Bismarck

On Tuesday, the 27th of December, the long-wished-for bombardment of Paris at length began, commencing on the east side. As the following particulars show, we at first knew nothing of it, and afterwards also it was only for a few days that the firing gave an impression of being particularly violent. We very soon grew accustomed to it, and it never entirely diverted our attention even from trifles, nor caused any lengthy interruption of our work or of the flow of thought. The French forts had been prepared for it. The diary may now resume its narrative.

From early morning on Tuesday until far into the day there was a heavy fall of snow and rather severe cold. In the morning Theiss, who serves Abeken as well as myself, and who seems to consider that our old Geheimrath is a Catholic, told me:—“He always reads his prayers in the morning. I believe it is Latin. He speaks very loud, so that he can sometimes be heard in the antechamber. Probably it’s a mass.” He then added that Abeken supposed the heavy firing that was heard from 7 A.M. was the commencement of the bombardment.

Wrote several letters to Berlin with instructions as to articles. Bray is to be sharply attacked by our newspapers. After 12 o’clock I telegraph to London on the instructions of the Chief that the bombardment of the outer fortifications began this morning. Our artillery has commenced with an attack upon Mont Avron, a redoubt near Bondy, and it appears that the Saxons had the honour to fire the first shot.

The Minister remained in bed the whole day, not because he was particularly unwell, but, as he told me, to maintain an equable warmth. He was also absent from dinner, at which we were joined by Count Solms. The only point of note in the conversation was Abeken’s mention of a very pretty poem in the Kladderadatsch, on the Duke of Coburg—probably a panegyric.

The Bonapartists seem to have become very active, and to entertain great plans. According to Bernstorff’s despatches Persigny and Palikao intend to get us to grant neutrality to Orleans, and to convoke there the Corps Législatif to decide whether the country is to have a republic or a monarchy, and if the latter which dynasty is to reign. It is intended, however, to wait for a while, until greater discouragement shall have made the people more accommodating. Bonnechose proposes to attempt a negotiation for peace between Germany and France. This prelate was formerly a lawyer, and only entered holy orders subsequently. He is considered to be intelligent, is connected with the Jesuits, and although in politics he is really a Legitimist he has a high opinion of Eugénie because of her piety. He was an ardent supporter of the doctrine of infallibility, and expects to be elected Pope, which position he has indeed some prospect of attaining. The Archbishop told Professor Wagener, who had been sent to see him by Manteuffel respecting the hospital arrangements, that he could induce Trochu, with whom he is acquainted, to surrender Paris in case we did not insist upon a cession of territory. The Archbishop suggested that instead of a cession of territory we might demand the return of Nice and Savoy to Victor Emmanuel, and then oblige the latter to restore their territories to the Pope and to the Sovereigns of Tuscany and Naples. In that way we should win renown as the protectors of order, and the restorers of justice in Europe. A strange idea indeed!

The Chief has given directions to adopt the severest measures against Noquet le Roi, where a surprise by franctireurs was assisted by the inhabitants. He has also rejected the appeal of the mayor and municipality of Chatillon to be relieved from a contribution of a million francs imposed upon the town as a penalty for similar conduct. In both cases he was guided by the principle that the population must be made to suffer by the war in order to render them more disposed to peace.

At 11 P.M. called to the Chief, who gave me several newspaper articles from Berlin “for the collection” (of examples of French barbarity in the conduct of the war which I have begun under his instructions), as well as two other articles that are to be sent to the King.

Wednesday, December 28th.—Snowfall and moderately cold. The Chief again kept to his room to-day. He handed me a letter in French, dated the 25th instant, which he had received from “Une Américaine.” I am to make what use I like of it. It runs as follows:—

“Graf von Bismarck. Jouissez autant que possible, Herr Graf, du climat frais de Versailles, car, un jour, vous aurez à supporter des châleurs infernales pour tous les malheurs que vous avez causés à la France et à l’Allemagne.” That is all!

His Excellency Herr Delbrück again lunches with us. He is convinced that the Second Bavarian Chamber will ultimately approve the Versailles treaties just as the North German Diet did, respecting whose decision he had been really uneasy for some days.

Thursday, December 29th.—The Minister still remains in bed, but works there, and does not seem to be particularly unwell.

In the afternoon I translated for the King Granville’s despatch to Loftus respecting Bismarck’s circular on the Luxemburg affair. Afterwards studied documents. In the middle of October the Chief received a memorial from Coburg with proposals as to a reorganisation of Germany. These also included the restoration of the imperial dignity, and finally the substitution for the Bundesrath of a Federal Ministry, and the creation of a Reichsrath to consist of representatives of the Governments and delegates from the Diets. The Chief replied to this memorial that some of the ideas brought forward were already for some time past in process of realisation. He could not agree to the proposals as to a Federal Ministry and the Reichsrath, as he considered them calculated to hamper the new organisation, and, if necessary, he would openly declare against them. It is reported from Brussels that the King of the Belgians is well disposed towards us, but has no means of controlling the anti-German press of the country. The Grand Duke of Hesse has stated that Alsace and Lorraine must become Prussian provinces. Dalwigk (his Minister), who is as opposed to us as ever, wishes to see the territory to be ceded by France incorporated with Baden. The Grand Duchy would then cede the district near Heidelberg and Mannheim to Bavaria, whose connection with the Palatinate on the left bank of the Rhine would be thus re-established. In Rome the Pope wishes to undertake “mediation” between ourselves and France. The expression quoted was objected to by Arnim as inappropriate.

The following particulars relating to the King of Bavaria are contained in a report from Munich: “His kingdom is not of this world. It has been further observed that Major Sauer has no longer any influence upon him, while that of Privy Councillor Eisenhart has increased, as indeed also that of Count Holnstein. He is not coming to Versailles, in the first place because he would be obliged to ride, which he can no longer do with comfort, and in the next place because he does not like to play second fiddle. All that Bray thinks of is to keep his own position in Vienna warm, if only for the sake of his livelihood.” Lutz is “the tête forte in the Ministry, and is very ambitious.” The Princes Karl and Ludwig are strongly anti-Prussian. The Nuncio’s secretary exercises a great influence with his chief.—Read a letter from King Lewis to our Crown Prince. It was written at the commencement of the war. The handwriting is coarse and ugly and the lines are not straight. It expresses a hope that the independence of Bavaria will be respected. Otherwise the tone of the epistle is soundly patriotic.

In the evening I handed Bucher, as material for an article, all the newspaper reports I have collected on the barbarous conduct of the war by the French, contrary to the law of nations.

At 10 o’clock I was called to the Chief, who was lying before the fire on the sofa, wrapt in a blanket. He said: “Well, we’ve got him!” “Whom, your Excellency?” “Mont Avron.” He then showed me a letter from Count Waldersee, reporting that this redoubt was occupied by the troops of the 12th Army Corps this afternoon. “It is to be hoped that they have laid no mine and that the poor Saxons will not be blown up.” I telegraphed the news of this first success in the bombardment to London, but in cipher, “as otherwise the general staff might be angry.”

Subsequently the Chancellor sent for me once more to show me an outburst of the Vienna Tageblatt which has been reproduced by the Kölnische Zeitung. It declares that Bismarck has been thoroughly deceived as to the power of resistance of Paris, and in his overhaste, which has already cost the lives of hundreds of thousands (why not at once say millions?), has put forward excessive demands in connection with the peace. We reply, through the Spenersche Zeitung, that up to the present no one knows what the Chancellor’s conditions are, as he has not yet had any opportunity of stating them officially, but they do not in any case go so far as German public opinion, which almost unanimously demands the cession of all Lorraine. No one can say either what his views were respecting the power of resistance of Paris, as he has never had to give official expression to them.

Friday, December 30th.—The bitter cold of the last few days still continues. In consequence of his indisposition the Chief still keeps to his room, and is indeed mostly in bed. In the morning, on his instructions, I telegraphed particulars of the occupation of Mont Avron, and of the disgraceful conduct of the French authorities, who, according to the official acknowledgment of the delegation at Tours, have offered a premium to imprisoned officers to return to France, in breach of their word of honour. On the suggestion of the Chief I write paragraphs on this subject for the German press as well as for the local Moniteur to the following effect:—

“We have frequently had occasion to direct attention to the profound demoralisation manifested by French statesmen and officers in the matter of military honour. A communication, which reaches us from a trustworthy source, proves that we had not up to the present realised how deep and widespread that evil is. We have now before us an official order issued by the French Ministry of War, the 5th Bureau of the 6th Department, which bears the title ‘Solde et revues.’ It is dated from Tours on the 13th of November, and is signed by Lieutenant-Colonel Alfred Jerald, and by Colonel Tissier of the general staff of the 17th Army Corps. This order, which is based upon another dated the 10th of November, assures all French officers imprisoned in Germany, without distinction, a money payment in case they escape from custody. We repeat, all the French officers without distinction; that is to say also those who have given their word of honour not to escape. The premium offered for such dishonourable conduct amounts to 750 francs. A measure of this description needs no comment. Honour (which is the dearest treasure of every German officer and—duty and justice demand that we should add—formerly also of all French officers) is regarded by the men who came to power on the 4th of September as a commodity to be bought and sold, and indeed very cheaply. In this way officers of the French army will come to believe that France is no longer administered by a Government, but is on the contrary exploited by a trading firm, and one with lax principles of honesty and decency, under the title of ‘Gambetta and Co.’ ‘Who’ll buy gods?’ ‘Who’ll sell his word of honour?’”

Afterwards I write another short article on an error frequently committed by the Kölnische Zeitung and recently repeated in connection with the Chancellor’s despatch to Vienna. The great Rhenish newspaper writes: “Ever since 1866 we have been amongst those who have persistently warned both Vienna and Berlin to dismiss their idle jealousies and to come to the best understanding possible in the circumstances. We have often regretted the personal irritation between Bismarck and Beust which appears to stand in the way of such a rapprochement, &c.” The reply is to the following effect: “It has been observed that the Kölnische Zeitung has already frequently sought to explain political acts and omissions of the Chancellor of the Confederation by personal motives, personal likes and dislikes, personal disposition and ill humour; and we have here a further instance of this unjustifiable course. We cannot imagine why such suspicions are time after time brought forward. We only know that absolutely no feeling of personal irritation exists between the Chancellor of the North German Confederation and the Chancellor of the Austria-Hungarian Monarchy, and indeed that, previous to 1866, when they often came into personal contact, they were on excellent terms, as Count Bismarck himself declared in the North German Reichstag. Since then nothing has happened between them as private persons calculated to create bitterness, if for no other reason than because they have had no personal intercourse. If they have taken up a position more or less antagonistic to each other the reasons are obvious. Up to the present they were the representatives of different political systems, and acted upon different political principles which it was difficult although not quite impossible to reconcile. This, and this alone, is the sole explanation of what the Kölnische Zeitung ascribes to personal motives, from which the thoughts and acts of no statesman of the present day is farther removed than those of the Chancellor of the Confederation. It may also be remarked incidentally that not only has Count Bismarck not been ‘thoroughly’ deceived as to the power of resistance of Paris, but he has not been deceived at all. His opinion has never been asked on the subject; but we know on the best authority that months ago he regarded the capture of the city as difficult, and was decidedly opposed to the investment even before the fall of Metz.”

In reading documents in the evening I find that the Chief has had a letter sent to General Bismarck-Bohlen stating that he does not agree with the general in thinking that his main task should be to alleviate the misery caused by the war, and to render the Alsacians well disposed towards the future masters of the country. For the moment his first business must be to promote the objects of the war and to secure the safety of the troops. He should therefore expel such French officials as will not take service under us, including the magistrates who will not discharge the duties of their office; and he should also withhold the payment of pensions directing the pensioners to apply to the Government at Tours. Under such conditions the people would be more disposed to call for peace.

Saturday, December 31st.—All our people are ailing. I also begin to feel exhausted. It will be well to shorten the night work which my diary entails, or to interrupt it altogether for a few days.

Tuesday, January 3rd.—I observe that the opinion already expressed by the Chief on several occasions, that the dispersion of the German forces towards the north and south-west is dangerous, and that more in concentration is desirable, is also held elsewhere. A military authority has written on this subject in the Vienna Presse; and the National Zeitung of the 31st of December publishes an article which is even more in harmony with the Chief’s views. It says, inter alia:—“The withdrawal of our troops from Dijon and the non-occupation of Tours, to the gates of which a division of the 10th Army Corps had advanced, give perhaps an indication of the views entertained generally on the German side, and which will govern the continuation of the campaign. It may possibly be expected that France will forgo further resistance after the fall of Paris, and will agree to the German conditions of peace. That, however, is not certain, and it is necessary to be prepared for an opposite contingency. In any case the fall of Paris will not be immediately followed by the establishment of a Government generally recognised and supported by a National Assembly, with which we could enter into negotiations for peace. Then if hostilities are to be continued they cannot aim at conquering the whole of such an extensive country as France. Our army, as hitherto, might indeed be everywhere victorious and disperse the hostile forces. That, however, would not be sufficient. It would be necessary to organise a new civil administration in all the conquered districts and to subject the population to its rule. Even in the country lying between the Channel and the Loire our forces would not be sufficient to completely secure the safety of communications and to maintain the authority of a foreign administration in each town and village, to prevent treacherous attacks and to collect the taxes as well as the contributions and supplies that are indispensable for the purposes of the war. To extend the area of occupation indefinitely would not only be to overtax our military power, however highly we may rate it, but to unduly drain our home services for the necessary supply of civil administrators. Therefore, if peace is not attainable within a very short time our military authorities must set clear and distinct limits to the task which they propose to themselves. They must select a fixed portion of French territory, which they can occupy so completely that we shall have full command over it, and can retain it as long as may be desired. This portion should include the capital and the best provinces, with the finest and most warlike population, and it would have, of course, to bear the whole burden and cost of the war until a peace party had grown up throughout the country strong enough to force its views upon the Government of the day. The occupied territory should be so limited as to make its defence as easy as possible from a military point of view. Of course further offensive operations for temporary purposes might be undertaken beyond those lines, but there should from the beginning be no intention of going permanently beyond them. In the meantime the work of annexation should be proceeded with in those districts which Germany requires for the security of her frontier without awaiting the conclusion of peace.”

Friday, January 6th.—Up to yesterday the cold was very severe. The Chief has been unwell nearly the whole week. Yesterday for the first time he went out for a short drive, and again this afternoon. The Bureau has been reinforced by two officials, namely Oberregierungsrath Wagener and Baron von Holstein, a secretary of embassy. Amongst the articles which I have written within the last few days was one concerning the withdrawal of a number of railway waggons from home traffic, and consequently from the use of German industry, solely for the purpose of collecting provisions here in anticipation of the time when famine shall at length compel Paris to surrender. I described this as humane, but unpractical and impolitic, as the Parisians, when they hear that we have made preparations for that event, will continue their resistance to the last crust of bread and the last joint of horseflesh. We shall, therefore, ourselves be contributing through such acts of humanity to a prolongation of the siege. It is not for us to provide against the threatened danger of famine by establishing storehouses or collecting the means of transport for reprovisioning the city, but rather for the Parisians themselves by means of a timely capitulation. I yesterday translated for the use of the King two English documents respecting the sinking of English coal ships near Rouen by our troops, who considered the measure necessary.

After dinner I read despatches and drafts. A demand has been addressed to the German railways to supply a number of waggons (“2,800 axles”) for the purpose of transporting provisions to Paris. The Chief entered an energetic protest against this measure, which would be prejudicial to us from a political standpoint, as the knowledge of those provisions would enable the holders of power in Paris to exhaust all their supplies before finally yielding, without any fear of famine at the last moment. A telegram was sent to Itzenplitz on the 3rd of January suggesting that he should not deliver a single waggon for this purpose, and asking him to reply by wire whether he would decline such requisitions. If not, the Chief “would request his Majesty to relieve him from all responsibility.” Itzenplitz telegraphed back that he agreed with the views of the Chancellor of the Confederation, and would act accordingly. A letter from the King of Sweden, addressed to a Commandant Verrier in Erfurt, is to be returned through the Dead Letter Office. His Swedish Majesty, whom we know not to be particularly well disposed towards us, says in this epistle, which, by the way, is written in bad French with many orthographical errors, that he regrets to have to watch the struggle with “folded arms,” and to be obliged to “eat his bread in peace.” “Nous nous armons tardivement, hélas! mais avec vigueur, et j’espère que le jour de vengeance arrivera!” Vengeance? What have the Swedes to avenge upon us? It would seem as if Prince Charles of Rumania were no longer able to manage the local extremists, and were thinking of abdicating and leaving the country. “We have no political interests in Rumania.” The Chief has made representations to the King suggesting a limitation of the seat of war for political reasons, namely on the ground that only thus shall we be able to maintain our position in the occupied portions of France and take full advantage of our occupation; and he has further proposed that we should give notice to withdraw from the Geneva Convention, which is unpractical. Bonnechose has, at the instance of the Pope, addressed a letter to King William in favour of peace, but of an “honourable” peace, that is to say, one that would not involve a cession of territory. That we could have had twelve weeks ago from Monsieur Favre, if the Chief had not preferred a useful peace. For this reason the Minister recommended that the letter should be left unanswered. According to an intimation from Persigny, Prince Napoleon wishes to come to Versailles in order to act as intermediary. He is a highly intelligent and amiable gentleman, but enjoys little consideration in France, and therefore the Chancellor declined to negotiate with him. In the London Conference on the Black Sea question we are to give every possible support to Russia’s demands. The Dowager Queen at Dresden has suggested to Eichmann (the Prussian Minister) that it would be an indication of confidence in Saxony if we were to allow them to garrison Königstein with Saxon troops alone.

Saturday, January 7th.—Haber suggested that possibly some political documents of importance for us might be found in Odillon Barrot’s house at Bougival. I asked the Minister’s permission to go over there with Bucher. He replied: “That is all very well, but is it a private library? I must preserve the things for M. Odillon Barrot. But you can see if there is anything political amongst them.” It proved on examination to be a well-chosen library, containing historical and political works, as well as polite literature. It included also a number of English books, but contained nothing of the character suspected by Haber.

This evening the Minister dines with us again.

We hear at tea that the bombardment of the forts on the north side of Paris has also begun, and shows good results. Fires have broken out in Vaugirard and Grenelles—whence probably the smoke arose which we saw yesterday from the hills between Ville d’Avray and Sèvres.

Keudell thinks I ought to tell the Chief. I go up to him at a quarter to 11. He thanks me, and then asks, “What time is it?” I answer “Nearly 11, Excellency.” “Well, then, tell Keudell to prepare the communication for the King.” I ascertain down stairs that this is a complaint that by 11 o’clock at night the military authorities have not communicated to the Minister matters of which civilians were informed at 2 P.M.

Sunday, January 8th.—At dinner the Chief gave some further reminiscences of his youth. He spent the time from his sixth to his twelfth year at the Plahmann Institute in Berlin, an educational establishment worked on the principles of Pestalozzi and Jahn. It was a period he could not think of with pleasure. The régime was artificially Spartan. While there he never fully satisfied his hunger, except when he was invited out. “The meat was like india-rubber, not exactly hard, but too much for one’s teeth. And carrots—I liked them raw,—but cooked, and with hard potatoes, square junks!”

This led up to the pleasures of the table, the Chief giving his views chiefly of certain varieties of fish. He had a pleasant recollection of fresh-river lampreys, of which he could eat eight or ten; he then praised schnäpel, a kind of whiting, and the Elbe salmon, the latter being “a happy mean between the Baltic salmon and that of the Rhine, which is too rich for me.” With regard to bankers’ dinners, “nothing is considered good unless it is dear,—no carp because it is comparatively cheap in Berlin, but zander (a kind of perch-pike) because it is difficult to carry. As a matter of fact I do not care for these, and just as little for lampreys, of which the flesh is too soft for me. But I could eat marena every day of the week. I almost prefer them to trout, of which I only like those of a medium size, weighing about half-a-pound. The large ones that are usually served at dinners in Frankfurt, and which mostly come from the Wolfsbrünnen near Heidelberg, are not worth much. They are expensive, and so one must have them. That’s also the way at Court with oysters. They don’t eat any in England when the Queen is present, as they are too cheap there.”

The conversation then turned on the Arc de Triomphe in Paris, which was compared with the Brandenburg Gate. The Chief said of the latter: “It is really beautiful in its way—particularly without the two pillared porticos. I have advised the King to let it stand free, and have the guard houses removed. It would be much more effective, as it would no longer be squeezed in and partly concealed as it is now.”

Wagener having mentioned his former journalistic work, the Minister said: “I know my first newspaper article was about shooting. At that time I was still a wild junker. Some one had written a spiteful article on sport, which set my blood boiling, so that I sat down and wrote a reply, which I handed to Altvater, the editor, but without success. He answered very politely, but said it would not do, he could not accept it. I was beside myself with indignation that any one should be at liberty to attack sportsmen without being obliged to listen to their reply; but so it was at that time.”

The defence put forward by the Luxemburg Government in reply to our complaints respecting breaches of neutrality is insufficient. It perhaps shows the good will of that Government, but certainly the facts prove that they are not able to maintain their own neutrality. They have been again warned, further evidence being given in support of our charges. If this does not prove effective, we shall be obliged to occupy the Grand Duchy, and hand over his passports to the Grand Ducal Minister in Berlin. A communication to the same effect has been made to the Powers that signed the Treaty of 1867. According to a memorandum in which the Chief proposed to the King that, the statesmen who concluded the treaties providing for the accession of Baden and Würtemberg to the North German Confederation should receive decorations, an exception was to be made in the case of Dalwigk, because he had constantly intrigued and worked against Prussia and the cause of German unity, and only finally gave way on the compulsion of necessity; and his decoration would, therefore, have a bad effect upon public opinion, which had frequently urged the exercise of Prussian influence to secure his dismissal.

Monday, January 9th.—It is reported from London that Prince Napoleon has a plan under consideration for concluding on his own authority a peace satisfactory to us, and then after the capitulation of Paris convoking the two Chambers to ratify the treaty, and to decide upon the future form of government, and eventually upon the future dynasty. This plan would be supported by Vinoy and Ducrot. The Orleanists are also active, and hope to win over Thiers to their side. Bernstorff reports that it has been ascertained from a servant of Dr. Reitlinger, Favre’s secretary, that he has endeavoured to hatch a democratic conspiracy in South Germany. Gladstone has received Reitlinger, and promised to support him in every possible way.

In the afternoon I drafted a telegram as to the further successful progress of the bombardment. On submitting it to the Chief, he struck out a passage in which it was mentioned that our shells had fallen in the Luxemburg Gardens, as being “impolitic.” He also instructed me to telegraph to the Foreign Office in Berlin to omit this passage from the report of the general staff.

The following pretty story is making the round of the newspapers. It is taken from the private letter of a German officer, and was first published in the Leipziger Tageblatt. “One day the aide-de-camp, Count Lehndorff, visited Captain von Strantz at one of the outposts at Ville d’Avray, near Paris. In reply to the Count’s question as to how he was getting on, the Captain said: ‘Oh, very well; I have just been dining for the sixty-seventh time off roast mutton.’ The Count laughed, and after a while drove off again. Next day a policeman called upon the captain with the following message: ‘It having come to the knowledge of his Excellency Count Bismarck, Chancellor of the Confederation, that Captain von Strantz would doubtless be dining to-day off his sixty-eighth joint of roast mutton, his Excellency sends him herewith four ducks as a change of menu.’” This anecdote has the advantage over most of those appearing in the press, that it is in the main correct. But the policeman did not call on the next day. Count Lehndorff dined with us a few days before Christmas.

The Chief was shaved as usual on coming to dinner to-day. He first mentioned that Count Bill had received the Iron Cross, and seemed to think that it should more properly have been given to his elder son, as he was wounded in the cavalry charge at Mars la Tour. “The wound was an accident,” he went on, “and others who were not wounded may have been equally brave. But it is, after all, a distinction, a kind of compensation for the wounded.” “I remember when I was a young man that one Herr von Reuss went about Berlin also wearing the Cross. I thought to myself what wonders he must have done; but I afterwards ascertained that he had an uncle who was a Minister, and he had been attached to the general staff as a kind of private aide-de-camp.”

The Chancellor suddenly remarked; “It must be three weeks since I saw Serenissimus.[20] It is not so long since I saw Serenior.[21] I cut the Sereni.” The Chancellor then continued, obviously with reference to the Sereni, that is the Princes at the Hôtel des Reservoirs, or one of them, but without any connecting sentence: “I remember at Göttingen I once called a student a silly youngster. (Dummer Junge, the recognised form of offence when it is intended to provoke a duel.) On his sending me his challenge I said I had not wished to offend him by the remark that he was a silly youngster, but merely to express my conviction.”

While we were discussing pheasant and sauerkraut some one remarked that the Minister had not been out shooting for a long time, although the woods between Versailles and Paris were full of game. “Yes,” he replied, “something has always happened to prevent me. The last time was at Ferrières, the King was away and he had forbidden shooting, that is to say, in the park, just as he has now given orders that Ferrières must be spared, merely because it belongs to a rich Jew. We did not go into the park, and there was plenty of game, but not much of it was shot as the cartridges were bad.” Holstein, who, by the way, turns out to be exceedingly amiable, hard-working and helpful, remarked: “This is the account given of the affair, Excellency. You were aware of his Majesty’s orders, and of course desired to obey them. But it unfortunately happened as you were taking a walk on one occasion you were suddenly set upon by three or four pheasants and were obliged to shoot them down in self-defence.”

The French Rothschild recalled the German one, of whom the Chief related a very amusing story. He said: “When the members of the Reichstag were here recently, I was seated next to Rothschild at the Crown Prince’s. The Prince sat next to me, and on his other side was Simson. Rothschild smokes a grew deal, and smelt of that and other things, and so I thought I would play a little practical joke before we sat down. But it did not succeed. It is only after dinner that stewards of the household begin to be sensible and listen to a body. I had my revenge however, by letting my neighbour have the benefit of my remarks. I said to him, ‘You should have a house in Berlin, and invite people to see you, and so on.’ ‘What do you mean?’ he asked, in a loud and almost angry voice. ‘Am I to give dinners in a restaurant?’ ‘Well, you might do that too,’ I replied, ‘but to other people, not to me. In my opinion you owe it to the credit of your house. But the best thing would be to have a place of your own in Berlin. You know there is nothing to be expected any longer from the Paris and London Rothschilds, and so you ought to do something in Berlin. People are constantly surprised that you have not yet got into the Almanach de Gotha. Of course, what has not been done up to now may yet happen, but I am afraid you are not going the right way to work.’”

Finally polite literature came to be discussed, and Spielhagen’s “Problematische Naturen” was mentioned. The Chancellor had read it, and did not think badly of it, but he said: “I shall certainly not read it a second time. One has absolutely no time here. Otherwise a much-occupied Minister might well take up such a book and forget his despatches over it for a couple of hours.” Freytag’s “Soll und Haben” was also mentioned, and his description of the Polish riots, as well as the story of the bread-and-butter miss and the ball, were praised, while his heroes were considered insipid. One said they had no passion, and another no souls. Abeken, who took an active part in the conversation, observed that he could not read any of these things twice, and that most of the well-known modern authors had only produced one good book apiece. “Well,” said the Chief, “I could also make you a present of three-fourths of Goethe—the remainder, certainly—I should like to live for a long spell on a desert island with seven or eight volumes out of the forty.” Fritz Reuter was then referred to, and the Minister remarked, “‘Uit de Franzosentid,’ very pretty but not a novel.” “Stromtid” was also mentioned. “H’m,” said the Chief, “Dat is as dat ledder is (that’s just how it is, a favourite expression of one of the characters in the book)—that, it is true, is a novel, and it contains many good and others indifferent, but all through the peasants are described exactly as they are.”

In the evening I translated for the King a long article from The Times on the situation in Paris. Afterwards at tea Keudell spoke very well and sensibly of certain qualities of the Chancellor, who reminded him of Achilles, his great gifts, the youthfulness of his character, his quickness of temper, his tendency to Weltschmerz, his inclination to withdraw from great affairs and his invariably victorious action. Our times could boast a Troy, and also an Agamemnon, shepherd of the nations.

Tuesday, January 10th.—Earth and sky are full of snow. A shot is only to be heard now and again from our batteries, or from the forts. Count Bill is here, and General von Manteuffel calls at 1 o’clock. They are passing through on their way to the army that is to operate against Bourbaki in the south-east under Manteuffel. During the afternoon I telegraph twice to London reporting the retreat of Chanzy at Le Mans, with the loss of a thousand men who were made prisoners, and Werder’s victorious resistance at Villersexel to a superior French force advancing to the relief of Belfort.

The first subject mentioned at dinner is the bombardment. The Chief holds that most of the Paris forts are of little importance, except perhaps Mont Valérien—“Not much more than the redoubts at Düppel.” That is to say the moats are not very deep, and formerly the walls were also weak. The conversation then turns on the International League of Peace and its connection with social democracy as shown by the fact that Karl Marx, who is now living in London, has been appointed President of the German branch. Bucher describes Marx as an intelligent man with a good scientific education and the real leader of the international labour movement. With reference to the League of Peace the Chief says that its efforts are all of an equivocal character, and that its aims are something very different to peace. It is a cloak for communism. “But,” he concludes, “certain august personages have even now no idea of that. Foreign countries and peace!” In this connection he referred to the influence and attitude of Queen Augusta.

Count Bill, according to the Chief, “looks from a distance like an old staff officer, he is so stout.” He was very lucky in being selected to accompany Manteuffel. Of course, it would only be a temporary billet, but he would see a great deal of the war. “For his age he has a good opportunity to learn something. That was impossible for one of us at eighteen. I should have been born in 1795 to have taken part in the campaign of 1813.” “Nevertheless since the battle of—(I could not catch the name, but he referred apparently to an engagement in the Huguenot War) there was not one of my ancestors who did not draw the sword against France. My father and three of his brothers were engaged against Napoleon I. Then my grandfather fought at Rossbach; my great-grandfather against Louis XIV., and his father against the same King in the little war on the Rhine in 1672 or 1673. Then several of us fought on the imperial side in the Thirty Years’ War, others, it is true, joining the Swedes. And finally still another was amongst the Germans who fought as mercenaries on the Huguenot side. One—there is a picture of him at Schönhausen with his children—was an original character. I still have a letter from him to his brother-in-law in which he says, ‘The cask of Rhine wine costs me eighty reichsthalers. If my worthy brother-in-law considers that too dear I will, so God spares me, drink it myself.’ And another time: ‘If my worthy brother-in-law maintains so-and-so, I hope, so God preserves me, to come into closer contact with his person than will be pleasant to him.’ And again in another place: ‘I have spent 12,000 reichsthalers on the regiment, but I hope, if God spares me, to make as much out of it in time.’ The economies referred to consisted probably in drawing pay for men who were on furlough or who only existed on paper. Certainly the commander of a regiment was better off at that time than now.” Some one observed that was also the rule at a later period, so long as regiments were recruited, paid, and clad by the colonels and hired by the Princes, and possibly the same thing still happened in other countries. The Chief: “Yes, in Russia for instance, in the great cavalry regiments in the Southern provinces which often have as many as sixteen squadrons. There the colonel had, and doubtless yet has other sources of income. A German once told me, for instance, that on a new colonel taking over the command of a regiment—I believe it was in Kursk or Woronesch—the peasants of this wealthy district came to him with waggons full of straw and hay, and begged the ‘little father’ to be gracious enough to accept them. ‘I did not know what they wanted,’ said the colonel, ‘and so I told them to be off and leave me in peace. But the ‘little father’ ought to be fair, they urged, his predecessor had been satisfied with that much, and they could not give more, as they were poor people. At length I got tired of it, particularly as they became very pressing and went down on their knees entreating me to accept it, and I had them bundled out of doors. But then others came with loads of wheat and oats. Then I understood what was meant, and took everything as my predecessor had done, and when the first lot returned with more hay I told them that what they had brought before was enough and they could take back the rest. And thus I secured an annual sum of 20,000 roubles, as I charged the Government for the hay and oats required by the regiment.’ He related that quite frankly and unabashed in a drawing-room in St. Petersburg, and I was the only one who was surprised at it.” “But what could he have done to the peasants?” asked Delbrück. “He himself could have done nothing,” replied the Chief, “but he might have ruined them in another way. He only required not to forbid the soldiers to take what they liked from them.”

Manteuffel was again spoken of, and somebody mentioned that he had broken his leg at Metz, and had to be carried on the battle-field. Manteuffel was greatly surprised that we had not known this, and the Minister remarked that he must certainly have thought us very badly informed as to the incidents of the war. Later on the Chief said: “I remember how I sat with him and —— (I did not catch the name) on the stones outside the Church at Blekstein. The King came up, and I proposed that we should greet him like the three witches in Macbeth: ‘Hail, Thane of Lauenburg! Hail, Thane of Kiel! Hail, Thane of Schleswig!’ It was when I was negotiating the Treaty of Gastein with Blome. I then played quinze for the last time in my life. Although I had not played then for a long time, I gambled recklessly, so that the others were astounded. But I knew what I was at. Blome had heard that quinze gave the best opportunity of testing a man’s character, and he was anxious to try the experiment on me. I thought to myself, I’ll teach him. I lost a few hundred thalers, for which I might well have claimed reimbursement from the State as having been expended on his Majesty’s service. But I got round Blome in that way, and made him do what I wanted. He took me to be reckless, and yielded.”

The conversation then turned upon Berlin, some one having remarked that it was from year to year assuming more the appearance of a great capital, also in its sentiments and way of thinking, a circumstance which to some extent reacted on its Parliamentary representatives. “They have greatly altered during the last five years,” said Delbrück. “That is true,” said the Chief; “but in 1862, when I first had to deal with those gentlemen, they recognised what a hearty contempt I entertained for them, and they have never become friends with me again.”

The Jews then came to be discussed, and the Minister wished to know how it was that the name Meier was so common amongst them. That name was after all of German origin, and in Westphalia it meant a landed proprietor, yet formerly the Jews owned no land. I submitted that the word was of Hebrew origin and occurred in the Old Testament and also in the Talmud, being properly Meïr and akin to “Or,” i.e., light, brilliance, whence the signification of Enlightened, Brilliant, Radiant. The Chief then inquired the meaning of Kohn, a name very common amongst them also. I said it signified Priest, and was originally Kohen From Kohen it became Kohn, Kuhn, Cahen, and Kahn. Kohn and Kahn were also occasionally transformed into Hahn, a remark which caused some amusement as it probably reminded the company of the “Presshahn,” who is at the head of the Berlin Literary Bureau. “I am of opinion,” continued the Minister, “that to prevent mischief, the Jews will have to be rendered innocuous by cross breeding. The results are not bad.” He then mentioned some noble houses, Lynars, Stirums, Gusserows: “All very clever, decent people.” He then reflected for a while and, omitting one link from the chain of thought, probably the marriage of distinguished Christian ladies to rich or talented Israelites, he proceeded: “It is better the other way on. One ought to put a Jewish mare to a Christian stallion of German breed. The money must be brought into circulation again, and the race is not at all bad. I do not know what I shall one day advise my sons to do.”

I spent the whole time after dinner at work, principally reading despatches. The Rumanian (Prince Charles) has sent the Chancellor a letter, written in his own hand, requesting advice in his difficulties. He seems to be in the greatest perplexity, and the Powers will not help him. England and Austria are at least indifferent; the Porte is inclined to look upon the unification of the Principalities as to its interests; France is now of no account; the Tsar Alexander is, it is true, well disposed to Prince Charles but will not interfere; and intervention on the part of Germany, who has no practical interests in Rumania, is not to be expected. Therefore, if the Prince cannot help himself out of his difficulties, he had better retire before he is obliged to. Such was the counsel addressed to him by the Chief through Keudell. Beust has been informed of this. It would appear that Beust’s despatch in reply to the announcement of the approaching union of South Germany with the North, shows a new departure in his political views, and it is possible that even under him satisfactory relations may be developed and maintained between the two newly-organised Powers, Germany and Austria-Hungary. He reported that a new comic paper, Der Bismarck, was being founded in Vienna, and that he would do everything in his power to prevent this abuse of the name. The Chief has recently addressed a communication to the King in which he requests: (1) That the telegrams of the General Staff before being despatched to Berlin should be submitted to him and his approval obtained, as they might have political bearings—as, for example, in the case of the shells that fell in the Luxemburg Gardens. (2) That he should receive full information of the course of military operations, instead of being indebted for detailed particulars to the newspapers and private persons. Subalterns and members of the Ambulance Corps were kept better informed than he.

At 10.30 P.M. the Chief comes down to tea, at which Count Bill also joins us. Abeken returns from Court and brings the news that the fortress of Péronne, with a garrison of 3,000 men, has capitulated. The Chief, who was just looking through the Illustrirte Zeitung, sighed and exclaimed: “Another 3,000! If one could only drown them in the Seine—or at least their Commander, who has broken his word of honour!”

This led the conversation to the subject of the numerous prisoners in Germany, and Holstein said it would be a good idea to hire them out to work on the Strousberg railway. “Or,” said the Chief, “if the Tsar could be induced to settle them in military colonies beyond the Caucasus. It is said to be a very fine country. This mass of prisoners will really form a difficulty for us after the peace. The French will thus have an army at once, and one fresh from a long rest. But there will really be no alternative. We shall have to give them back to Napoleon, and he will require 200,000 men as a Pretorian Guard to maintain himself.” “Does he then really expect to restore the Empire?” asked Holstein. “Oh, very much,” replied the Chief, “extremely, quite enormously much. He thinks of it day and night, and the people in England also.”

Holstein then related how certain people belonging to the English Embassy had behaved very unbecomingly outside the place where the French prisoners are confined in Spandau, and had fared badly in consequence. Cockerell was knocked down and beaten black and blue, so that he afterwards looked “quite as if he had been painted.” Loftus did not at first want to intervene, but was ultimately induced by the other diplomats to enter a complaint. “Did they give this Cockerell a sound hiding?” asked Count Bill. “Oh, certainly,” replied Holstein, “and Miss —— (name escaped me), who tried to interfere on his behalf, also received a few blows.” “Well, I am glad Cockerell got a proper dressing,” said the Chief, “it will do him good. I am sorry for the lady. But it is a pity that Loftus” (the British Ambassador) “himself did not get thrashed on the occasion, as we should then be rid of him.”

Wednesday, January 11th.—Bernstorff reports that Clement Duvernois, a former Minister of Napoleon, wishes to come here in order to negotiate for peace in the name of the Empress. She will agree in principle to the cession of territory and the new frontier demanded by us, and also to the payment of a war indemnity and the occupation of a certain portion of France by our troops until it is paid, and will promise not to enter into negotiations respecting peace with any other Power than Germany. Duvernois is of opinion that although the Empress is not popular, yet she would act energetically, and as a legal ruler would have more authority and offer us a better security than any person elected by and dependent upon the representatives of the country. Duvernois assisted in provisioning Paris and accordingly knows that it must surrender shortly, and therefore as time presses, he is anxious to hurry on negotiations. Will he be received if he comes? Perhaps, if only in order to make the members of the Government in Paris and Bordeaux more yielding.

During dinner the bombardment was discussed, as is now usually the case. Paris was said to be on fire, and some one had clearly seen thick columns of smoke rising over the city. “That is not enough,” said the Chief. “We must first smell it here. When Hamburg was burning the smell could be distinguished five German miles off.” The opposition offered by the “Patriots” in the Bavarian Chamber to the Versailles Treaty was then referred to. The Chief said: “I wish I could go there and speak to them. They have obviously got into a false position and can neither advance nor retire. I have already been doing my best to bring them into the right way. But one is so badly wanted here in order to prevent absurdities and to preach sense.”

Thursday, January 12th.—At dinner the conversation again turned on the bombardment. On somebody observing that the French complain of our aiming at their hospitals, the Chief said: “That is certainly not done intentionally. They have hospitals near the Pantheon and the Val de Grâce, and it is possible that a few shells may have fallen there accidentally. H’m, Pantheon, Pandemonium?” Abeken had heard that the Bavarians intended to storm one of the south-eastern forts that had returned our fire in a weak way. The Chief commended the Bavarians, adding: “If I were only in Munich now, I would bring that home to their members of Parliament in such a way that I should immediately win them over to our side.”

The Chancellor then told us that the King preferred the title “Emperor of Germany” to that of “German Emperor.” “I gave him to understand that I did not care a brass farthing. He was of a different opinion. Rather the country than the people. I then explained to him that the first would be a new title and would at least have no historical basis. There had never been an Emperor of Germany, and though it was true there had also been no German Emperor, there had been a German King.” Bucher confirmed that statement and remarked that Charlemagne assumed the title of “Imperator Romanorum.” Subsequently the Emperor was called “Imperator Romanus, semper augustus, and German King.”

At 11 P.M. the King sent the Chief a pencil note in his own handwriting on a half sheet of letter paper, informing him that we had just won a great victory at Le Mans. The Minister, who was visibly pleased and touched at this attention, said as he handed me the slip of paper in order that I should telegraph the news: “He thinks the General Staff will not let me know, and so he writes himself.”

Friday, January 13th.—Arnim sends a florid account from Rome of the visit paid by Victor Emmanuel to the Eternal City. He mentions a report received from the Nuncio at Bordeaux respecting an attempt by the Government Delegation in that city to secure the intervention of the Pope for the purpose of negotiating a peace. The Cardinal in communicating this to the Minister added that the French are now disposed to make greater concessions than at Ferrières, and asked if in principle the Pope’s mediation would be agreeable to us. Arnim replied that the French Government knew our conditions and could conclude peace at any time on that basis. Arnim states that the efforts made by the Curia on behalf of peace are sincere, but are based on interested motives. The Cardinal asked if it was not intended to grant France any compensation for the proposed cession of territory, whereupon Arnim replied that we had no right to dispose of the territory of other States. The Cardinal obviously had Italy in view, and meant that France should indemnify herself by annexing Piedmont and reinstating the Pope in Rome. The despatch concludes as follows: “My presence here complicates our position, as it awakens hopes that cannot be realised, and maintains intimate relations that clog our footsteps without making the ground upon which we stand any firmer.” Thile reports that Queen Augusta told him the sinking of the English coal ships near Rouen had made more bad blood in England than was believed here. The Crown Princess knew from the letters of her mother that sympathy for our cause was daily decreasing there. Thile replied that he was surprised to hear it, as Bernstorff made no mention of it.

We are joined at dinner by Regierungspräsident von Ernsthausen, a portly gentleman, still young, and by the Chief, who is to dine with the Crown Prince, and only remains until the Varzin ham comes to table, of which he partakes “for the sake of home memories.” Turning to Ernsthausen, he says: “I am invited to the Crown Prince’s, but before going there I have another important interview for which I must strengthen myself.” “Wednesday will be the 18th, and the Festival of the Orders, so we can publish the proclamation to the German people on that day.” (The Proclamation of Emperor and Empire, upon which Bucher is now at work.) (To Ernsthausen): “The King is still in doubt about ‘German Emperor’ or ‘Emperor of Germany.’ He inclines to the latter. But it does not appear to me that there is much difference between the two titles. It is like the Homousios or Homoiousios in the Councils of the Church.” Abeken corrected: “Homöusios.” The Chief: “We pronounce it oi. In Saxony they have the Iotacism. I remember in our school there was a pupil from Chemnitz who read that way” (and he then quoted a Greek sentence), “but the teacher said to him ‘Stop! That won’t do! We don’t hail here from Saxony.’”

After dinner I read the latest despatches and some older drafts. Those of special interest were instructions from the Chief to the Minister of Commerce that the amount expended for the provisioning of Paris could not be included in the Budget; and a memorandum in which Moltke defended the supply of provisions for the Parisians. The 2,800 waggons with provisions were, he says, not intended solely for the Parisians, but also for our own troops—for the former seven million rations of two pounds each for three days—and it would be well if there were still more waggons in France. The Chief returned from the Crown Prince’s at 9.30 P.M., and shortly afterwards he instructed me to telegraph that we had made 8,000 prisoners at Le Mans, and captured twelve guns, and that Gambetta, who wished to be present at the battle, nearly fell into our hands, but just made his escape in time. Afterwards I cut out Unruh’s speech dealing with the scarcity of locomotives on the German railways, for submission to the King.