Bismarck

Monday, November 28th.—Prince Pless and Count Maltzahn dined with us. At first the Minister spoke about Hume, the American spiritualist, a doubtful character, who had been at Versailles, and who was to be arrested if he showed himself here again. The Chief then said: “The fellow managed to sneak into the Crown Prince’s. But that is explained by the fact that whoever can speak even broken English is welcome there. The next thing will be for them to appoint Colonel Walker my successor as Chancellor of the Confederation.”[14] Bohlen exclaimed, “I suppose you know that Garibaldi has been thrashed.” Some one observed that if he were taken prisoner he ought to be shot for having meddled in the war without authority. “They ought to be first put into a cage like beasts in a menagerie,” said Bohlen. “No,” said the Minister; “I have another idea. They should be taken to Berlin, and marched through the town with these words on a placard suspended round their necks, ‘Italians, House of Correction, Ingratitude,’ and be then marched through the town.” “And afterwards to Spandau,” suggested Bohlen. The Chief added, “Or one might inscribe merely the words, ‘Italians, Venice, Spandau.’”

The Bavarian question and the situation at Munich was then discussed. The Chief said: “The King is undecided. It is obvious that he would rather not. He accordingly pretends to be ill, has toothache, keeps to his bed, where the Ministers cannot reach him. Or he retires to a distant hunting-box in the mountains to which there is no telegraph line, nor even a proper road.”

Some one having remarked that in the present circumstances he is, after all, the best Bavarian ruler for our purposes, the Chief said: “Yes; if he were to die he would be succeeded by little Otto, whom we have had here. A poor creature, with very little intelligence. He would be entirely in the hands of the Austrians and Ultramontanes. He has ruined himself; that is, if he was ever worth anything.”

General Reille’s name again brought up the question of Napoleon’s surrender. “The King thought,” said the Chancellor, “on reading Napoleon’s letter, that it meant more for us than it did. ‘He must at least surrender Metz to us,’ said the King to me. I replied, ‘I do not know, your Majesty; we are not aware what power he still has over the troops.’ The Emperor should not have needlessly surrendered himself as a prisoner, but have made peace with us. His generals would have followed him.” The Minister then again related the incident of the letter Weimar wished to write to the Emperor Alexander; and it appeared that the day before yesterday the Chief had, in a moment of irritation, represented the expressions which he had used in speaking to the Grand Duke as stronger than they actually were. According to the present account, Weimar said, in conclusion, that his only object was a patriotic one. He (the Minister) replied he quite believed that, but it would not make the letter any more useful. The letter has probably not been sent off.

The question of the bombardment then came up, and, in connection therewith, the intrigues which are now being carried on by Bishop Dupanloup, and the part he played in the opposition at the Vatican Council. “Women and freemasons,” said the Chief, “are chiefly responsible if our operations against Paris are not conducted as energetically as they should be. Dupanloup has influenced Augusta.... He also wrote me a pile of letters, and took me in to such an extent that I sent them to Twickenham.” (The Chancellor must have meant Chislehurst). “He must be packed off when our people get to Orleans, so that Von der Tann may not be swindled by him.”... “That reminds me,” continued the Chief, “that the Pope has written a very nice letter to the French Bishops, or to several of them, saying that they should not enter into any understanding with the Garibaldians.”

Somebody having expressed anxiety about some matter which I was unable to catch, the Chief observed: “A more important question for me—indeed, the most important—is what will be done at Villa Coublay; that is the main point. The Crown Prince said recently, when I mentioned the matter to him, ‘I am ready to give up the command for that purpose.’ I felt like replying, ‘And I am prepared to assume it.’ Give me the post of Commander-in-Chief for twenty-four hours, and I will take it upon myself. I would then give one command only: ‘Commence the bombardment.’”

Villa Coublay is a place not far from Versailles, where the siege park has been collected and still remains, instead of being placed in position. Bucher tells me that the Chancellor has appealed directly to the King to hasten the bombardment. The Chief continued: “The assertion of the generals that they have not enough ammunition is untrue. They do not want to begin because the Heir Apparent does not wish it. He does not wish it because his wife and his mother-in-law are against it.

“They have brought together three hundred cannon and fifty or sixty mortars, and five hundred rounds of ammunition for each gun. That is certainly enough. I have been speaking to artillerymen, who said that they had not used half as much ammunition at Strassburg as they have collected here; and Strassburg was a Gibraltar compared to Paris. It would be easy to fire the barracks on Mont Valérien, and if the forts of Issy and Vanvres were properly shelled so that the garrisons should be compelled to bolt, the enceinte (of course we know it) would be of little importance. The ditch is not broader than the length of this room. I am convinced that if we poured shells into the city itself for five or six days, and they found out that our guns reached farther than theirs—that is to say, 9,000 yards—Paris would give in. True enough the wealthier quarters are on this side of the city, and it is a matter of indifference to the people at Belleville whether we blow them to pieces or not; indeed, they are pleased when we destroy the houses of the richer classes. As a matter of fact, we ought to have attacked Paris from another direction; or still better, left it altogether alone, and continued our forward march. Now, however, that we have begun, we must set about the affair in earnest. Starving them out may last a long time, perhaps till the spring. At any rate, they have flour enough up to January.... If we had begun the bombardment at the right time, there would have been no question of the Loire army. After the engagement at Orleans, where Von der Tann was obliged to retire, the military authorities (not I) regarded our position in Versailles as critical. Had we begun the bombardment four weeks ago, we should now in all probability be in Paris, and that is the main point. As it is, however, the Parisians imagine that we are forbidden to fire by London, St. Petersburg, and Vienna; while, on the other hand, the neutral Powers believe that we are not able to do so. The true reason, however, will be known at a future time. One of its consequences will be to lead to a restriction of personal rule.”

In the evening I telegraphed to London that the Reichstag had voted another hundred million thalers for the continuation of the war with France, eight social democrats alone opposing the grant. Also that Manteuffel has occupied Amiens. Several paragraphs were afterwards written for the Norddeutsche, including one (on the directions of the Chief) in which the moderate demands of the Chancellor in the negotiations with Bavaria were defended as being not only right and fair, but also wise and prudent. I said that the object was not so much to secure this or that desirable concession from the authorities at Munich as to make the South German States feel satisfied in forming part of the new organisation of united Germany. Any pressure or coercion for the purpose of obtaining further concessions would, in view of the circumstance that they had fulfilled their patriotic duty, be an act of ingratitude; while, in addition, it would have been, above all things, impolitic to show ourselves more exacting in our demands upon our allies. The discontent which would have resulted from such an exercise of force would have far outweighed half a dozen more favourable clauses in the Treaty. That discontent would soon have shown the neutral Powers, such as Austria, where to insert the thin edge of the wedge in order to loosen and ultimately destroy the unity which had been achieved.

At dinner I suggested to Bucher that it might be well to ask the Chief’s leave to hint in the press at the real cause of the postponement of the bombardment. He agreed with me that it would, and added: “I myself have already vehemently attacked Augusta in the newspapers.” On the Chancellor sending for me in the evening, I said: “May I venture to ask your Excellency a question? Would you have any objection if I made a communication, in an indirect way, to non-official organs respecting the causes of the postponement of the bombardment, in the sense in which they have repeatedly been discussed at table?” He reflected for a moment, and then said, “Do as you like.” I accordingly wrote two paragraphs—one for the Vossische Zeitung, and one for the Weser Zeitung, which I had copied out by another hand in Berlin, and forwarded to their destination.

One of these paragraphs ran as follows:—

“Versailles, November 29th. It has been asserted here for some considerable time past that the real cause of the postponement of the bombardment is not so much a scarcity of ammunition for the siege guns that were brought here weeks ago, nor the strength of the forts and ramparts of Paris; in short, that the delay is not due to military considerations, but rather to the influence of very highly placed ladies, and—can it be credited?—of freemasons. I can assure you, on very good authority, that these rumours are not unfounded. I have no reason to apprehend a denial when I add that the interference of one of these ladies has been prompted by a well-known French prelate, who took a prominent part in the opposition at the Vatican Council. For the moment we would only ask a few questions: Is it true humanity to let masses of gallant soldiers fall a prey to the hardships of the investment by postponing an artillery attack merely in order to save a hostile city from damage? Is it good policy to let the impression produced by Sedan upon the neutral Powers be frittered away by such a postponement? Is that true freemasonry which troubles itself with political questions? It was thought hitherto that politics were not permitted to enter into the German lodges.”

Tuesday, November 29th.—In the afternoon I sent off another article on the Treaty with Bavaria, which is to be reproduced and circulated in Berlin. It is becoming more and more difficult to satisfy the people there.

Lieutenant-General von Hartrott joined us at dinner. The distribution of the Iron Cross having been mentioned, the Chief observed: “The army doctors should receive the black and white ribbon. They are under fire, and it requires much more courage and determination to quietly allow one’s self to be shot at than to rush forward to the attack.... Blumenthal said to me that properly speaking he could do nothing to deserve the Cross, as he was bound in duty to keep out of danger of being shot. For that reason when in battle he always sought a position from which he could see well but could not be easily hit. And he was perfectly right. A general who exposes himself unnecessarily ought to be put under arrest.”

The Chancellor then remarked suddenly: “The King told me an untruth to-day. I asked him if the bombardment was not to commence, and he replied that he had ordered it. But I knew immediately that that was not true. I know him. He cannot lie, or at least not in such a way that it cannot be detected. He at once changes colour, and it was particularly noticeable when he replied to my question to-day. When I looked at him straight into his eyes he could not stand it.” The conversation then turned upon the conduct of the war. The Minister said: “Humility alone leads to victory; pride and self-conceit to an opposite result.”

The Chancellor, speaking of his friend Dietze, talked of his natural inborn heartiness—politesse du cœur. Abeken asked if that term was originally French, as Goethe uses it—Höflichkeit des Herzens? “It must come from the German, I fancy.” “It certainly does,” replied the Chief. “It is only to be found amongst the Germans. I should call it the politeness of good will—good nature in the best sense of the word, the politeness of helpful benevolent feeling. You find that amongst our common soldiers, although, of course, it is sometimes expressed rather crudely. The French have not got it. They only know the politeness of hatred and envy. It would be easier to find something of the kind amongst the English,” he added; and then went on to praise Odo Russell, whose pleasant, natural manner he greatly appreciated. “At first one thing aroused a little suspicion against him in my mind. I have always heard and found that Englishmen who know French well are not worth much, and he speaks quite excellent French. But he can also express himself very well in German.”

At dessert the Minister said: “I recognise that I eat too much, or, more correctly, too much at a time. It is a pity that I cannot get rid of the absurd practice of only eating once a day. Formerly it was still worse. In the morning I drank my tea and ate nothing until 5 o’clock in the evening, while I smoked incessantly. That did me a great deal of harm. Now, on the advice of my doctor, I take at least two eggs in the morning and smoke little. But I should eat oftener; yet if I take anything late I cannot sleep, as I only digest while awake. This morning, however, I got up early. I was waked by the firing just at the time when I sleep best, that is between 7 and 9 o’clock, and as it seemed to be near I sent to inquire if the King was going to the scene of the engagement. Otherwise he might start suddenly and go nobody knows where, or where nothing is to be seen.”

While at tea the conversation turned once more on the now constant theme of the postponement of the bombardment, and afterwards on the Geneva Convention, which the Minister said must be denounced, as it was impossible to conduct war in that manner.

“The principal reason why the bombardment is delayed,” said the Chancellor, “is the sentimentality of the Queen of England, and the interference of Queen Augusta.... That seems to be a characteristic of the Hohenzollerns—their women folk have always a great influence upon them. It was not so with Frederick the Great, but with his successor and the late King, as well as the present Most Gracious and his future Majesty. The most curious example is that of Prince Charles, who is anything but a good husband, and yet depends upon his wife, indeed he is thoroughly afraid of her and is guided by her wishes.... But it is somewhat different with these two (the King and the Crown Prince). They want to be praised. They like to have it said in the English and French press that they are considerate and generous. They find that the Germans praise them enough as it is.”

It appears that Delbrück has not expressed himself very clearly in his telegram respecting the prospect of the agreement with Bavaria being sanctioned by the Diet. It seems as if there were not sufficient members present to form the necessary quorum, and that it would be opposed both by the Progressists and National Liberals. The Chief observed: “So far as the Progressists are concerned, their conduct is consistent. They wish to return to the state of affairs which prevailed in 1849. But the National Liberals? If they will not have now what they were striving for with all their might at the beginning of the year, in February, and what it now depends upon them to secure, then we must dissolve. The new elections will weaken the Progressist party still more, and some of the National Liberals will also lose their seats. But in that case the Treaties would not be completed. Bavaria would reconsider the matter; Beust would put his finger in the pie, and we do not know what the result would be. I cannot well go to Berlin. It is a very uncomfortable journey and takes up a lot of time, and besides I am really wanted here.”

Proceeding from this point the Minister spoke of the position of affairs in 1848. “At that period the situation was for a long time very favourable for the unification of Germany under Prussia. The smaller Sovereigns were for the most part powerless and despondent. If they could only save their money, their domains and their appropriations they were prepared to consent to everything. The Austrians were engaged with Hungary and Italy. The Tsar Nicholas would not have intervened at that time. If they had only acted in a resolute way previous to May, 1849, and come to terms with the smaller States they would doubtless have carried the South with them, particularly if the Würtemberg and Bavarian armies joined the Baden revolution, which was not impossible at that stage. Time was lost, however, through hesitation and half measures, and so the opportunity was thrown away.”

About 11 o’clock another telegram arrived from Verdy respecting this morning’s sortie which was directed against La Haye. Five hundred red breeches were made prisoners. The Chief bitterly regretted that further prisoners should be taken, and that it was not possible to shoot them down on the spot. “We have more than enough of them, while the Parisians have the advantage of getting rid of so many mouths to feed, which must now be supplied by us, and for whom we can hardly find room.”

Wednesday, November 30th.—Wrote fully to Treitschke, giving him the reasons why the demands which he and those of his way of thinking consider absolutely necessary had not been made upon the Bavarians. Arranged to have a similar communication made to Schmidt.

The Chief seems to be seriously considering the idea of asking the King to relieve him of his office. According to Bucher he is already on the point of resigning.

“The Chief,” he said, “informed me of something to-day which nobody else knows. He is seriously considering whether he will not break with the King.” I said that in that case I should also take my leave. I did not wish to serve under any one else. Bucher: “Nor I either. I, too, would then resign.”

At dinner, at which Prince Putbus and Odo Russell were present, the Chief related that he had once tried to use his knowledge of State secrets for the purpose of speculating in stocks, but that his attempt was not successful. “I was commissioned in Berlin,” he said, “to speak to Napoleon on the question of Neuchâtel. It must have been in the spring of 1857. I was to inquire as to his attitude towards that question. Now, I knew that his answer would be favourable, and that this would mean a war with Switzerland. Accordingly, on my way through Frankfurt, where I lived at that time, I called upon Rothschild, whom I knew well, and told him I intended to sell certain stock which I held, and which showed no disposition to rise. ‘I would not do that,’ said Rothschild. ‘That stock has good prospects. You will see.’ ‘Yes,’ I said; ‘but if you knew the object of my journey you would think otherwise.’ He replied that, however that might be, he could not advise me to sell. But I knew better, sold out and departed. In Paris, Napoleon was very pleasant and amiable. It was true he could not agree, as the King wanted to let us march through Alsace-Lorraine, which would create great excitement in France, but in every other respect he entirely approved of our plans. It could only be a matter of satisfaction to him if that nest of democrats were cleared out. I was, therefore, so far successful. But I had not reckoned with my King, who had in the meantime, behind my back, made different arrangements—probably out of consideration for Austria; and so the affair was dropped. There was no war, and my stock rose steadily from that time forward, and I had reason to regret parting with them.”

Villa Coublay and the bombardment were then referred to, and the alleged impossibility of bringing up at once the necessary supply of ammunition. The Chief said: “I have already informed the august gentlemen a couple of times that we have here a whole herd of horses that must be ridden out daily merely for exercise. Why should they not be employed for once to better purpose?”

It was mentioned that the Palazzo Caffarelli in Rome had been purchased for the German Embassy, and both Russell and Abeken said it was a very fine building. The Chancellor observed: “Well, we have also handsome houses elsewhere, in Paris and in London. According to Continental ideas, however, the London house is too small. Bernstorff has so little room that he has to give up his own apartments when he has a reception or any other function of the kind. His Secretary of Embassy is better off in that respect. The Embassy in Paris is handsome and well situated. Indeed, it is probably the best Embassy in Paris, and represents a considerable money value, so that it has already occurred to me whether it might not be well to sell it and give the interest on the capital to the Ambassador as an allowance for rent. The interest on two and a half million francs would be a considerable addition to his salary, which only amounts to one hundred thousand francs. But on thinking the matter over more I found that it would not do. It is not becoming, not worthy of a great State, that its Ambassador should live in a hired house, where he would be subject to notice to quit, and on leaving would have to remove the archives in a cart. We ought, and must have, our own houses everywhere.”... “Our London house is an exceptional case. It belongs to the King, and everything depends on the way in which the Ambassador knows how to look after his own interest. It may happen that the King receives no rent—that actually does occur sometimes.”

The Chief spoke very highly of Napier, the former English Ambassador in Berlin. “He was very easy to get on with. Buchanan was also a good man, rather dry, perhaps, but absolutely trustworthy. Now we have Loftus. The position of an English Ambassador in Berlin has its own special duties and difficulties, if only on account of the personal relations of the two Royal families. It demands a great deal of tact and care.” (Presumably a quiet hint that Loftus does not fulfil those requirements.)

The Minister then led the conversation on to Grammont. He said: “Grammont and Ollivier strike me also as a pretty pair! If that had happened to me—if I had been the cause of such disasters, I would at least have joined a regiment, or, for the matter of that, have become a franctireur, even if I had had to swing for it. A tall, strong, coarse fellow like Grammont would be exactly suited for a soldier’s life.”

Russell mentioned having once seen Grammont out shooting in Rome dressed in blue velvet. “Yes,” added the Chief, “he is a good sportsman. He has the strength of muscle required for it. He would have made an excellent gamekeeper. But as a Minister for Foreign Affairs, one can hardly conceive how Napoleon came to select him.”

The Minister joined us at the tea-table about 10 o’clock, and referred again to the bombardment. He said: “I did not from the very beginning wish to have Paris invested. If what the general staff said at Ferrières were correct, namely, that they could dispose of a couple of the forts in three days, and then attack the weak enceinte, it would have been all right. But it was a mistake to let 60,000 regulars keep an army of 200,000 men engaged in watching them.” “One month up to Sedan, and here we have already spent three months, for to-morrow is the 1st of December. If we had telegraphed immediately after Sedan for siege guns we should be now in the city, and there would be no intervention on the part of the neutral Powers. If I had known that three months ago I should have been extremely anxious. The danger of intervention on the part of the neutral Powers increases daily. It begins in a friendly way, but it may end very badly.” Keudell remarked: “The idea of not bombarding first arose here.” “Yes,” replied the Chief, “through the English letters to the Crown Prince.”

Thursday, December 1st.—We were joined at dinner by a first lieutenant, Von Saldern, who took part in the last engagement between the 10th Army Corps and the Loire army. According to him that corps was for a considerable time surrounded by the superior French force at Beaune la Rolande, the enemy endeavouring to force their way through one of our wings towards Fontainebleau. Our soldiers defended themselves with the greatest gallantry and determination for seven hours, Wedel’s troops and the men of the 16th regiment specially distinguishing themselves. “We made over 1600 prisoners,” said Saldern, “and the total loss of the French is estimated at four to five thousand.” “I should have been better pleased,” said the Chief, “if they had all been corpses. It is simply a disadvantage to us now to make prisoners.”

The Chief afterwards gave Abeken instructions respecting communications to be made to the King. The Chancellor looked through a number of despatches and reports with him. Pointing to one document he said: “Do not give him that without an explanation. Tell him how the matter arose, otherwise he will misunderstand it. That long despatch from Bernstorff—well, you can show him that also. But the newspaper article enclosed—the gentlemen of the Embassy take things very easy—I have already said frequently that such articles must be translated, or, better still, that they should be accompanied by a précis. And tell his Majesty also,” said the Minister in conclusion, “that, properly speaking, we ought not to allow the Frenchman to join the Conference in London” (the approaching Conference on the revision of the Paris Treaty of 1856), “as he would represent a Government which is not recognised by the Powers, and which will have no legal existence for a long time to come. We can do it to please Russia in this question. At any rate, if he begins to speak of other matters he must at once be sent about his business.”

The Chief then related the following incident: “To-day, after calling upon Roon, I made a round which may prove to have been useful. I inspected Marie Antoinette’s apartment in the palace, and then I thought I would see how the wounded were getting on. The servant who acted as my guide had a pass-key, so I decided not to go in by the main entrance, but by the back way. I asked one of the hospital attendants what food the people had. Not very much. A little soup, which was supposed to be bouillon, with broken bread and some grains of rice, which were not even boiled soft. There was hardly any meat fat in it. ‘And how about wine? and do they get any beer?’ I asked. They got about half a glass of wine during the day, he said. I inquired of another, who had had none, and then of a third who had had some three days ago and none since then. I then went on to question several of the men, in all about a dozen, down to the Poles, who could not understand me, but showed their pleasure at somebody taking an interest in them by smiling. So that our poor wounded soldiers do not get what they ought to, and suffer from cold besides, because the rooms must not be warmed for fear of injuring the pictures. As if the life of one of our soldiers was not worth more than all the trashy pictures in the palace! The servant told me also that the oil lamps only remained alight until 11 o’clock, and that after that the men have to lie in the dark until morning. I had previously spoken to a non-commissioned officer, who was wounded in the foot. He said he did not want to complain, although things could be much better. Some consideration was paid to him, but as to the others! A member of the Bavarian Ambulance Corps now plucked up courage, and said that wine and beer had been provided, but that half of it had probably been intercepted somewhere; it was the same with hot food and other presents. I then made my way to the chief surgeon. ‘How about provisions for the wounded?’ I asked. ‘Do they get enough to eat?’ ‘Here is the bill of fare,’ he replied. ‘That is no good to me,’ I said; ‘the people cannot eat paper. Do they get wine?’ ‘Half a litre daily.’ ‘Excuse me, but that is not true. I have questioned the men, and I cannot believe they were lying when they told me that they had not received any.’ ‘I call God to witness that everything here is done properly and according to instructions. Please come with me and I will question the men in your presence.’ ‘I will do nothing of the kind,’ I answered; ‘but measures shall be taken to have them questioned by the auditor as to whether they have received what has been ordered for them by the inspector.’ He turned deadly pale—I see him now—an old wound showed up on his face. ‘That would be a great reflection upon me,’ he said. ‘Certainly,’ I replied, ‘and it ought to be. I shall take care that the affair is inquired into—and speedily.’”[15]... “What I should like best would be to induce the King to visit the wounded with me.” He afterwards added: “We have two classes in particular amongst whom frauds occur: the weevils that have to do with the commissariat and the officials in the public works department, especially in the water works. Then the doctors. I remember not long ago—it must be about a year and a half ago—there was a great inquiry into frauds connected with the passing of recruits for the army, in which, to my amazement, some thirty doctors were involved.”

About 10.30 P.M. the Chief joined us at tea. After a while he remarked: “The newspapers are dissatisfied with the Bavarian Treaty. I expected as much from the beginning. They are displeased that certain officials are called Bavarian, although they will have to conform entirely to our laws. And the same with regard to the army. The beer tax is also not to their liking, as if we had not had it for years past in the Zollverein. And so on with a crowd of other objections, although after all the important point has been attained and properly secured.”... “They talk as if we had been waging war against Bavaria as we did in 1866 against Saxony, although this time we have Bavaria as an ally on our side.”... “Before approving the treaty they want to wait and see whether the unity of Germany will be secured in the form they prefer. They can wait a long time for that. The course they are taking leads only to fresh delays, while speedy action is necessary. If we hesitate the devil will find time to sow dissensions. The treaty gives us a great deal. Whoever wants to have everything runs the risk of getting nothing. They are not content with what has been achieved. They require more uniformity. If they would only remember the position of affairs five years ago, and what they would then have been satisfied with!”... “A Constituent Assembly! But what if the King of Bavaria should not permit representatives to be elected to it? The Bavarian people would not compel him, nor would I. It is easy to find fault, when one has no proper idea of the conditions which govern the situation.”

The Minister then came to speak on another subject: “I have just read a report on the surprise of the Unna battalion. Some of the inhabitants of Chatillon took part in it—others, it is true, hid our people. It is a wonder that they did not burn down the town in their first outburst of anger. Afterwards, of course, in cold blood that would not do.”

After a short pause, the Chief took some coins out of his pocket and played with them for a moment, remarking at the same time: “It is surprising how many respectably dressed beggars one meets with here. There were some at Reims, but it is much worse here.”... “How seldom one now sees a gold piece with the head of Louis Philippe or Charles X.! When I was young, between twenty and thirty, coins of Louis XVI. and of the fat Louis XVIII. were still to be seen. Even the expression ‘louis d’or’ is no longer usual with us. In polite circles one speaks of a friedrich d’or.” The Chancellor then balanced a napoleon on the tip of his middle finger, as if he were weighing it, and continued: “A hundred million double napoleons d’or would represent about the amount of the war indemnity up to the present—later on it will be more, four thousand million francs. Forty thousand thalers in gold would make a hundredweight, thirty hundredweight would make a load for a heavy two-horse waggon—(I know that because I once had to convey fourteen thousand thalers in gold from Berlin to my own house. What a weight it was!)—that would be about 800 waggon loads.” “It would not take so long to collect the carts for that purpose as it does for the ammunition for the bombardment,” observed some one, who, like most of us, was losing patience at the slow progress of the preparations. “Yes,” said the Chief; “Roon, however, told me the other day, he had several hundred carts at Nanteuil, which could be used for the transport of ammunition. Moreover some of the waggons that are now drawn by six horses could do with four for a time, and the two spare horses thus could be used for bringing up ammunition. We have already 318 guns here, but they want forty more, and Roon says he could have them also brought up. The others however won’t hear of it.”

Hatzfeldt afterwards said: “It is only six or seven weeks since they altered their minds. At Ferrières, while we were still on good terms with them, Bronsart and Verdy said we could level the forts of Issy and Vanvres to the ground in thirty-six hours, and then attack Paris itself. Later on it was suddenly found to be impossible.” “Because of the letters received from London,” exclaimed Bismarck-Bohlen. I asked what Moltke thought of the matter. “He does not trouble himself about it!” answered Hatzfeldt. But Bucher declared that Moltke wanted the bombardment to take place.

Friday, December 2nd.—I see Neininger in the morning and learn that he succeeded in obtaining an audience from the Chief by playing the informer. He hinted to a Dr. Schuster of Geneva that “there might possibly be collusion between the foreign settlement collected round headquarters, and the personnel of the Government of National Defence,” and also that there were “fresh symptoms of intimate relations being maintained across the German investing lines with the Oriental colony at Versailles.” Schuster managed to convey these hints to the Minister. The “Oriental colony,” however, (a title which is intended to apply chiefly to Löwinsohn, and after him to Bamberg) appears to be innocent, and the intrigue to have been contrived merely for the purpose of providing a better position for Neininger on the Moniteur by securing the dismissal of the other two journalists.

Subsequently wrote some letters and articles again setting forth the Chief’s views in the matter of the Bavarian Treaty, and translated for the King the leading article in The Times on Gortschakoff’s reply to Granville’s despatch.

Alten, Lehndorff and a dragoon officer Herr von Thadden, were the Chief’s guests at dinner.

The Chief said that he had taken measures for providing our sentries with more comfortable quarters. “Up to the present they occupied Madame Jesse’s coach-house, which has no fireplace. That would not do any longer, so I ordered the gardener to clear out half of the greenhouse for them. ‘But Madame’s plants will be frozen,’ said the gardener’s wife. ‘A great pity,’ said I. ‘I suppose it would be better if the soldiers froze.’”

The Chief then referred to the danger of the Reichstag rejecting, or even merely amending, the treaty with Bavaria. “I am very anxious about it. People have no idea what the position is. We are balancing ourselves on the point of a lightning conductor. If we lose the equilibrium, which at much pains I have succeeded in establishing, we fall to the ground. They want more than can be obtained without coercion, and more than they would have been very pleased to accept before 1866. If at that time they had got but half what they are getting to-day! No; they must needs improve upon it and introduce more unity, more uniformity; but if they change so much as a comma, fresh negotiations must be undertaken. Where are they to take place? Here in Versailles? And if we cannot bring them to a close before the 1st of January—which many of the people in Munich would be glad of—then German unity is lost, probably for years, and the Austrians can set to work again in Munich.”

Mushrooms dressed in two ways were the first dish after the soup. “These must be eaten in a thoughtful spirit,” said the Chief, “as they are a present from some soldiers who found them growing in a quarry or a cellar. The cook has made an excellent sauce for them. A still more welcome gift, and certainly a rare one, was made to me the other day by the—what a shame! I have quite forgotten. What regiment was it sent me the roses?” “The 46th,” replied Bohlen. “Yes; it was a bouquet of roses plucked under fire, probably in a garden near the outposts.” “By the way, that reminds me that I met a Polish soldier in the hospital who cannot read German. He would very much like to have a Polish prayer book. Does anybody happen to have something of that kind?” Alten said no, but he could give him some Polish newspapers. The Chief: “That won’t do. He would not understand them, and besides they stir up the people against us. But perhaps Radziwill has something. A Polish novel would do—Pan Twardowski or something of that kind.” Alten promised to see if he could get anything.

Mention was made of Ducrot, who in all likelihood commanded the French forces engaged in to-day’s sortie, and it was suggested he had good reason not to allow himself to be made prisoner. “Certainly,” said the Minister. “He will either get himself killed in action; or if he has not courage enough for that, which I am rather inclined to believe, he will make off in a balloon.”

Some one said Prince Wittgenstein (if I am not mistaken, a Russian aide-de-camp) would also be glad to leave Paris.

Alten added: “Yes, in order that he might go in again. I fancy it is a kind of sport for him.”

The Chief: “That might be all very well for a person who inspired confidence. But I never trusted him, and when he wished to return to Paris recently, neither I nor the general staff wanted to let him through. He succeeded in obtaining permission surreptitiously through the good nature of the King. Never mind. Possibly things may yet be discovered about him that will ruin him in St. Petersburg.”

The subject of Stock Exchange speculation was again introduced, and the Chief once more denied the possibility of turning to much account the always very limited knowledge which one may have of political events beforehand. Such events only affect the Bourse afterwards, and the day when that is going to happen cannot be foreseen. “Of course, if one could contrive things so as to produce a fall—but that is dishonourable! Grammont has done so, according to what Russell recently stated. He doubled his fortune in that way. One might almost say that he brought about the war with that object. Moustier also carried on that sort of business—not for himself, but with the fortune of his mistress—and when it was on the point of being discovered, he poisoned himself. One might take advantage of one’s position in a rather less dishonest way by arranging to have the Bourse quotations from all the Stock Exchanges sent off with the political despatches by obliging officials abroad. The political despatches take precedence of the Bourse telegrams, so that one would gain from twenty minutes to half an hour. One would then want a quick-footed Jew to secure this advantage. I know people who have done it. In that way one might earn fifteen hundred to fifteen thousand thalers daily, and in a few years that makes a handsome fortune. But, all the same, it remains ugly; and my son shall not say of me that that was how I made him a rich man. He can become rich in some other way—through speculation with his own property, through the sale of timber, by marriage, or something of the kind. I was much better off before I was made Chancellor than I am now. My grants have ruined me. My affairs have been embarrassed ever since. Previously I regarded myself as a simple country gentleman; now that I, to a certain extent, belong to the peerage, my requirements are increasing and my estates bring me in nothing. As Minister at Frankfurt I always had a balance to my credit, and also in St. Petersburg, where I was not obliged to entertain, and did not.”

In the afternoon Friedlander called upon me with an invitation, which I was obliged to decline. Our fat friend knew exactly why the bombardment did not take place. “Blumenthal will not agree to it because the Crown Prince does not want it,” he said; “and behind him are the two Victorias.” So an Artillery officer told him a few days ago.

Addendum.—According to a pencil note which I have now laid hands on, Bohlen remarked yesterday at dinner that he understood many valuable pictures and manuscripts removed by the French from Germany had not been returned. Some one else observed that it would be difficult to put this right now. “Well,” said the Chief, “we could take others of equal value in their stead. We could, for instance, pack up the best of the pictures out of the Gallery here.” “Yes, and sell them to the Americans,” added Bohlen; “they would give us a good price for them.”

According to another note the Chancellor related (doubtless on the occasion when Holnstein dined with us): “In Crehanges the Augustenburger again tricked me into shaking hands with him. A Bavarian Colonel or General came over to me and held out his hand, which I took. I could not put a name to the face, and when I had, it was too late. If I could only come across him again, I would say to him, ‘You treacherously purloined a hand from me at Crehanges; will you please restore it?’”

I afterwards wrote an article on the neutrality of Luxemburg, and the perfidious way in which people there are taking advantage of it to help the French in every sort of way. It ran as follows:—We declared at the commencement of the war that we would respect the neutrality of the Grand Duchy, the neutrality of its government and people being thereby assumed. That condition, however, has not been fulfilled, the Luxemburgers having been guilty of flagrant breaches of neutrality, although we on our part have kept our promise in spite of the inconvenience to which we have often been put, especially in connection with the transport of our wounded. We have already had occasion to complain of the fortress of Thionville having been provisioned by trains despatched at night with the assistance of the railway officials and police authorities of the Grand Duchy. After the capitulation of Metz numbers of French soldiers passed through Luxemburg with the object of returning to France and rejoining the French army. The French Vice-Consul opened a regular office at the Luxemburg railway station, where soldiers were provided with money and passports for their journey. The Grand Ducal Government permitted all this to go on without making any attempt to prevent it. They cannot, therefore, complain if in future military operations we pay no regard to the neutrality of the country, or if we demand compensation for the injury done by breaches of neutrality due to such culpable negligence.

Sunday, December 4th.—We were joined at dinner by Roggenbach, a former Baden Minister, and von Niethammer, a member of the Bavarian Ambulance Corps, whose acquaintance the Chief made recently in the hospital.

The Chief spoke at first of having again visited the wounded, and afterwards added:—“Leaving Frankfurt and St. Petersburg out of account, I have now been longer here than in any other foreign town during my whole life. We shall spend Christmas here, which we had not expected to do, and we may remain at Versailles till Easter and see the trees grow green again, whilst we wait for news of the Loire army. Had we only known we might have planted asparagus in the garden here.”

The Minister afterwards said, addressing Roggenbach:—“I have just looked through the newspaper extracts. How they do abuse the treaties! They simply tear them into shreds. The National Zeitung, the Kölnische,—the Weser Zeitung is still the most reasonable, as it always is. Of course one must put up with criticism; but then one is responsible if the negotiations come to nothing, while the critics have no responsibility. I am indifferent as to their censure so long as the thing gets through the Reichstag. History may say that the wretched Chancellor ought to have done better; but I was responsible. If the Reichstag introduces amendments every German Diet can do the same, and then the thing will drag on and we shall not be able to secure the peace we desire and need. We cannot demand the cession of Alsace if no political entity is created, if there is no Germany to cede it to.”

The question of the peace negotiations to follow in the approaching capitulation of Paris was then discussed, and the difficulties which might arise. The Chief said:—“Favre and Trochu may say, ‘We are not the Government. We were part of it at one time, but now that we have surrendered we are private persons. I am nothing more than Citizen Trochu.’ But at that point I should try a little coercion on the Parisians. I should say to them: ‘I hold you, two million people, responsible in your own persons. I shall let you starve for twenty-four hours unless you agree to our demands.’ Yes, and yet another four-and-twenty hours, come what might of it.

“I would stick to my point—but the King, the Crown Prince, the women who force their sentimental views upon them, and certain secret European connections—I can deal with those in front of me—but those who stand behind me, behind my back, or rather who weigh upon me so that I cannot breathe!—people for whom the German cause and German victories are not the main question; but, rather, their anxiety to be praised in English newspapers. Ah, if one were but the Landgrave!—I could trust myself to be hard enough. But, unfortunately, one is not the Landgrave.[16] Quite recently, in their maudlin solicitude for the Parisians, they have again brought forward a thoroughly foolish scheme. Great stores of provisions from London and Belgium are to be collected for the Parisians. The storehouses are to be within our lines, and our soldiers are merely to look at them, but not to touch them, however much they may themselves suffer from scarcity and hunger. These supplies are to prevent the Parisians starving when they shall have capitulated. We, in this house, it is true, have enough, but the troops are on short commons; yet they must suffer in order that the Parisians, when they learn that supplies have been collected for them, may postpone their capitulation till they have eaten their last loaf and slaughtered their last horse. I shall not be consulted, otherwise I’d rather be hanged than consent to it. But I am, nevertheless, responsible. I was imprudent enough to call attention to the famine that must ensue. It is true I mentioned it merely to the diplomatists. But they have thus become aware of the fact. Otherwise it would not have occurred to them.”

Swiss cheese having been handed round, some one raised the question whether cheese and wine went well together. “Some descriptions with certain wines,” was the Minister’s decision. “Not strong ones like Gorgonzola and Dutch cheese, but others are all right. I remember that at the time when people drank hard in Pomerania—two hundred years ago or more—the good folks of Rammin were the greatest topers in the country. One of them happened to get a supply of wine from Stettin, which was not quite to his liking. He complained accordingly to the merchant, who replied: ‘Eet kees to Wien, Herr von Rammin, deen smeckt de Wien wie in Stettin ook to Rammin.’” (Low German: “Eat cheese to your wine, good sir, from Rammin, then the wine will taste as good in Rammin as it does here in Stettin.”)

Abeken, who had been with the King, came in afterwards, and reported that his Majesty considered it would be well to write again to the Emperor of Russia, and give him the views held here respecting the Gortschakoff Note. The Chief said: “I think not. Enough has been already written and telegraphed on the subject. They know in St. Petersburg what we think. At least we must not write discourteously, but rather in a friendly and amiable spirit: It is better however to say nothing. If it were England! But we shall still want Russia’s good will in the immediate future. When that is no longer necessary, we can afford to be rude.”

Bohlen said: “They are quite beside themselves in Berlin. They will have tremendous rejoicings there to-morrow, about the Emperor. They are going to illuminate the town, and are making immense preparations—a regular scene from fairyland!” “I fancy that will have a good effect on the Reichstag,” observed the Chief. “It was really very nice of Roggenbach to start off at once for Berlin” (in order to urge moderation upon the grumblers in the Reichstag). “They” (the members of Parliament, or the Berliners?) “attach much more importance to the title of Emperor than the thing really deserves—although I do not mean to say it is of no value.”

“That was really funny,” said Bohlen, “what Holnstein told us about his interview with the King of Bavaria while he had a toothache!”

“And the way I wrote to him in order to bring him round,” added the Chancellor. “I knew that he could not bear me, and did not trust me. So I wrote to him at last, that one of our estates had been granted to our family by Ludwig, the Bavarian, as Lord of Brandenburg, and that consequently we had had relations with his house for more than five centuries. That was true, in so far as the estates which we now hold were given to us in exchange for those which the Hohenzollerns extorted from us. Holnstein said the letter must have pleased the King very much, as he asked to read it again. It was Holnstein who did most in this matter. He played his part very cleverly. Tell me (to Bohlen), what Order can we give him?”

Bohlen: “He got the first class of the red fowl (the Red Eagle), when the Crown Prince was in Munich.”

“Well then,” said the Chief, “he has got the highest decoration that can be given to him.”

Bohlen: “Well, the King might give him the Imperial German Order, about which Stillfried is already meditating, or he can found a new Prussian Order, and thus supply a long-felt want.”

The Chief: “The Green Lion.”

Bohlen: “The German Order, with a black, white, and red ribbon.”

The Chief: “Or with the colours of the German Knights, a white ribbon with small black stripes. It looks very well. The King did not rightly know what it was all about when Holnstein requested an audience. He said to me, ‘I observed to Holnstein, that I supposed he wished to see Versailles.’ Of course, he (King William) could not have arranged that himself”—(i.e., he could not have arranged to acquire the Imperial dignity through the good offices of Bavaria.)

Werther, our Minister at Munich, seems to have reported that it was intended there to commission Prince Luitpold with the proclamation of the Emperor. The Chancellor observed: “A singular idea! Another example of the way in which Bray treats matters of business. How is he to do it? Step on to a balcony, and proclaim it?—to whom? That might do if all the Princes were here—but with the three or four now present! I had hoped that we should have made peace before German unity was secured.”

Bohlen: “How pleased the King will feel at being made Emperor! and still more so, the Crown Prince!”

The Chief: “Yes, and no doubt he is already thinking about the cut of the Imperial robes.”

Monday, December 5th.—The Chief sent for me, and gave me his instructions for a démenti with regard to the Bavarian Treaty, in which his ideas were to be somewhat differently expressed. It was to the following effect. The rumour that the Chancellor of the Confederation only concluded the treaties with the South German States, in anticipation that they would be rejected, or at least amended in the Reichstag, is entirely without foundation. The debate on the treaties must be brought to a close during the month of December, and they must be adopted in their entirety, in order that they may come into force on the 1st of January. Otherwise, everything will remain uncertain. If the representatives of North Germany alter the treaties, the South German Diets will be entitled to make further amendments in a contrary sense, and there is no knowing how far that right might not be exercised. In such circumstances, the nation might have still to wait a long time for its political unity. (“Perhaps ten years,” said the Chief, “and interim aliquid fit.”) In that case, also the Treaty of Peace might not be what we desire. The treaties may be deficient, but they can always be gradually improved by the Reichstag, in co-operation with the Bundesrath, and through the pressure of public opinion and national sentiment. There is no hurry about that. If public opinion brings no pressure to bear in that direction, it is obvious that the present arrangement meets the views of the majority of the nation. Men of national sentiment at Versailles are very anxious and uneasy at the prevailing dispositions in Berlin. They are, however, to some extent reassured by the fact that the Volkszeitung opposes the Bavarian Treaty, as people have gradually grown accustomed to find that all persons of political insight as a rule reject whatever that journal praises and recommends, and are disposed to adopt whatever it deprecates and censures.

At dinner Bamberger, the member of the Reichstag, was on the Chief’s left. He is also going to Berlin in order to plead for the adoption, without alteration, of the treaties with South Germany. The conversation first turned on doctors and their knowledge, whereupon the Chief (I cannot now remember on what grounds) delivered the following weighty judgment: “Ah, yes, if doctors were only sensible men; but as it is, they are dolts.” The question of the treaties was then discussed, and the attitude of the Princes in this matter was admitted to be correct. “Yes, but the Reichstag,” said the Chancellor; “it reminds me of Kaiser Heinrich and his ‘Gentlemen, you have spoiled my sport.’[17] In that instance it ultimately turned out all right, but in this! All the members of the Reichstag might sacrifice themselves one after another upon the altar of the Fatherland—it would be all to no purpose.” After reflecting for a moment, the Minister continued, with a smile: “Members of the Diet and the Reichstag should be made responsible, like Ministers, no more and no less, and placed on a footing of absolute equality. A Bill should provide for the impeachment for treason of members of Parliament when they reject important State treaties, or, as in Paris, approve of a war undertaken on frivolous pretexts. They were all in favour of the war, with the exception of Jules Favre. Perhaps I shall bring in some such measure one day.”

The conversation then turned upon the approaching capitulation of Paris, which must take place, at latest, within a month. “Ah!” sighed the Chancellor, “it is then that my troubles will begin in earnest.”... Bamberger was of opinion that they should not be allowed merely to capitulate, but should immediately be called upon to conclude peace. “Quite so,” said the Chief. “That is exactly my view, and they should be forced to do so by starvation. But there are people who want, above all else, to be extolled for their humane feelings, and they will spoil everything—altogether forgetting the fact that we must think of our own soldiers, and take care that they shall not suffer want and be shot down to no purpose. It is just the same with the bombardment. And then we are told to spare people who are searching for potatoes; they should be shot too, if we want to reduce the city by starvation.”

After 8 o’clock, I was called to the Chief several times, and wrote two paragraphs for the Spenersche Zeitung in accordance with his instructions. The first ran as follows:—“The Vienna newspapers recently stated that ‘the German Austrians did not wish for war, and the majority of the Austrian Slavs just as little.’ But there is in Austria, and in Hungary, a not very numerous but influential party which does desire war. When inquiry is made as to their real motive for doing so, it is found to arise from pride and arrogance, from a kind of frivolous chivalry, from a real hunger for political luxuries, from the determination to play the Grand Seigneur before the world. The Austrians of this party, in which very distinguished personages are the moving spirits, seem to us to resemble the princely family of Esterhazy. It is an ancient house, of high rank, with great estates and a large fortune. Its members might well have been content to occupy so eminent a position. But the evil genius of the family continually drove them into extravagance, into making too great demands upon their resources, into squandering enormous sums on horses, diamonds, &c., with the object of displaying their wealth and importance; so that they fell into debt, and, finally, came to the verge of bankruptcy. The Esterhazy Lottery was then resorted to, and actually did tide them over their difficulties. The family was saved. But scarcely have they begun to breathe freely, and to regain their footing, when their evil genius once more inspires them, and the old game goes on again, until, at length, a time will come when even a lottery will no longer save them. The Austrian party to which we have already referred seems to us to present a close resemblance to the Esterhazys. The State is a fine property, with excellent natural advantages, a rich soil, and a great variety of valuable resources. But the policy of the proprietors is exactly the same as that of the Esterhazys. They must always overreach themselves, and try to be more than they really are. The evil genius of the State regards as a necessity what is in reality mere luxury, self-conceit, and the desire to cut a great figure in the world. In that way, the ancient and wealthy house has become a comparatively poor one, with a touch of the Quixotic, and a still stronger flavour of unfair dealing, which is very badly suited to our matter-of-fact age, when so much importance is attached to the ability to pay one’s way. Every now and then, the State, like its prototype the Esterhazys, escapes out of its troubles by means of a lottery, or of some not particularly respectable financial manœuvre; but then it suddenly puts forward fresh claims to a position beyond its means, presumes to play the part of a great Power, squanders millions on mobilisation, as its prototype does on stables and diamonds, and thus sinks deeper and deeper into financial difficulties. Instead of being able to satisfy its creditors by good management and a modest bearing, it moves steadily forward, without pause or rest, towards that bankruptcy which for a considerable space has only been a question of time.”

The foregoing is an almost literal reproduction of the Chief’s own words. I did not venture, however, to incorporate his concluding remarks, which were as follows: “The Hapsburgs have really become great through plundering old families—the Hungarians, for instance. At bottom they are only a family of police spies (polizeilich-Spitzelfamilie) who lived upon and made their fortune by confiscations.”

The second paragraph, which referred to a statement in the Indépendance Belge, pointed out that the relationship between the Orleans and the House of Hapsburg-Lorraine through the Duc d’Alençon, could not induce us Germans to regard them with any special favour. The paragraph was to the following effect. It is known that Trochu declined the offer of the Princes of the House of Orleans to take part in the struggle against us. The Indépendance Belge now states that the Duc d’Alençon, second son of the Duc de Nemours, who was at that time incapacitated by illness from joining his uncles and cousins in their offer of service, has now sought salvation by adopting a similar course. The Brussels organ adds the significant remark: “It will be remembered that the Duc d’Alençon is married to a sister of the Empress of Austria.” We understand that hint, and believe we shall be speaking in the spirit of German policy in replying to it as follows:—The Orleans are quite as hostile to us as the other dynasties that are fishing for the French throne. Their journals are filled with lies and abuse directed against us. We have not forgotten the hymn of praise which the Duc de Joinville raised after the battle of Wörth to the franctireurs who had acted like assassins. The only French Government we care for is that which can do us the least harm, because it is most occupied with its own affairs, and with maintaining its own position against its rivals. Otherwise Orleanists, Legitimists, Imperialists, and Republicans are all of the same value or no value to us. And as for those who throw out hints about the Austrian relationship, they would do well to be on their guard, as we are on ours. There is in Austria-Hungary one party in favour of Germany and another hostile to her,—a party that wants to continue the policy of Kaunitz in the Seven Years’ War, a policy of constant conspiracy with France against German interests, and particularly against Prussia. That is the policy which has recently been connected with Metternich’s name, and which was pursued from 1815 to 1866. Since then more or less vigorous attempts have been made to continue it. It is the party of which the younger Metternich is regarded as the leader. He has for years past been looked upon as the most ardent advocate of a Franco-Austrian alliance against Germany, and one of the principal instigators of the present war. If the Orleans believe that their prospects are improved by their connection with Austria, they ought also to know that for that very reason they have nothing to hope from us.

After Bucher, Keudell and myself had been for some time at tea, we were joined by the Chief, and afterwards by Hatzfeldt, who had been with the King. He said it was intolerably dull there.

“Grimm, the Russian Councillor of State, gave us a variety of wearisome particulars about Louis Quatorze and Louis Quinze. The W. worried us, and me in particular, with silly questions.” (He pouted his lips, assumed a killing smile, and bent his head to one side, imitating the Grand Duke’s affectations.) “He informed us that the students at St. Cyr all received a portrait of Madame Maintenon, and that he himself had one also. The King, who had occasionally rubbed his eyes, observed somewhat pointedly, ‘I suppose they were photographs.’ ‘No, oh no, engravings.’ ‘Well, then, what did you do with yours?’ the King asked. ‘Why, nothing, I kept it.’ The Grand Duke then asked me—he had obviously prepared the question in advance, and perhaps learnt it by heart—‘Is the Revue des Deux Mondes still published? An interesting newspaper.’ I replied, ‘I do not know, your Royal Highness.’ ‘Who is the editor?’ ‘I do not know that either.’ ‘So-o-o!’ The aides-de-camp were cruelly bored, and one of them nudged Lehndorff, begging him in a whisper to give the old fool a rap on the head with his crutch.”

“Yes, he is a fearful bore,” added the Chief. “What a miserable position it must be for a man whose father was a Court official to him or one like him, and who has to assume the same office himself—a chamberlain or something of that kind, who has to listen day after day to all that twaddle, and has no prospect of ever becoming anything else! The Queen is just such another. She was educated in the same school. I remember she once questioned me on a literary subject, I believe it was about some French book or other. ‘I do not know, your Majesty,’ I replied. ‘Ah, I suppose that does not interest you.’ ‘No, your Majesty.’ Radowitz was very strong on those subjects. He boldly gave every kind of information, and in that way secured a great deal of his success at Court. He was able to tell exactly what Maintenon or Pompadour wore on such and such a day; such and such a gewgaw on her neck, her head-dress trimmed with colibris or grapes, her gown pearl-grey or peacock-green with furbelows or lace of this or that description—exactly as if he had been there at the time. The ladies were all ear for these toilette lectures, which he poured forth with the utmost fluency.”

The conversation then turned upon Alexander von Humboldt, who appears to have been a courtier too, but not of the amusing variety. The Chief said: “Under the late King I was the sole victim when Humboldt chose to entertain the company in his own style. He usually read, often for hours at a time, the biography of some French savant or architect in whom nobody in the world except himself took the slightest interest. He stood by the lamp holding the paper close to the light, and occasionally paused for the purpose of making some learned observation. Although nobody listened to him he had the ear of the house. The Queen was all the time at work on a piece of tapestry, and certainly did not understand a word of what he said. The King looked through his portfolios of engravings, turning them over as noisily as possible, evidently with the intention of not hearing him. The young people on both sides and in the background enjoyed themselves without the least restraint, so that their cackling and giggling actually drowned his reading, which however rippled on without break or stop like a brook. Gerlach, who was usually present, sat on his small round chair which could barely accommodate his voluminous person, and slept so soundly that he snored. The King was once obliged to wake him, and said, ‘Pray, Gerlach, don’t snore so loud!’ I was Humboldt’s only patient listener, that is to say I sat silent and pretended to listen, at the same time following my own thoughts, until at length cold cake and white wine were served. It put the old gentleman in very bad humour not to be allowed to have the talk all to himself. I remember once there was somebody there who managed to monopolise the conversation, quite naturally, it is true, as he was a clever raconteur and spoke about things that interested everybody. Humboldt was beside himself. In a peevish surly temper he piled his plate so high (pointing with his hand) with pâté de foie gras, fat eels, lobsters’ tails, and other indigestible stuff,—a real mountain,—it was astounding that an old man could put it all away. At last his patience was exhausted, and he could not stand it any longer. So he tried to interrupt the speaker. ‘On the peak of Popocatapetl,’ he began,—but the other went on with his story. ‘On the peak of Popocatapetl, seven thousand fathoms above’—but he again failed to make any impression, and the narrative maintained its easy flow. ‘On the peak of Popocatapetl, seven thousand fathoms above the level of the sea,’ he exclaimed in a loud and excited tone,—but with as little success as before. The talker talked on, and the company had no ears for anybody else. That was something unheard of, outrageous! Humboldt threw himself back in morose meditation over the ingratitude of mankind, and shortly afterwards left. The Liberals made a great deal of him, and counted him as one of themselves. He was however a sycophant who aspired to the favour of Princes and who was only happy when basking in the sunshine of royalty. That did not prevent him however from criticising the Court afterwards to Varnhagen, and repeating all sorts of discreditable stories about it. Varnhagen worked these up into books, which I also bought. They are fearfully dear when one thinks how few lines in large type go to the page.” Keudell observed that they were nevertheless indispensable for historical purposes. “Yes, in a certain sense,” replied the Chief. “Taken individually the stories are not worth much, but as a whole they are an expression of the sourness of Berlin at a period when nothing of importance was happening. At that time everybody talked in that maliciously impotent way. It was a society which it would be hardly possible to realise to-day without the assistance of such books, unless one had personal experience of it. A great deal of outward show with nothing genuine behind it. I remember, although I was a very little fellow at the time, it must have been in 1821 or ’22. Ministers were still like strange animals, regarded with wonder as something mysterious. There was once a large party, which was at that time called an assemblée, given at Schuckmann’s—what a monstrous huge beast he was as a Minister! My mother also went there. I remember it as if it were to-day. She wore long gloves that went up to here.” (He pointed to the upper part of his arm.) “A dress with a short waist, her hair puffed out on both sides, and a big ostrich feather on her head.” (The Chief left this anecdote unfinished, if indeed there was any conclusion to it, and returned to his former subject.) “Humboldt, however,” he continued, “had a great many interesting things to tell when one was alone with him, about the times of Frederick William III., and in particular about his own first sojourn in Paris. As he liked me, owing to the attention with which I listened to him, he told me a number of pretty anecdotes. It was the same with old Metternich, with whom I spent a few days at Johannisberg. Thun afterwards said to me, ‘I do not know how you have managed to get round the old Prince, but he has indeed looked into you as if you were a golden goblet, and he told me if you do not come to an understanding with him then I really don’t know what to say.’ ‘I can explain that to you,’ I replied. ‘I listened to all his stories, and often prompted him to continue them. That pleases the garrulous old people.’”

Hatzfeldt said that Moltke had written to Trochu telling him how affairs stood at Orleans, and expressing his readiness to allow one of Trochu’s officers to satisfy himself of the truth of his statement. He would be furnished with a safe conduct to Orleans. The Chief said: “I know that. But he should not have done so. They ought to find that out for themselves. Our lines are now thin at various points, and they have also a pigeon post. They will only imagine we are in a hurry to get them to capitulate.”

Tuesday, December 6th.—In the morning I telegraphed to Berlin and London more detailed particulars of the victory at Orleans. Then wrote articles for the Moniteur and the German papers on the way in which French officers interned in Germany are breaking their parole. So long as this unworthy conduct receives approval and encouragement from the Government of National Defence, it is impossible for us to carry on any negotiations with it.

Dr. Lauer and Odo Russell dined with us to-day. The conversation was not of particular interest. We had, however, a delicious Palatine wine—Deidesheimer Hofstück and Forster Kirchenstück, a noble juice, rich in all virtues, fragrant, and fiery. Aus Feuer ward der Geist erschaffen. Even Bucher, who usually drinks only red wine, did justice to this heavenly dew from the Haardt Hills.

I afterwards wrote an article in which I politely expressed surprise at the brazen impudence with which Grammont reminds the world of his existence in the Brussels Gaulois. He who, through his unparalleled ineptitude, has brought so much misery upon France, should, like his colleague Ollivier, have hidden himself in silence and been glad to be forgotten. Or, inspired by his ancient name, he should have joined the army and fought for his country, so as in some degree to expiate the wrong he has done it. Instead of doing anything of the kind, however, he dares to remind the world that he still lives, and once conducted the foreign policy of France. “A blockhead, a coward, an impudent fellow!” said the Chief, when he instructed me to write this article. “You can use the strongest expressions in dealing with him.”