CHAPTER VI. SICKLES FIGHTS HIS WAY BACK.—ARRIVAL OF THE FIRST CORPS.
Sickles, with his ten thousand men heaped up at Hazel Grove, was still cut off from the main body and could only communicate with Hooker's headquarters by means of bypaths and at great risk. The last orders he received, at 5 P.M., had been to attack Jackson's right flank and check his advance. He determined to do this and force his way back, and with the co-operation of Williams' and Berry's divisions, retake the Plank Road with the bayonet. Ward's brigade was posted in the front line and Hayman's and Graham's brigades a hundred yards in rear. A special column, under Colonel Egan of the 40th New York, was formed on the extreme left. The muskets were uncapped and at midnight the command moved silently against the enemy, and in spite of a terrific outburst of musketry and artillery from the open space at Dowdall's, the Plank Road and the works which Buschbeck had defended were regained. Berry at once moved forward his line to hold them. Many guns and caissons taken from Howard's corps, and Whipple's ammunition train of pack mules were also recovered. The confusion into which the enemy were thrown by this assault against their right, enabled Berry to easily repulse the attack on him, and he continued to hold the position. The result of this brilliant movement was the reoccupation of a great part of the works Howard had lost, and the capture of two guns and three caissons from the enemy. It is said that in this conflict some of Sickles' men, in consequence of the thickets and confusion, finding themselves surrounded, surrendered as they supposed to the enemy, but to their delight found themselves in Berry's division, among their old comrades.
Soon after this fight was over Mott's brigade of the Third Corps, which had been on duty at the Ford, rejoined the main body.
Both sides now rested on their arms and prepared to renew the struggle at daylight. Hooker, in view of a possible defeat, directed his engineer officers to lay out a new and stronger line, to cover his bridges, to which he could retreat in case of necessity.
At sunset the First Corps went into bivouac on the south side of United States Ford, about four miles and a half from Chancellorsville. The men were glad enough to rest after their tedious march on a hot day, loaded down with eight days' rations. General Reynolds left me temporarily in charge of the corps, while he rode on to confer with Hooker. We heard afar off the roar of the battle caused by Jackson's attack, and saw the evening sky reddened with the fires of combat, but knowing Hooker had a large force, we felt no anxiety as to the result, and took it for granted that we would not be wanted until the next day. I was preparing a piece of india- rubber cloth as a couch when I saw one of Reynolds' aids, Captain Wadsworth, coming down the road at full speed. He brought the startling news that the Eleventh Corps had fled, and if we did not go forward at once, the army would be hopelessly defeated. We were soon on the road, somewhat oppressed by the news, but not dismayed. We marched through the thickening twilight of the woods amid a silence at first only broken by the plaintive song of the whip-poor- will, until the full moon rose in all its splendor. As we proceeded we came upon crowds of Eleventh Corps fugitives still hastening to the rear. They seemed to be wholly disheartened. We halted for a time, in order that our position in line of battle might be selected, and then moved on. As we approached the field a midnight battle commenced, and the shells seemed to burst in sparkles in the trees above our heads, but not near enough to reach us. It was Sickles fighting his way home again. When we came nearer and filed to the right to take position on the Elley's Ford road, the men struck up John Brown's song, and gave the chorus with a will. Their cheerful demeanor and proud bearing renewed the confidence of the army, who felt that the arrival of Reynolds' corps, with its historic record, was no ordinary reinforcement.
We were now on the extreme right of the other forces, on the Elley's
Ford road, with the right flank thrown back behind Hunting Creek.
Hooker was very much discouraged by the rout of the Eleventh Corps. An occurrence of this kind always has a tendency to demoralize an army and render it less trustworthy; for the real strength of an armed force is much more in opinion than it is in numbers. A small body of men, if made to believe the enemy are giving way, will do and dare anything; but when they think the struggle is hopeless, they will not resist even a weak attack, for each thinks he is to be sacrificed to save the rest. Hence Hooker did not feel the same reliance on his men as he did before the disaster. He determined, nevertheless, to continue the battle, but contract his lines by bringing them nearer to Chancellorsville. The real key of the battle-field now was the eminence at Hazel Grove. So long as we held it the enemy could not advance without presenting his right flank to our batteries. If he obtained possession of it he could plant guns which would enfilade Slocum's line and fire directly into our forces below. Birney's division at this time was posted in advance of Best's guns on the left, Berry was on the right, with Williams' division of the Twelfth Corps behind Birney, and Whipple's division in rear of Berry.
The position of Hazel Grove commanded Chancellorsville, where all the roads met, and which it was vital to Hooker to hold. For if he lost that, he could not advance in any direction, and only his line of retreat to the Ford would remain open to him. Pleasonton spent the night in fortifying this hill, and placed forty guns in position there; but it was of no avail, for it was outside of the new line Sickles was directed to occupy at daylight, and Hooker was not aware of its importance. A request was sent to the latter to obtain his consent to hold it, but he was asleep, and the staff- officer in charge, who had had no experience whatever in military matters, positively refused to awaken him until daylight, and then it was too late, for that was the time set for the troops to fall back to the new line.
At 9 P.M., Hooker sent an order to Sedgwick, who was supposed to be at Falmouth and to have 26,000 men, to throw bridges over, cross, drive away Early's 9,000, who held the heights of Fredericksburg, and then to come forward on the Plank Road, and be ready at daylight on the 3d to take Lee's force in reverse, while Hooker attacked it in front.
This order was given under the impression that Sedgwick had not crossed with his main body, but only with Howe's division, whereas he was at the bridge heads, three miles below Fredericksburg, on the south side of the river. Hooker probably forgot that he had ordered a demonstration to be made against the Bowling Green road on the 1st, and that Sedgwick went over to make it.
CHAPTER VII. THE BATTLE OF THE THIRD OF MAY.
The Eleventh Corps were now sent to the extreme left of the line to reorganize. There they were sheltered behind the strong works thrown up by Humphrey's division, and were not so liable to be attacked.
The new line laid out by Hooker's order was on a low ridge perpendicular to the Plank Road, and opposite and at right angles to the right of Slocum's front. It was strongly supported by the artillery of the Third, Twelfth, and part of the Eleventh Corps, massed under Captain Best on the heights at Fairview, in the rear and to the left. Sickles was ordered to fall back to it at dawn of day, Birney to lead the way, and Whipple (Graham's brigade) to bring up the rear. The Plank Road ran through the centre of the position, Birney being on the left and Berry on the right, with Whipple's division on a short line in rear, as a reserve. French's division of Couch's corps was posted on Berry's right, the other division (that of Hancock) remained between Mott Run and Chancellorsville.
When the movement began, Birney's division, on the left of Whipple's, occupied the high ground at Hazel Grove, facing the Plank Road, Graham's brigade being on the extreme left. This was a very aggressive position, since it took every column that advanced against Sickles' new line directly in flank, and therefore it was indispensable for the rebel commander to capture Hazel Grove before he advanced against the main body of the Third Corps, which held the Plank Road. This hill was not quite so high as that at Fairview, but our artillery on it had great range, and the post should have been maintained at all hazards. The cavalry who had so ably defended it fell back, in obedience to orders, to the Chancellorsville House, to support the batteries in that vicinity, and I think one regiment was sent to report to Sedgwick. Whipple commenced the movement by sending off his artillery and that of Birney. Graham's brigade was the rear guard. Its retreat was covered by the fire of Huntington's battery on the right. The moment the enemy saw that Graham was retiring, Archer's brigade of A. P. Hill's division charged, attained the top of the hill, and succeeded in capturing four guns. Elated by his success, Archer pressed forward against Huntington's battery, but was rudely repulsed; for Sickles opened on him also with a battery from Fairview. He managed to hold the four guns until Doles' brigade of Rodes' division came to his aid. The two took the hill, for Whipple had no instructions to defend it. He retired in perfect order to the new position assigned him. Huntington's battery, supported by two regiments sent out by Sickles, covered the retreat, but suffered considerable loss in doing so, as one regiment was withdrawn and the other gave way. Ward's brigade was then sent to the right and Hayman's brigade held in reserve.
Stuart, who was now in command of Jackson's corps, saw at a glance the immense importance of this capture, and did not delay a moment in crowning the hill with thirty pieces of artillery, which soon began to play with fatal effect upon our troops below; upon Chancellorsville; and upon the crest occupied by Slocum, which it enfiladed, and as McLaws' batteries also enfiladed Slocum's line from the opposite side, it seems almost miraculous that he was able to hold it at all.
Simultaneously with the attack against Hazel Grove came a fierce onslaught on that part of Sickles' line to the left of the road, accompanied by fierce yells and cries of "Remember Jackson!" a watch-word which it was supposed would excite the rebels to strenuous efforts to avenge the fatal wound of their great leader. It was handsomely met and driven back by Mott's brigade, which had come up from the Ford, and now held the front on that part of the line. A brilliant counter-charge by the 5th and 7th New Jersey captured many prisoners and colors.
Sickles' men fought with great determination, but being assailed by infantry in front and battered almost in flank by the artillery posted at Hazel Grove, the line was manifestly untenable. After an obstinate contest the men fell back to the second line, which was but partially fortified, and soon after to the third line, which was more strongly intrenched, and which they held to the close of the fight.
McGowan's, Lane's, and Heth's brigades of A. P. Hill's division charged resolutely over this line also; but they suffered heavily from Best's guns at Fairview, and were driven back by Colonel Franklin's and Colonel Bowman's brigades of Whipple's division, which made an effective counter-charge. Whipple's other brigade, that of Graham, had been sent to relieve one of Slocum's brigades on the left of the line, which was out of ammunition. It held its position there for two hours.
While this attack was taking place on the left of the road, Pender's and Thomas' brigades, also of Hill's division, charged over the works on the right; but when the others retreated they were left without support and were compelled to retire also. They reformed, however; tried it again, and once more succeeded in holding temporary possession of part of the line, but were soon driven out again.
French's division of Couch's corps was now brought up, and Carroll's brigade struck the rebels on the left, and doubled them back on the centre, capturing a great many prisoners and confusing and rendering abortive Hill's attack in front. Hill sent for his reserves to come up, and three rebel brigades were thrown against Carroll, who was supported by the remainder of French's division and a brigade from Humphrey's division of Meade's corps, and French's flank movement was checked. Then another front attack was organized by the enemy, under cover of their artillery at Hazel Grove, and Nicholls', Iverson's, and O'Neill's brigades charged over everything, even up to Best's batteries at Fairview, which they captured; but our men rallied, and drove them headlong down the hill, back to the first line Sickles had occupied at daylight. It was a combat of giants; a tremendous struggle between patriotism on the one hand and vengeance on the other.
French now tried to follow up this advantage by again pressing against the Confederate left, but it was reinforced by still another brigade, and he could make no progress.
The struggle increased in violence. The rebels were determined to break through our lines, and our men were equally determined not to give way. Well might De Trobriand style it "a mad and desperate battle." Mahone said afterward: "The Federals fought like devils at Chancellorsville." Again Rodes' and Hill's divisions renewed the attempt and were temporarily successful, and again was the bleeding remnant of their forces flung back in disorder. Doles' and Ramseur's brigades of Rodes' division, managed to pass up the ravine to the right of Slocum's works and gain his right and rear, but were unsupported there, and Doles was driven out by a concentrated artillery and musketry fire. Ramseur, who now found himself directly on Sickles' left flank, succeeded in holding on until the old Stonewall brigade under Paxton came to his aid, and then they carried Fairview again, only to be driven out as the others had been.
The battle had now lasted several hours, and the troops engaged, as well as the artillery, were almost out of ammunition. There should have been some staff officer specially charged with this subject, but there seemed to be no one who could give orders in relation to it.
The last line of our works was finally taken by the enemy, who having succeeded in driving off the 3d Maryland of the Twelfth Corps, on Berry's left, entered near the road and enfiladed the line to the right and left. Sickles sent Ward's brigade to take the place of the 3d Maryland, but it did not reach the position assigned it in time, the enemy being already in possession. In attempting to remedy this disaster, Berry was killed, and his successor, General Mott, was wounded. The command then devolved upon general Revere, who, probably considering further contest hopeless, led his men out of the action without authority—an offence for which he was subsequently tried and dismissed the service.
As the cannon cartridges gave out, the enemy brought up numerous batteries, under Colonel Carter, in close proximity to Fairview, and soon overcame all resistance in that direction, driving the troops and guns from the plain.
Anderson now made a junction with Stuart, and their combined efforts drove the Third Corps and Williams' division of the Twelfth Corps back, leaving only Geary and Hancock to maintain the struggle. Geary was without support, but he still fought on. He faced two regiments west at right angles to his original line, and by the aid of his artillery held on for an hour longer; his right brigade facing south, west, and north.
The Third Corps left their last position at Chancellorsville slowly and sullenly. Hayman's brigade, not far from the Chancellorsville House, finding the enemy a good deal disorganized, and coming forward in a languid and inefficient manner, turned—by Sickles' direction—and charged, capturing several hundred prisoners and several colors, and relieving Graham, who was now holding on with the bayonet, from a most perilous flank attack, enabling him to withdraw in good order. Sickles himself was soon after injured by a spent shot of piece of shell, which struck his waist-belt. His corps and French's division had lost 5,000 out of 22,000.
Our front gradually melted away and passed to the new line in rear through Humphrey's division of the Fifth Corps, which was posted about half a mile north of the Chancellorsville House in the edge of the thicket, to cover the retreat. At last only indomitable Hancock remained, fighting McLaws with his front line, and keeping back Stuart and Anderson with his rear line.
The enemy, Jackson's Corps, showed little disposition to follow up their success. The fact is, these veterans were about fought out, and became almost inert. They did not, at the last, even press Hancock, who was still strong in artillery, and he withdrew his main body in good order, losing however, the 27th Connecticut regiment, which was posted at the apex of his line on the south, and was not brought back in time, in consequence of the failure of a subordinate officer to carry out his orders.
Before Hancock left, his line was taken in reverse, and he was obliged to throw back part of his force to the left to resist Anderson, who was trying to force the passage of Mott Run. The line in that direction was firmly held by Colonel Miles of the 61st New York, who was shot through the body while encouraging his men to defend the position.
Stuart's command had lost 7,500 in his attack, and it could hardly have resisted a fresh force if it had been thrown in. General William Hays, of the Second Corps, who was taken prisoner, says they were worn out, and Rodes admits in his report that Jackson's veterans clung to their intrenchments, and that Ramseur and others who passed them, urged them to go forward in vain.
Before the close of the action Hooker was importuned for reinforcements, but to no avail. Perhaps he intended to send them, for about this time he rushed out and made a passionate appeal to Geary's men to charge and retake the works they had lost; promising to aid them by throwing in a heavy force on the enemy's left flank. At this appeal the exhausted troops put their caps on their bayonets, waved them aloft, and with loud cheers charged on the rebels and drove them out once more; but sixty guns opened upon them at close range with terrible effect; the promised reinforcements did not come; they were surrounded with ever increasing enemies, and forced to give up everything and retreat. Stuart and Anderson then formed their lines on the south of and parallel to the Plank Road, facing north, and began to fortify the position.
Had they been disposed to follow up the retreat closely they would have been unable to do so, for now a new and terrible barrier intervened; the woods on each side of the Plank Road had been set on fire by the artillery and the wounded and dying were burning in the flames without a possibility of rescuing them. Let us draw a veil over this scene, for it is pitiful to dwell upon it.
There was no further change in Stuart's line until the close of the battle; but Anderson's division was soon after detached against Sedgwick.
The new line taken up by the Union Army was a semi-ellipse, with the left resting on the Rappahannock and the right on the Rapidan. Its centre was at Bullock's House, about three-fourths of a mile north of Chancellorsville. The approaches were well guarded with artillery, and the line partially intrenched. The enemy did not assail it. They made a reconnoissance in the afternoon, but Weed's artillery at the apex of the line was too strongly posted to be forced, and Lee soon found other employment for his troops, for Sedgwick was approaching to attack his rear.
In the history of lost empires we almost invariably find that the cause of their final overthrow on the battle-field may be traced to the violation of one military principle, which is that the attempt to overpower a central force of converging columns, is almost always fatal to the assailants, for a force in the centre, by the virtue of its position, has nearly double the strength of one on the circumference. Yet his is the first mistake made by every tyro in generalship. A strong blow can be given by a sledge- hammer, but if we divide it into twenty small hammers, the blows will necessarily be scattering and uncertain. Let us suppose an army holds the junction of six roads. It seems theoretically possible that different detachments encircling it, by all attacking at the same time, must confuse and overpower it; but in practice the idea is rarely realized, for no two routes are precisely alike, the columns never move simultaneously, and therefore never arrive at the same time. Some of this is due to the character of the commanders. One man is full of dash, and goes forward at once; another is timid, or at least over-cautious, and advances slowly; a third stops to recall some outlying detachments, or to make elaborate preparations. The result is, the outer army has lost its strength and is always beaten in detail. One portion is sure to be defeated before the others arrive. We shall have occasion to refer to this principle again in reference to the battle of Gettysburg. The history of our own war shows that an attack against the front and rear of a force is not necessarily fatal. Baird's division at Chickamauga defended itself successfully against an assault of this kind, and Hancock faced his division both ways at Chancellorsville and repelled every attempt to force his position. But Hooker thought otherwise. He felt certain that if Sedgwick assailed Lee in rear, while he advanced in front, the Confederate army was doomed. When the time came, however, to carry out this programme, if we may use a homely simile borrowed from General De Peyster, Hooker did not hold up his end of the log, and the whole weight fell upon Sedgwick.
About this time a pillar of the Chancellorsville House was struck by a cannon-ball, and Hooker, who was leaning against it at the moment, was prostrated and severely injured. He revived in a few minutes, mounted his horse and rode to the rear, but it was some time before he turned over the command to Couch, who was second in rank. After this stroke he suffered a great deal from paroxysms of pain, and was manifestly unfit to give orders, although he soon resumed the command.
The historian almost refuses to chronicle the startling fact that 37,000 men were kept out of the fight, most of whom had not fired a shot, and all of whom were eager to go in. The whole of the First Corps and three-fourths of the Fifth Corps had not been engaged. These, with 5,000 of the Eleventh Corps, who desired to retrieve the disaster of the previous day and were ready to advance, made a new army, which had it been used against Stuart's tired men would necessarily have driven them off the field; for there were but 26,000 of them when the fight commenced. To make the matter worse, a large part of this force—the First and Fifth Corps—stood with arms in their hands, as spectators, almost directly on the left flank of the enemy; so that their mere advance would have swept everything before it. Hancock, too, says that his men were fresh enough to go forward again.
Couch succeeded to the command after Hooker was wounded, and made dispositions for the final stand around the Chancellorsville House, where the battle lasted some time longer, and where a battery of the Fifth Corps was sacrificed to cover the retreat of the troops. He did not, however, take the responsibility of renewing the contest with fresh troops, perhaps deterred by the fact that Anderson's and McLaws' divisions had now effected a junction with Stuart's corps; so that the chances were somewhat less favorable than they would have been had Sickles and French had been reinforced before the junction took place. He says, at the close of the action, that fifty guns posted to the right and front of the Chancellorsville House would have swept the enemy away.
I think Hooker was beset with the idea of keeping back a large portion of his force to be used in case of emergency. It appears from a statement made by General Alexander S. Webb, who had made a daring personal reconnoissance of the enemy's movement, that he was present when Meade—acting on his (Webb's) representations, and speaking for himself and Reynolds—asked Hooker's permission to let the First and Fifth Corps take part in the battle. It is fair, however, to state that Hooker, having been injured and in great pain, was hardly accountable for his want of decision at this time. Indeed, General Tremaine, who was a colonel on Sickles' staff, says that Hooker did intend to use his reserve force as soon as the enemy were utterly exhausted. President Lincoln seems to have had a presentiment of what would occur, for his parting words to Hooker and Couch were, to use all the troops and not keep any back.
I have stated that both Meade and Reynolds wished to put their corps in at the vital point, but were not allowed to do so. General Tremaine also states that, subsequently, when Hooker was suffering a paroxysm of pain, he was the bearer of a communication to him requesting reinforcements, which Hooker directed to be handed to General Meade, who was present, for his action. Meade would not take the responsibility thus offered him at so late a period in the action, though strongly urged to do so both by Tremaine and Colonel Dahlgren, without the express order of General Hooker, or the sanction of General Couch, who was his superior officer, and who was absent. Perhaps he was afraid that Hooker might resume the command at any moment and leave him to shoulder the responsibility of any disaster that might occur, without giving him the credit in case of success. Still he should have put the men in, for the success of the cause was above all personal considerations. A single division thrown in at this time would have retrieved the fortunes of the day. The delay of finding Couch would have been fatal; for immediate action was demanded.
Reynolds, indeed, considered himself obliged to wait for orders, but was so desirous to go in that he directed me to send Colonel Stone's brigade forward to make a reconnoissance, in the hope the enemy would attack it and thus bring on a fresh contest; for he intended to reinforce Stone with his whole corps. Stone went close enough to the rebels to overhear their conversation. He made a very successful reconnoissance and brought back a number of prisoners, but as no hint was given him of the object of the movement, he did not bring on a fight. Had he received the slightest intimation that such was Reynolds' wish, he would not have hesitated a moment, for his reputation for dash and gallantry was inferior to none in the army.
Sedgwick being on the south side of the river, three miles below the town, was farther off than Hooker supposed, and did not meet the expectations of the latter by brushing aside Early's 9,000 men from the fortified heights, and coming on in time to thunder on Lee's rear at daylight, and join hands with the main body at Chancellorsville.
The Sixth Corps started soon after midnight to carry out the order. General John Newton's division led the way, with General Shaler's brigade in advance. They were somewhat delayed by a false alarm in rear, and by the enemy's pickets in front, but made their way steadily toward Fredericksburg. When they reached Hazel Run they found a considerable body of the enemy on the Bowling Green Road at the bridge in readiness to dispute the passage. Colonel Hamblin, who was in charge of Newton's skirmish line, left a few of his men to open an energetic fire in front, while he assembled the others and made a charge which took the bridge and secured the right of way. The command reached Fredericksburg about 3 A.M. As the atmosphere was very hazy, Newton found himself almost on the enemy before he knew it; near enough in fact to overhear their conversation. He fell back quickly to the town and occupied the streets which were not swept by the fire from the works above. He then waited for daylight to enable him to reconnoitre the position in his front, previous to making an attack; and that was the hour Hooker had set for Sedgwick to join him in attacking Lee at Chancellorsville.
As soon as it was light Gibbon laid bridges, crossed over, and reported to Sedgwick with his division.
At dawn Newton deployed Wharton's brigade and made a demonstration to develop the enemy's line. As the fortified heights commanded the Plank Road by which Sedgwick was to advance, it became necessary to attack immediately. The plan of assault which was devised by General Newton, and approved by General Sedgwick, was to attenuate the rebel force by attacking it on a wide front, so that it could not be strong anywhere, and to use the bayonet alone. Accordingly, Gibbon was directed to advance on the right to turn their flank there if possible, while Newton was to demonstrate against the centre and Howe to act against the left. Newton deployed Wharton's brigade, opened fire along his front and kept the enemy employed there, but Gibbon was unable to advance on the right, because a canal and a railway lay between him and the rebels, and they had taken up the flooring of the bridges over the latter. Howe did not succeed any better on the left, as in attempting to turn the first line of works he encountered the fire of a second line in rear and in echelon to the first, which took him directly in flank. A concentrated artillery fire was brought to bear on Gibbon, Early sent Hays' brigade from Marye's Hill to meet him, and Wilcox's brigade came up from Banks' Ford for the same purpose, so that he was obliged to fall back.
It was now 10 A.M., and there was no time to be lost. General Warren, who was in camp to represent Hooker, urged an immediate assault. This advice was followed. Newton formed two columns of assault and one deployed line in the centre, and Howe three deployed lines on the left.
Colonel Johns, of the 7th Massachusetts, who was a graduate of West Point, led one of these columns directly against Marye's Hill, with two regiments of Eustis' brigade, supported by the other two regiments, deployed, while another column, consisting of two regiments under Colonel Spear, of the 61st Pennsylvania, supported by two regiments (the 82d Pennsylvania and 67th New York) in column, under Colonel Shaler, was directed to act farther to the right, and the Light Division, under Colonel Burnham of the 5th Massachusetts, attached to Newton's command, was ordered to deploy on the left against the intrenchments at the base of the hill. Spear's column, advancing through a narrow gorge, was broken and enfiladed by the artillery—indeed almost literally swept away—and Spear himself was killed. Johns had an equally difficult task, for he was compelled to advance up a broken stony gulch swept by two rebel howitzers. The head of his column was twice broken, but he rallied it each time. He was then badly wounded, and there was a brief pause, but Colonel Walsh, of the 36th New York, rallied the men again, and they kept straight on over the works. Burnham with his Light Brigade captured the intrenchments below, which had been so fatal to our troops in the previous battle of Fredericksburg, and went into the works above with the others.* The fortified heights on the right of Hazel Run, held by Barksdale's brigade, being now occupied by our troops, those to the left were necessarily taken in reverse, and therefore Sedgwick thought it useless to attack them in front. Howe, nevertheless, carried them gallantly, but with considerable loss of life.
[* When Spear's column was broken, the 82d Pennsylvania, under Colonel Bassett, came forward in support, but was crushed with the same fire. Colonel Shaler's remaining regiment, the 67th New York, followed by the remnant of Bassett's regiment, forced their way over the crest to the right of Colonel Johns' column.]
The coveted heights, which Burnside had been unable to take with his whole army, were in our possession, together with about a thousand prisoners; but the loss of the Sixth Corps was severe, for nearly a thousand men were killed, wounded, and missing in less than five minutes. The attack was over so soon that Early did not get back Hays' brigade, which had been detached to oppose Gibbon, in time to assist in the defence. Newton says if there had been a hundred men on Marye's Hill we could not have taken it.
The rebel force was now divided, and thrown off toward Richmond in eccentric directions.
All that remained for Sedgwick to do was to keep straight on the Plank Road toward Chancellorsville. Had he done so at once he would have anticipated the enemy in taking possession of the strong position of Salem Church, and perhaps have captured Wilcox's and Hays' brigades. But it was not intended by Providence that we should win this battle, which had been commenced by a boasting proclamation of what was to be accomplished; and obstacles were constantly occurring of the most unexpected character. After directing Gibbon to hold the town and cover the bridges there, Sedgwick, instead of pushing on, halted to reform his men, and sent back for Brooks' division, which was still at its old position three miles below Fredericksburg, to come up and take the advance. It was full 3 P.M. before the final start was made. This delay gave Hays time to rejoin Early by making a detour around the head of Sedgwick's column, and Wilcox took advantage of it to select a strong position at Guest's House, open fire with his artillery, and detain Sedgwick still longer. Wilcox then retreated toward the river road, but finding he was not pursued, and that Sedgwick was advancing with great caution, he turned back and occupied for a short time the Toll Gate, half a mile from Salem Church, where McLaws' division was formed with one of Anderson's brigades on his left. When Sedgwick advanced Wilcox fell back and joined the main body at the church.
The other brigades of Anderson's were sent to hold the junction of the Mine road and the River road.
When the pursuit ceased, Early reassembled his command near Cox's house and made immediate arrangements to retake the Fredericksburg heights, and demonstrate against Sedgwick's rear.
McLaws formed his line about 2 P.M. in the strip of woods which runs along the low ridge at Salem Church; two brigades being posted on each side of the road about three hundred yards back. Wilcox's brigade, when driven in, was directed to take post in the church and an adjacent school-house, which were used as citadels. This was a strong position, for the rebels were sheltered by the woods, while our troops were forced to advance over an open country, cut up by ravines parallel to McLaws' front, which broke up their organization to some extent, and destroyed the elan of the attack. After a brief artillery contest, which soon ended, as the enemy were out of ammunition, Brooks' division went forward about 4 P.M., and made a gallant charge, in which Bartlett's brigade, aided by Willston's battery, captured the buildings and drove in part of Wilcox's line. The New Jersey brigade charged at the same time on his right, and Russell's brigade on his left. Wilcox placed himself at the head of his reserve regiments, and aided by Semmes' brigade, made a fierce counter-charge. The combat for the school-house raged with great fury, each party breaking the other's line and being broken in turn. Finally, after much desperate fighting, Bartlett was obliged to yield the portion of the crest he had held which was a key to the position; for as he was not strongly and promptly reinforced, as he should have been, his withdrawal from the church and school-house made a gap which forced the other portions of the line to retreat to avoid being taken in flank. Brooks was therefore driven back to the shelter of the guns at the Toll House. Then Newton's division came up and formed on his right and part of Howe's division on the left.
The Union artillery was well served and destructive, and as Newton had arrived, McLaws found his farther progress checked and was glad to get back to the ridge. Bartlett's attack should have been deferred until Newton's division was near enough to support it. In that case it would undoubtedly have succeeded.
Sedgwick's left now rested on a point nearly a mile from Salem
Church, while his right under Wheaton was somewhat advanced.
Up to this time the fight had been between Brooks' division and McLaws' mixed command. It was now decided that a second attempt should be made by Newton's division, but Newton states that the design was abandoned because Howe's division, which was to support him, had gone into camp without orders, and was not immediately available. Before new arrangements could be made darkness came on, and both armies bivouacked on the ground they occupied. Brooks' division in the assault just made had lost 1,500 men, and Sedgwick no longer felt confident of forcing his way alone through the obstacle that beset him. Nevertheless, trusting to the speedy and hearty co-operation of Hooker, he stood ready to renew the attempt on the morrow, although he foresaw the enemy would fortify their line during the night and make it truly formidable.
When Wilcox left Banks' Ford to aid in the defence of Salem Church, General H. W. Benham of the United States Engineer Corps, who commanded an engineer brigade there, threw over a bridge at Scott's dam, about a mile below Banks' Ford, to communicate with Sedgwick, enable him to retreat in case of disaster, and connect his headquarters with those of Hooker by telegraph.
Hooker disapproved the laying of the bridges, which he thought superfluous, as Sedgwick's orders were to keep on to Chancellorsville. Warren took advantage of this new and short route to return to the main army, in order to give Hooker information as to Sedgwick's position. He promised to send back full instructions for the guidance of the latter.
As soon as the bridge was laid, General J. T. Owens with his brigade of the Second Corps, which had been guarding the ford, crossed over and reported to Sedgwick.
Warren found Hooker in a deep sleep, and still suffering from the concussion that took place in the morning. He gathered from the little he did say, that Sedgwick must rely upon himself, and not upon the main body for deliverance, and he so informed Sedgwick.
CHAPTER VIII. MAY FOURTH.—ATTACK ON SEDGWICK'S FORCE.
As Hooker seemed disposed to be inactive, Lee thought he might venture to still further augment the force in front of Sedgwick, with a view to either capture the Sixth Corps or force it to recross the river. He therefore directed Anderson to reinforce McLaws with the remainder of his division, leaving only what was left of Jackson's old corps to confront Hooker. Anderson had gone over to the right, opposite the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps, and had opened with a battery upon the wagon trains which were parked in that vicinity, creating quite a stampede, until his guns were driven away by the Twelfth Corps. In this skirmish, General Whipple, commanding the Third Division of Sickles' corps, was killed. In the meantime, Early had retaken the heights of Fredericksburg, which were merely held by a picket guard of Gibbon's division, so that, when Anderson arrived and took post on the right of McLaws, parallel to the Plank Road, Sedgwick found himself environed on three sides by the enemy; only the road to Banks' Ford remained open, and even that was endangered by bands of rebels, who roamed about in rear of our forces. At one time it is said they could have captured him and his headquarters. Fortunately the tents which constituted the latter were of so unpretending a character, that they gave no indication of being tenanted by the commanding general.
Hooker had resumed the command, although manifestly incapable of directing affairs; for the concussion must have affected his brain. At all events, although he had almost thirty-seven thousand fresh men, ready and desirous of entering into the combat, and probably only had about seventeen thousand worn out men in front of him, he failed to do anything to relieve Sedgwick's force, which was now becoming seriously compromised. A feeble and ineffectual reconnoissance was indeed attempted, and as that was promptly resisted, Hooker gave up the idea of any advance, and left Sedgwick to get out of the difficulty the best way he could. At 11 A.M., Sedgwick wrote, stating the obstacles which beset him, and requesting the active assistance of the main army. He was directed, in reply, not to attack, unless the main body at Chancellorsville did the same. All remained quiet until 4 P.M. The Sixth Corps were then formed on three sides of a square inclosing Banks' Ford, with the flanks resting on the river. Howe's division faced east toward Fredericksburg, against Early, who confronted him in that direction, and his left stretched out to Taylor's Hill on the Rappahannock. Newton's division, together with Russell's brigade of Brooks' division, faced McLaws on the west, and Brooks' other two brigades—those of Bartlett and Torbert—were opposed to Anderson on the south. The entire line was very long and thin.
Early and McLaws had been skirmishing on their fronts all day, but it was 6 P.M. before everything was in readiness for the final advance. An attempt had, however, been made by Early to turn Howe's left and cut Sedgwick off from the river; but it was promptly met and the enemy were repulsed with a loss of two hundred prisoners and a battle-flag.
Sedgwick felt his position to be a precarious one. His line was six miles long, and he had but about twenty thousand men with which to hold it against twenty-five thousand of the enemy. He thought, too, that reinforcements had come up from Richmond and that the enemy's force far exceeded his own. It was evident he could not recross the river in broad daylight without sacrificing a great part of his corps, and he determined to hold on until night. Benham took the precaution to throw over a second bridge, and this prudent measure, in Sedgwick's opinion, saved his command. Lee, after personally reconnoitring the position, gave orders to break in the centre of the Sixth Corps so as to defeat the two wings, throw them off in eccentric directions, and scatter the whole force. When this was attempted, Sedgwick detached Wharton's brigade from Newton's right, and sent it to reinforce that part of the line. At 6 P.M. three guns were fired as a signal from Alexander's battery and the Confederate forces pressed forward to the attack. Newton's front was not assailed, and the right of Brooks' division easily repulsed the enemy who advanced in that direction, with the fire of the artillery and the skirmish line alone.
The main effort of the evening was made by Early's division, which advanced in columns of battalions, to turn Howe's left, and cut that flank off from the river. Howe's artillery, under charge of Major J. Watts de Peyster, a mere youth, was admirably posted and did great execution on these heavy columns. De Peyster himself rode out and established a battery, a considerable distance in advance of the main line, and the enemy pressed forward eagerly to capture it; after doing so they were suddenly confronted by several regiments in ambush, which rose up and delivered a fire which threw Hays' and Hoke's brigades into great confusion, and caused them to make a precipitate retreat. An attack against Howe's right was also repulsed. In the ardor of pursuit, Howe swung that flank around and captured the 8th Louisiana Regiment, but in doing so, he exposed his rear to Gordon, who came down a ravine behind him, so that he was compelled to fall back and take up a new line. Howe had carefully selected a reserve position and made dispositions to hold it. Fresh assaults on his left finally forced General Neill to retreat to it with his brigade. The enemy followed him up promptly, but were driven back in disorder by Grant's Vermont brigade, two regiments of Newton's division and Butler's regular battery of the 2d United States Artillery. Newton thinks this last attack on Howe was local and accidental, for as the other divisions were not assailed, a concentrated attack on Howe would have destroyed him.
Darkness at last put an end to the strife. Newton, being an engineer officer by profession, had previously been sent by Sedgwick to select a new line to cover the bridges, and the army was ordered to fall back there. It did so without confusion, the roads having been carefully picketed. Brooks took position on Newton's left, after which Howe's division, whose right flank for a time had been "in the air," withdrew also an hour later than the others, and prolonged the line to the left. Howe complained that he was deserted by Sedgwick, but the latter appears to have sent Wheaton's brigade and other reinforcements to aid his retreat. The movement to the rear was favored by the darkness and a thick fog, which settled over the valleys, but did not extend to the high ground. As Benham and Sedgwick, who were classmates at West Point, walked on the slope of the hill where the men were lying—the crest above being held by thirty-four guns on the opposite side of the river—Benham cautioned Sedgwick not to recross under any circumstances without his entire command, nor without Hooker's express sanction, advice which Sedgwick was wise enough to follow.
The enemy did not assail the new position or attempt to interfere with the crossing which soon after took place. When it was nearly concluded, an order came from Hooker countermanding it, but it was then too late to return.
Howe thinks Sedgwick should not have crossed, as the last attack on the left, which was the vital point, had been repulsed. This may be so, in the light of after-consideration, but it was very doubtful at the time, and as Sedgwick had lost a fraction under five thousand men in these operations, and was acting under the false information that additional forces had come up from Richmond, he felt that he had fully borne his share of the burden, and that it was better to place his corps beyond the risk of capture, than to run the chances of renewing the battle. It would, undoubtedly, have been of immense advantage to the cause if he could have continued to hold Taylor's Hill, which dominated the country round, and was the key of the battle-field; for in that case Hooker might have withdrawn from Lee's front and joined Sedgwick, which would have been attaining the object for which our main army left Falmouth, and made the turning movement. He would thus have gained a strategic if not a tactical victory; his shortcomings would have been forgotten, and he would have been regarded as one of the greatest strategists of the age. Hooker, however, had left so many things undone, that it is by no means certain he would have carried out this policy, although he expressed his intention to do so. Sedgwick's movement, in my opinion, added another example to the evil effects of converging columns against a central force.
There is little more to add in relation to Hooker's operations. On the night of the 4th, he called a council of war, and after stating the situation to them, absented himself, in order that they might have full liberty to discuss the subject. Reynolds was exhausted, and went to sleep, saying that his vote would be the same as that of Meade. Meade voted to remain, because he thought it would be impossible to cross in the presence of the enemy. Sickles and Couch voted to retreat. Howard voted to remain, without reference to the situation of the army, because in his opinion his corps had behaved badly, and he wished to retrieve its reputation. Slocum was not present. The final result was that Hooker determined to cross, although the majority of votes were against it. The votes of Meade and Howard, however, were qualified in such a way as to give the impression they were in favor of a retreat.
Owing to a sudden rise in the river the bridges became too short, and there was some doubt as to the practicability of passing over them, but by taking down one, and piecing the others with it, the difficulty was overcome and the army retired, without being followed up, under cover of thirty-two guns posted on the heights on the opposite bank. Meade's corps acted as rear guard.
Hooker left his killed and wounded behind, and had lost 14 guns and 20,000 stand of arms.
It only remains to give a brief statement of the operations of Stoneman's cavalry. These were of no avail as regard the battle of Chancellorsville, for our army was defeated and in full retreat before Lee's main line of communication with Richmond was struck, and then all the damage was repaired in three or four days. There seems to have been a lack of information as to where to strike; for the principal depot of the rebel army was at Guiney's station on the Fredericksburg and Richmond Railroad. The supplies there were but slightly guarded, and could easily have been captured. Had this been done, Lee would have been seriously embarrassed, notwithstanding his victory, and forced to fall back to obtain subsistence.
Stoneman, upon setting out on the expedition, left one division of 4,000 men under Averell to do the fighting, and dispose of any force that might attempt to interfere with the movements of the main body. Averell accordingly followed W. H. F. Lee's two regiments to Rapidan Station, and remained there skirmishing on the 1st of May. His antagonist then burned the bridge, and fell back on Gordonsville. As Averell was about to ford the river and follow, he received orders from Hooker to return; he came back to Elley's Ford on the 2d, which he reached at half past ten at night. As his return was useless and unnecessary, he has been severely censured, but it was not made of his own volition. Soon after Fitz Hugh Lee made a dash at his camp, but was repulsed. On the 3d Averell made a reconnoissance on Hooker's right, with a view to attack the enemy there, but finding the country impracticable for cavalry, returned to Elley's Ford. Hooker, who was not in the best of humor at the time, became dissatisfied with his operations, relieved him from command, and appointed Pleansonton to take his place.
In the meantime, the main body under Stoneman pressed forward, and reached Louisa Court House early on the morning of the 2d. Parties were at once ordered out to destroy the Virginia Central Railroad above and below that point. One of W. H. F. Lee's regiments drove back a detachment of Union cavalry which was moving on Gordonsville, but reinforcements went forward and Lee was driven back in his turn.
In the evening Stoneman made his headquarters at Thompson's Cross Roads, and from there despatched regiments in different directions to burn and destroy.
One party under Colonel Wyndham, 1st New Jersey, was engaged all day on the 3d in injuring the canal at Columbia, and in attempts to blow up the aqueduct over the Rivanna.
Colonel Kilpatrick moved with his regiment, the 2d New York, across the country, passing within two miles and a half of Richmond, and creating great consternation there. He struck and destroyed a portion of the Fredericksburg Railroad—Lee's main line of supply —on the 4th, at Hungary Station, ten miles from Richmond, and burned Meadow Bridge, over the Chickahominy at the railroad crossing. He then turned north again, crossed the Pamunkey, and ended his long ride at Gloucester Point, which was garrisoned by our troops.
Another regiment—the 12th Illinois, under Colonel Davis—went to Ashland and moved up and down the railroad, doing a good deal of damage. It captured a train full of Confederate wounded and paroled them. After a brief encounter with an infantry and artillery force at Tunstall's Station, it also turned north, and made its way over the Pamunkey and Mattapony rivers to Gloucester Point.
Two regiments, the 1st Maine and 1st Maryland, under General Gregg, started down the South Anna River, burning bridges over common roads and railroads. After destroying Hanover Junction, it returned to headquarters.
One of two other small parties were sent on flying excursions to assist in the work of destruction.
On the 5th, Stoneman started to return, and the entire command with the exception of that portion which was at Gloucester Point, recrossed at Kelly's Ford on the 8th.
The losses in each army were heavy. An extract is here given from the official reports, but it is said the Confederate statement is far from being accurate.
LOSSES AT CHANCELLORSVILLE.
UNION.
Killed and
Wounded. Missing. Total.
First Corps (Reynolds). . . . . 192 100 292
Second Corps (Couch). . . . . . 1,525 500 2,025
Third Corps (Sickles) . . . . . 3,439 600 4,089
Fifth Corps (Meade) . . . . . . 399 300 699
Sixth Corps (Sedgwick). . . . . 3,601 1,000 4,601
Eleventh Corps (Howard) . . . . 568 2,000 2,508
Twelfth Corps (Slocum). . . . . 2,383 500 2,883
Cavalry, etc. . . . . . . . . . 150 150
Total . . . . . . . . . . . . 12,197 5,000 17,197
CONFEDERATE.
Killed and
Wounded. Missing. Total.
Early's Division . . . . . . . 851 500 1,351
A. P. Hill's Division . . . . . 2,583 500? 3,083
Colston's Division . . . . . . 1,868 450? 2,318
Rodes' Division . . . . . . . . 2,178 713 2,891
Anderson's Division . . . . . . 1,180 210 1,390
McLaws' Division . . . . . . . 1,379 380 1,759
Artillery and Cavalry . . . . . 227 227
Total . . . . . . . . . . . . 10,266 2,753 13,019
The following extract from Harpers' "History of the Great Rebellion" states the causes of Hooker's defeat in a very able manner, but I do not agree with the author in his estimate of the great danger Lee ran from the converging columns of Sedgwick and Hooker. It is true Lee tried the same system, and succeeded, by sending Jackson around to attack Hooker's right, but the success was due solely to the utter lack of all preparations on the part of Howard to meet the emergency, and to Hooker's failure to make use of the ample means at his disposal to prevent the junction of Stuart and Anderson.
Mr. Alden, the author of the work in question, says:
"There was not, in fact, any moment between Thursday afternoon and Tuesday morning when success was not wholly within the grasp of the Union army. The movement by which Chancellorsville was reached, and the Confederate position rendered worthless, was brilliantly conceived and admirably executed. The initial error, by which alone all else was rendered possible, was that halt at Chancellorsville. Had the march been continued for an hour longer, or even been resumed early in the following morning, the army would have got clear of the Wilderness without meeting any great opposing force, and then it would have been in a position where its great superiority of numbers would have told. The rout of Howard's corps was possible only from the grossest neglect of all military precautions. Jackson, after a toilsome march of ten hours, halted for three hours in open ground, not two miles from the Union lines. A single picket, sent for a mile up a broad road would have discovered the whole movement in ample time for Howard to have strengthened his position, or to have withdrawn from it without loss. The blame of this surprise can not, however, fairly be laid upon Hooker. He had a right to presume that whoever was in command there would have so picketed his lines as to prevent the possibility of being surprised in broad daylight. But even as it was, the disaster to the Eleventh Corps should have had no serious effect upon the general result. That was fully remedied when the pursuit was checked. On Sunday morning Hooker was in a better position than he had been on the evening before. He had lost 3,000 men and had been strengthened by 17,000, and now had 78,000 to oppose to 47,000. The Confederate army was divided, and could reunite only by winning a battle or by a day's march. The only thing which could have lost the battle of that day was the abandonment of the position at Hazel Grove, for from this alone was it possible to enfilade Slocum's line. But surely it is within the limits of military forethought that a general who has occupied a position for two days and three nights should have discovered the very key to that position, when it lay within a mile of his own headquarters. The disabling of Hooker could not, indeed, have been foreseen; but such an accident might happen to any commander upon any field; and there should have been somewhere some man with authority to have, within the space of three hours, brought into action some of the more than 30,000 men within sound, and almost within sight, of the battle then raging. How the hours from Sunday noon till Monday night were wasted has been shown. Hooker, indeed, reiterates that he could not assail the Confederate lines through the dense forests. But Lee broke through those very woods on Sunday, and was minded to attempt it again on Wednesday, when he found that the enemy had disappeared. The golden opportunity was lost, never to be recovered, and the Confederate Army of Northern Virginia gained a new lease of life."
It may not be out of place, as indicating the kind of service in which we were engaged, to quote the following letter, written after the retreat:
"I am so cut, scratched, and bruised that I can hardly hold a pen in my hand. My limbs are covered with swellings from the bites of insects and torn from forcing my way through briers and thorny bushes; my eyes close involuntarily from lack of sleep and excessive fatigue. My legs are cramped from so much riding, and I have not yet succeeded in getting rid of the chill caused by sleeping on the wet ground in the cold rain. My clothes, up to last night, had not been taken off for a week. As I lay down every night with my boots and spurs on, my feet are very much swollen. I ought to be in bed at this moment instead of attempting to write."
The others must have suffered in the same way. Warren, especially, as a medium of communication between Hooker and Sedgwick, made almost superhuman exertions to do without sleep and perform the important duties assigned him.
Each army now felt the need of rest and recuperation, and no military movements of importance took place for several weeks. Soon after the battle of Chancellorsville, Longstreet's two divisions, which had been operating in front of Suffolk, rejoined Lee at Fredericksburg. That portion of Stoneman's cavalry which had taken refuge at Gloucester Point also succeeded, by great boldness and skilful manoeuvring on the part of Colonel Kilpatrick, in outwitting the enemy and getting to Urbanna, after crossing Dragon River, rebuilding a bridge there, and repulsing the rebel forces who tried to prevent them from reaching the Rappahannock. The command, when it arrived at Urbanna, passed over on the ferry-boat, under cover of a gunboat sent there for that purpose, and rejoined the Army of the Potomac at Falmouth, on the 3d of June, bringing in about 200 prisoners, 40 wagons, and 1,000 contrabands, as slaves were usually styled at that time.
CHAPTER IX. PREPARATIONS TO RENEW THE CONFLICT.
The close of the battle of Chancellorsville found the Union army still strong in numbers, defeated, but not disheartened, and ready, as soon as reinforcements and supplies arrived, and a brief period of rest and recuperation ensued, to take the field again. To resist the effects of this defeat and recruit our armies required, however, great determination and serious effort on the part of the Administration; for a large and powerful party still clogged and impeded its efforts, and were allowed full liberty to chill the patriotism of the masses, and oppose, with tongue and pen and every species of indirection, all efficient action which looked to national defence. This opposition was so strong and active that the President almost preferred the risk of losing another battle to the commotion which would be excited by attempts to enforce the draft; for hitherto we had relied entirely on voluntary enlistments to increase our strength in the field. Men are chilled by disaster and do not readily enlist after a defeat; yet the terms of service of thirty thousand of the two years' and nine months' men were expiring, and something had to be done. Our army, however, at the end of May was still formidable in numbers, and too strongly posted to be effectually assailed; especially as it had full and free communication with Washington and the North, and could be assisted in case of need by the loyal militia of the free States.
The rebels had obtained a triumph, rather than a substantial victory, at Chancellorsville. It was gained, too, at a ruinous expense of life, and when the battle was over they found themselves too weak to follow up our retreating forces. While the whole South was exulting, their great commander, General Lee, was profoundly depressed. The resources of the Davis Government in men and means were limited, and it was evident that without a foreign alliance, prolonged defensive warfare by an army so far from its base, would ultimately exhaust the seceding States, without accomplishing their independence. It became necessary, therefore, for General Lee to chose one of two plans of campaign: Either to fall back on the centre of his supplies at Richmond, and stand a siege there, or to invade the North. By retiring on Richmond he would save the great labor of transporting food and war material to the frontier, and would remove the Northern army still further from its sources of supply and its principal depots. One circumstance, however, would probably in any event, have impelled him to take the bolder course. The situation in Vicksburg was becoming alarming. It was evident the town must fall and with its surrender the Federal fleet would soon regain possession of the Mississippi. The fall of Vicksburg, supplemented by the retreat of Lee's army on Richmond, would dishearten the Southern people, and stimulate the North to renewed efforts. It was essential, therefore, to counterbalance the impending disaster in the West by some brilliant exploit in the East.
There was perhaps another reason for this great forward movement, founded on the relation of the Confederacy to the principal European powers. England still made a pretence of neutrality, but the aristocracy and ruling classes sided with the South, and a large association of their most influential men was established at Manchester to aid the slaveholding oligarchy. The rebels were fighting us with English guns and war material, furnished by blockade runners; while English Shenandoahs and Alabamas, manned by British seamen, under the Confederate flag, burned our merchant vessels and swept our commercial marine from the ocean. The French Government was equally hostile to us, and there was hardly a kingdom in Europe which did not sympathize with the South, allied as they were by their feudal customs to the deplorable system of Southern slavery. Russia alone favored our cause, and stood ready, if need be, to assist us with her fleet; probably more from antagonism to England and France, than from any other motive. The agents of the Confederate Government stated in their official despatches that if General Lee could establish his army firmly on Northern soil England would at once acknowledge the independence of the South; in which case ample loans could not only be obtained on Southern securities, but a foreign alliance might be formed, and perhaps a fleet furnished to re-open the Southern ports.
While thus elated by hopes of foreign intervention, the Confederate spies and sympathizers who thronged the North greatly encouraged the Davis Government by their glowing accounts of the disaffection there, in consequence of the heavy taxation, rendered necessary by the war, and by the unpopularity of the draft, which would soon have to be enforced as a defensive measure. They overrated the influence of the Copperhead or anti-war party, and prophesied that a rebel invasion would be followed by outbreaks in the principal cities, which would paralyze every effort to reinforce the Federal forces in the field.
These reasons would have been quite sufficient of themselves to induce Lee to make the movement, but he himself gives an additional one. He hoped by this advance to draw Hooker out, where he could strike him a decisive blow, and thus ensure the permanent triumph of the Confederacy. He was weary of all this marching, campaigning, and bloodshed, and was strongly desirous of settling the whole matter at once. Having been reinforced after the battle of Chancellorsville by Longstreet's two divisions and a large body of conscripts, he determined to advance. On May 31st, his force, according to rebel statements, amounted to 88,754, of which 68,352 were ready for duty. Recruits, too, were constantly coming in from the draft, which was rigidly enforced in the Southern States.
Hooker having learned from his spies that there was much talk of an invasion, wrote to the President on May 28th, that the enemy was undoubtedly about to make a movement of some kind. On June 3d, McLaws' and Hood's divisions of Longstreet's corps started for the general rendezvous at Culpeper. A change in the encampment on the opposite side of the river was noted by the vigilant Union commander, who at once ordered Sedgwick to lay two bridges at the old crossing place, three miles below Fredericksburg, pass over with a division, and press the enemy to ascertain if their main body was still there. Fresh indications occurred on the 4th, for Ewell's corps followed that of Longstreet. The bridges being completed on the 5th, Howe's division of the Sixth Corps was thrown over and Hill's corps came out of their intrenchments to meet it. Some skirmishing ensued, and Sedgwick reported, as his opinion, that the greater portion of the enemy's force still held their old positions. Hooker, however, was determined to be prepared for all contingencies, and therefore, on the same day, detached the Fifth Corps to be in readiness to meet the enemy should they attempt to force a passage anywhere between United States Ford and Banks' Ford. Resolved to obtain certain information at all hazards, on the 7th of June he ordered Pleasonton to make a forced reconnoissance with all the available cavalry of the army, in the direction of Culpeper, to ascertain whether the Confederate forces were really concentrating there, with a view to an invasion of the North.
Should this prove to be the case, Hooker desired to cross the river, to envelop and destroy Hill's corps, and then follow up the main body as they proceeded northward, thus intercepting their communications with Richmond. The authorities at Washington, however, did not look with much equanimity upon the possibility of finding Lee's army interposed between them and the Army of the Potomac, so they refused to sanction the plan and it was abandoned.
Nevertheless, in my opinion it was about the best method that could have been devised to check the invasion, provided that Hooker did not lose his water-base; for Lee always showed himself very sensitive whenever his communications with Richmond was threatened. If that was severed no more ammunition or military supplies would reach him. The amount of cartridges on hand was necessarily limited. It would soon be expended in constant skirmishes and engagements, and then he would be helpless and at the mercy of his antagonist. Consequently, the moment he heard that a portion of the Sixth Corps had crossed and confronted Hill, he directed Ewell and Longstreet to halt at Locust Grove, near Chancellorsville, and be in readiness to return to Fredericksburg to assist Hill in case there was any danger of his being overpowered. Finding Sedgwick's advance was a mere reconnoissance, the two rebel corps resumed their march to Culpeper.
Hooker deemed it essential to success, that all troops connected with the theatre of invasion should be placed under his command, so that they could act in unison. In his opinion most of their strength was wasted in discordant expeditions, which were useless as regards the general result. He referred more particularly to General Dix's command at Old Point Comfort, General Heintzelman's command in Washington, and General Schenck's troops posted at Baltimore, along the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad and in the Valley of the Shenandoah. This request was reasonable and should have been granted. Hooker's demands, however, were not considered favorably. There was no very good feeling between General Halleck, who was commander of the army, and himself; and as he felt that his efforts were neither seconded nor approved at headquarters, he soon after resigned the command.
The main body of the Union cavalry at this time was at Warrenton and Catlett's Station. Hooker, having been dissatisfied with the result of the cavalry operations during the Chancellorsville campaign, had displaced Stoneman in favor of Major-General Alfred Pleasonton.