in consequence of that crisis, and Austria just as little.” This last sentence, which appeared literally as it now stands in the Chief’s instructions, was afterwards struck out by him. He remarked with a smile, “It is better not to mention names.”

Sunday, September 18th.—Early in the day wrote paragraphs for Berlin, Hagenau, and Reims, dealing, inter alia, with Favre’s declaration that “La République c’est la paix.” It was in the main to the following effect. During the last forty years France has always declared herself in favour of peace in every form, and has invariably acted in an entirely contrary spirit. Twenty years ago the Empire declared peace to be its ideal, and now the Republic does the same. In 1829 Legitimacy made a similar declaration, and at the same time a Franco-Russian alliance was concluded with the object of attacking Germany; and the execution of that plan was only prevented by the Revolution of 1830. It is also known that the “peaceful” administration of the “Citizen King” desired to seize the Rhine in 1840; and it will be remembered that under the Empire France has conducted more wars than under any other form of government. These facts show what we have to expect from M. Favre’s assurances respecting his Republic. Germany has one answer to all these representations, namely, “La France c’est la guerre!” and will act in accordance with that conviction in demanding the cession of Metz and Strassburg.

The Minister joined as at lunch to-day, at which two dragoon guardsmen were also present. Both wore the Iron Cross. One of them, Lieutenant Philip von Bismarck, was the Chancellor’s nephew, an official of the Supreme Court of Judicature in times of peace. The Chief asked him whether the Prince of Hohenzollern, who was attached to the lieutenant’s regiment, was “also a soldier, or merely a Prince?” The answer was favourable. The Minister replied: “I am glad of that. The fact of his having announced his election as King of Spain to his superior officer, in accordance with the regulations, impressed me in his favour.”

The conversation turned upon the cost of maintaining Napoleon at Wilhelmshöhe, which is stated to be something enormous. On this the Chief remarked: “It is at the Queen’s instance that Napoleon has been allowed to maintain a Court at the King’s expense. His Majesty had only proposed to give him one domestic who was to keep watch over him. But he himself observed to me that women are always addicted to extravagance.”

Mention was made of General Ducrot, who was taken prisoner at Sedan, and who, being allowed greater liberty on pledging his word not to escape, disgraced himself by absconding on the way to Germany. The Chief remarked: “When one catches scoundrels of that kind who have broken their word (of course, I don’t blame those who get away without it) they ought to be strung up in their red breeches with the word Parjure written on one leg, and Infâme on the other. In the meantime that must be put in its proper light in the press. The fellow must be shown up.” The barbarous manner in which the French were conducting the war having been again referred to, the Minister said: “If you peel the white hide off that sort of Gaul you will find a Turco under it.”

Added later.—Von Suckow, the Würtemberg Minister of war, has been a considerable time with the Chief to-day, and it is understood that the German cause is making excellent progress amongst the Suabians. Things appear to be going less well in Bavaria, where the Minister, Bray, seems to be as hostile to the national cause as he well can be in the present circumstances.

Monday, September 19th.—It is said to be certain that Favre will arrive here to-day at noon for the purpose of negotiating with the Chief. He will have fine weather for his business. About 10 o’clock Count Bismarck-Bohlen comes from the Chief. We are to start immediately for the Château of Ferrières, four or five hours’ journey from here. So we pack up in all haste.