Colored Americans in the Wars of 1776 and 1812

The late James Forten, of Philadelphia, well known as a Colored man of wealth, intelligence and philanthropy, relates that he remembered well when Lord Cornwallis was overrunning the South, when thick gloom clouded the prospect. Then Washington hastily gathered what forces he was able and hurried to oppose him. "And I remember," said he, "for I saw them, when the regiments from Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Massachusetts marched through Philadelphia, that one or two companies of Colored men were attached to each. The vessels of War of that period, were all, to a greater or less extent, manned with Colored men. On board the 'Royal Louis,' of twenty-six guns, commanded by Captain Stephen Decatur, senior, there were twenty Colored seamen. I had myself enlisted on this vessel, and on the second cruise was taken prisoner and shortly after was confined on board the old Jersey Prison Ship, where I remained a prisoner for seven months. The Alliance, of thirty-six guns, commanded by Commodore Barry; the Trumbull, of thirty-two guns, commanded by Captain Nicholson; and the ships South Carolina, Confederacy, and the Randolph, each were manned in part with Colored men."

The digression from military service to those rendered voluntarily during the pestilence, seemed to me warrantable in this connection.

In the autumn of 1793, the yellow fever broke out in Philadelphia, with peculiar malignity. The insolent and unnatural distinctions of caste were overturned and the people called Colored, were solicited in the public papers to come forward, and assist the perishing sick. The same mouth which had gloried against them in its prosperity, in its overwhelming adversity implored their assistance. The Colored People of Philadelphia nobly responded. The then Mayor, Matthew Clarkson, received their deputation with respect, and recommended their course. They appointed Absalom Jones and William Gray to superintend it, the Mayor advertising the public, that by applying to them, aid could be obtained. This took place about September.

Soon afterwards the sickness increased so dreadfully that it became next to impossible to remove the corpses. The colored people volunteered this painful and dangerous duty—did it extensively, and hired help in doing it. Dr. Rush instructed the two superintendents in the proper precautions and measures to be used.

A sick white man crept to his chamber window, and entreated the passers by to bring him a drink of water. Several white men passed, but hurried on. A foreigner came up—paused—was afraid to supply the help with his own hands, but stood and offered eight dollars to whomsoever would. At length, a poor colored man appeared; he heard—stopped—ran for water—took it to the sick man; and then staid by him to nurse him, steadily and mildly refusing all pecuniary compensation.

Sarah Boss, a poor black widow, was active in voluntary and benevolent services.

A poor black man, named Sampson, went constantly from house to house giving assistance everywhere gratuitously, until he was seized with the fever and died.

Mary Scott, a woman of Color, attended Mr. Richard Mason and his son, so kindly and disinterestedly, that the widow, Mrs. R. Mason, settled an annuity of six pounds upon her for life.

An elderly black nurse, going about most diligently and affectionately, when asked what pay she wished, used to say, "A dinner, Massa, some cold winter's day."

A young black woman was offered any price, if she would attend a white merchant and his wife. She would take no money; but went, saying that, if she went from holy love, she might hope to be preserved—but not if she went for money. She was seized with the fever, but recovered.

A black man, riding through the streets, saw a white man push a white woman out of the house. The woman staggered forward, fell in the gutter and was too weak to rise. The black man dismounted, and took her gently to the hospital at Bush-hill.

Absalom Jones and Wm. Gray, the Colored Superintendents, say, "A white man threatened to shoot us if we passed by his house with a corpse. We buried him three days afterwards."

About twenty times as many black nurses as white were thus employed during the sickness.

The following certificate was subsequently given by the Mayor:—

"Having, during the prevalence of the late malignant disorder, had almost daily opportunities of seeing the conduct of Absalom Jones and Richard Allan, and the people employed by them to bury their dead, I with cheerfulness give this testimony of my approbation of their proceedings, as far as the same came under my notice. The diligence, attention, and decency of deportment, afforded me at the time much satisfaction.

Signed,

Matthew Clarkson, Mayor.

Philadelphia, June 23, 1794.

On the capture of Washington by the British forces, it was judged expedient to fortify, without delay, the principal towns and cities exposed to similar attacks. The Vigilance Committee of Philadelphia waited upon three of the principal Colored citizens, namely James Forten, Bishop Allen, and Absalom Jones, soliciting the aid of the people of Color in erecting suitable defences for the city. Accordingly, two thousand five hundred Colored men assembled in the State House yard, and from thence marched to Gray's ferry, where they labored for two days, almost without intermission. Their labors were so faithful and efficient, that a vote of thanks was tendered them by the committee. A battalion of Colored troops were at the same time organized in the city, under an officer of the United States army; and they were on the point of marching to the frontier when peace was proclaimed.

A Colored man, whom I visited in the hospital, called to see me to-day. He had just got out. He looked very pitiful. His head was bent down. He said he could not get it erect, his neck was so injured. He is a very intelligent man, and can read and write. I will give you his story.

Charles Black, over fifty, resides in Lombard Street. Was at home with his little boy unconscious of what was transpiring without. Suddenly, the mob rushed into his room, dragged him down stairs, and beat him so unmercifully that he would have been killed, had not some humane individuals interposed and prevented further violence. He was an impressed seaman on board an English sixty-four gun ship, in the beginning of the War of 1812. When he heard of the war, he refused to fight against his country, although he had nine hundred dollars prize money coming to him from the ship. He was, therefore, placed in irons, and kept a prisoner on board some time and then sent to the well known Dartmoor prison. He was exchanged, and shipped for France. Shortly after he was taken and sent back to Dartmoor—was exchanged a second time, and succeeded in reaching the United States. He soon joined the fleet on Lake Champlain, under M'Donough; was with him in the celebrated battle which gave honor (?) to the American arms. He was wounded, but never received a pension. His father was in the battle of Bunker Hill, and his grandfather fought in the old French War.

(From the Burlington (N. J.) Gazette.)

"I am One Hundred Years Old To-day."

The attention of many of our citizens has doubtless been arrested by the appearance of an old Colored man, who might have been seen sitting in front of his residence, in East Union Street, respectfully raising his hat to those who might be passing by. His attenuated frame, his silvered head, his feeble movements, combine to prove that he is very aged; and yet comparatively few are aware that he is among the survivors of the gallant army who fought for the liberties of our country, "in the days which tried men's souls."

On Monday last we stopped to speak to him, and asked him how he was. He asked the day of the month, and upon being told that it was the 24th day of May, replied with trembling lips, "I am very old—I am a hundred years old to-day."

His name is Oliver Cromwell, and he says he was born at the Black Horse (now Columbus) in this county, in the family of John Hutchin. He enlisted in a company commanded by Captain Lowery, attached to the 2nd New Jersey Regiment, under the command of Colonel Isaac Shreve. He was at the battles of Trenton, Princeton, Brandywine, Monmouth and Yorktown, at which latter place, he told us, he saw the last man killed. Although his faculties are failing, yet he relates many interesting reminiscences of the Revolution. He was with the army at the retreat of the Delaware, on the memorable crossing of the 25th of December, 1776, and relates the story of the battles on the succeeding days with enthusiasm. He gives the details of the march from Trenton to Princeton, and told us, with much humor, that they "knocked the British about lively" at the latter place. He was also at the battle of Springfield, and says that he saw the house burning in which Mrs. Caldwell was shot, at Connecticut Farms.

Even in the Slaveholding States did Colored people magnanimously "brave the battle field," developing a heroism indeed as though their own liberty was to be a recompense. But we found no proof that the boasted chivalry of the Palmetto State extended the boon demanded by simple justice.

The celebrated Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina, in his speech on the Missouri question, and in defiance of the Slave representation of the South, made the following admission:

"They (the Colored people) were in numerous instances the pioneers, and in all the laborers of our armies. To their hands were owing the greatest part of the fortifications raised for the protection of the country.

Fort Moultrie gave, at an early period of the experience an untried valor of our citizens, immortality to the American arms."

THE LAST OF BRADDOCK'S MEN.

The Lancaster (Ohio) Gazette, February, 1849, announces the death at that place, of Samuel Jenkins, a Colored man, aged 115 years. He was a Slave of Captain Breadwater, in Fairfax County, Virginia, in 1771, and participated in the memorable campaign of Gen. Braddock.

Testimony of Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, from his speech in Congress on the imprisonment of Colored Seamen, Sept. 1850:—

* * * "I have an impression, however, that, not indeed in these piping times of peace, but in the time of war, when quite a boy, I have seen black soldiers enlisted, who did faithful and excellent service. But however it may have been in the Northern States, I can tell the Senator what happened in the Southern States at this period. I believe that I shall be borne out in saying, that no regiments did better service at New Orleans than did the black regiments which were organized under the direction of Gen. Jackson himself, after a most glorious appeal to the patriotism and honor of the people of Color of that region and which, after they came out of the war, received the thanks of Gen. Jackson in a proclamation which has been thought worthy of being inscribed on the pages of history."

In 1814, when New Orleans was in danger, and the proud and criminal distinctions of caste were again demolished by one of those emergencies in which nature puts to silence for the moment the base partialities of art, the free Colored people were called into the field in common with the whites; and the importance of their services was thus acknowledged by Gen. Jackson:—

"Headquarters Seventh Military District, Mobile,

September 21, 1874.

"To the Free Colored Inhabitants of Louisiana:

Through a mistaken policy, you have heretofore been deprived of a participation in the glorious struggle for national rights, in which our country is engaged. This no longer shall exist.

"As Sons of Freedom, you are now called upon to defend our most inestimable blessings. As Americans, your country looks with confidence to her adopted children for a valorous support, as a faithful return for the advantages enjoyed under her mild and equitable government. As fathers, husbands, and brothers, you are summoned to rally around the standard of the Eagle, to defend all which is dear in existence.

"Your country, although calling for your existence, does not wish you to engage in her cause without remunerating you for the services rendered. Your intelligent minds are not to be led away by false representations—your love of honor would cause you to despise the man who should attempt to deceive you. With the sincerity of a soldier and in the language of truth I address you.

"To every noble-hearted free man of color, volunteering to serve during the present contest with Great Britain, and no longer, there will be paid the same bounty in money and lands, now received by the white soldiers of the United States, namely, one hundred and twenty-four dollars in money, and one hundred and sixty acres of land. The non-commissioned officers and privates will also be entitled to the same monthly pay, daily rations and clothes furnished to any American soldier.

"On enrolling yourselves in companies, the Major General commanding will select officers, for your government, from your white fellow citizens. Your non-commissioned officers will be appointed from among yourselves.

"Due regard will be paid to the feelings of freemen and soldiers. You will not, by being associated with white men in the same corps, be exposed to improper comparisons or unjust sarcasm. As a distinct, independent battalion or regiment, pursuing the path of glory, you will, undivided, receive the applause and gratitude of your countrymen.

"To assure you of the sincerity of my intentions, and my anxiety to engage your invaluable services to our country, I have communicated my wishes to the Governor of Louisiana, who is fully informed as to the manner of enrollments, and will give you every necessary information on the subject of this address.

Andrew Jackson, Major Gen. Commanding."

The second proclamation is one of the highest compliments ever paid by a military chief to his soldiers.

On December 18, 1814, General Jackson issued, in the French language, the following address to the free people of color:

"Soldiers! When on the banks of the Mobile I called you to take up arms, inviting you to partake the perils and glory of your white fellow citizens, I expected much from you, for I was not ignorant that you possessed qualities most formidable to an invading enemy. I knew with what fortitude you could endure hunger and thirst, and all the fatigues of a campaign. I knew well how you loved your native country, and that you, as well as ourselves, had to defend what man holds most dear—his parents, wife, children and property. You have done more than I expected. In addition to the previous qualities I before knew you to possess, I found among you a noble enthusiasm, which leads to the performance of great things.

"Soldiers! The President of the United States shall hear how praiseworthy was your conduct in the hour of danger, and the representatives of the American people will give you the praise your exploits entitle you to. Your General anticipates them in applauding your noble ardor.

"The enemy approaches; his vessels cover our lakes; our brave citizens are united, and all contention has ceased among them. Their only dispute is, who shall win the prize of valor, or who the most glory, its noblest reward. By order, Thomas Butler, Aide-de-Camp."

The Pennsylvania Freeman, of March 10, 1851, heralds as follows:

"The article below from the New Orleans Picayune, of a recent date, revives an important historical fact, which, with similar evidence of the devotion of free people of color, to their country's safety and welfare, notwithstanding the injustice they have received from its hands—the enemies of the colored people have been careful to conceal in their calumnies against this injured people. Let those men read and ponder it, who fear dangers to the nation from the presence in it of a population of colored freemen, protected by law in the full possession of all their rights. The incident narrated is also a burning rebuke from a slave-holding community to the vulgar negro-hatred of the North, which drives worthy colored men from popular processions, parades, schools, churches, and the so-called 'respectable avocations of life.'

"The Free Colored Veterans.—Not the least interesting, although the most novel feature of the procession yesterday (celebration of the Battle of New Orleans,) was the presence of ninety of the colored veterans who bore a conspicuous part in the dangers of the day they were now for the first time called to assist in celebrating, and who, by their good conduct in presence of the enemy, deserved and received the approbation of their illustrious Commander-in-Chief. During the thirty-six years that have passed away since they assisted to repel the invaders from our shores, these faithful men have never before participated in the annual rejoicings for the victory which their valor contributed to gain. Their good deeds have been consecrated only in their own memories, or lived but to claim a passing notice on the page of the historian. Yet who more than they deserve the thanks of the country and the gratitude of the succeeding generations? Who rallied with more alacrity in response to the summons of danger? Who endured the hardships of the camp, or faced with greater courage the perils of the fight? If in that hazardous hour, when our homes were menaced with the horrors of war, we did not disdain to call upon the Colored population to assist in repelling the invading horde, we should not when the danger is past, refuse to permit them to unite with us in celebrating the glorious event which they helped to make so memorable an epoch in our history. We were not too exalted to mingle with them in the affray; they were not too humble to join in our rejoicings.

"Such we think is the universal opinion of our citizens. We conversed with many yesterday and without exception they expressed approval of the invitation which had been extended to the colored veterans to take part in the ceremonies of the day, and gratification at seeing them in a conspicuous place in the procession.

"The respectability of their appearance and the modesty of their demeanor made an impression on every observer and elicited unqualified approbation. Indeed, though in saying so we do not mean disrespect to any one else, we think that they constituted decidedly the most interesting portion of the pageant, as they certainly attracted the most attention."

The editor, after further remarks upon the procession, adding of its Colored members, "We reflected that, beneath their dark bosoms were sheltered faithful hearts, susceptible of the noblest impulses," thus alludes to the free Colored population of New Orleans:

"As a class, they are peaceable, orderly, and respectable people, and many of them own large amounts of property among us. Their interests, their homes, and their affections, are here, and such strong ties are not easily broken by the force of theoretical philanthropy, or imaginative sentimentality. They have been true hitherto, and we will not do them the injustice to doubt a continuance of their fidelity. While they may be certain that insubordination will be promptly punished, deserving actions will always meet with their due reward in the esteem and gratitude of the community."

Heroism Rewarded.—A correspondent of the New York Observer, writing from the West, says:—

"Before leaving our boat, we must not omit to notice one of the waiters in the cabin. He is a man of history. That tall, straight, active, copper-colored man, with a sparkling eye and intelligent countenance, was Col. Clay's servant at Buena Vista. Fearless of danger, and faithful to his master, he attended the Colonel in the midst of the fatal charge, saw him fall from his horse, and, surrounded by the murderous Mexicans, at last carried the mangled dead body from the field. The Hon. Henry, in gratitude for such fidelity to his gallant son, has allowed this man to hire himself out for five years, and to retain half the proceeds, and at the end of that time gives him half his freedom."

That is, a human being perils his life to save the life or bear off the body of another human being, and for this act, he is to receive one half of his own earnings, for five years, and at the end of that time, to be made a present of to himself!—Boston Christian Register.

The colored citizens of Ohio held a Mass Convention at Cleveland, Sept. 8th, 1852. From their proceedings I cull the following incidents and tributes as peculiarly appropriate to a military history of colored Americans.

Rev. Dr. J. W. C. Pennington delivered a speech, of which Mr. Howland, a colored phonographic reporter, furnishes this sketch:—

"The Doctor took the stand and delighted the convention with a short, brilliant and instructive address on the history of the past, and the part which the colored people have taken in the struggles of this nation for independence and its various wars since its achievement.

"Mr. P. is a graduate of America's "Peculiar Institution." His graduation fees were paid only very recently by the beneficence of sundry English ladies and gentlemen; and his Doctorate of Divinity was conferred on him by one of the German Universities. Dr. Pennington claimed for his race the honor of being the first Americans whose bosoms were fired by the spirit of American Independence. And that claim, we think, he amply justified by documentary evidence.

"He read sundry antique papers, collected by him with great pains from the archives of the State of New York, showing, that some thousands of Colored people in that State, thirty years before the Declaration of Independence was promulgated, were charged by the King of Great Britain with conspiring against his authority, attempting to throw off their obedience to him, and seeking to possess themselves of the Government of the Colony of New York. Some of them were banished, and others hanged. Those Colored fathers of his, said the Rev. Doctor, attributed their Slavery to King George, and maintained their rights to freedom to be inviolable.

"Subsequently, when the white fathers of our Revolution, walking in the footsteps of their illustrious predecessors, declared against Britain's King, they said to his Colored fathers: That King did make you Slaves. Now come you and help us break his rule in this country, and that done, we'll all be free together.

"Dr. P. exhibited to the audience an autograph petition of the Colored people of Connecticut to the Government of Connecticut, presented immediately after the Revolutionary war, and praying that Government to comply with the promise which had been made them of freedom, and under which they had helped fight the battles of that war.

"He read, also, an autograph paper of George Washington, dismissing from the service of that war, with high recommendation of their courage and efficiency, several Colored men; and also certificates of a like character from numbers of officers, both naval and military, in both wars with England. We wish we could give Dr. P.'s whole speech, and especially in his own well-chosen words."

The Convention then adjourned to join in the general jubilee, over some of the events which Colored people have helped to make conspicuous.

Thursday morning at sunrise, a salute was fired in the public square, in honor of the day, by the "Cleveland Light Artillery," and another at nine o'clock, as the procession formed, of which the orator of the day, subsequently said: "They were the first thunders of artillery that ever awaked the echoes of these hills, in honor of the Colored people. But they shall not be the last."

Says the "Daily True Democrat," of the 10th inst:

"The principal feature in the ceremonials of this jubilee, was the address of our fellow-citizen, Mr. William H. Day; a performance worthy of its great purpose, and therefore most creditable to the author. Not often have we heard an address listened to with so absorbing an attention, nor observed an audience to be more deeply moved, than was Mr. Day, by some parts of that address. After noticing the day, the 9th of September, which had been selected for their jubilation, and illustration as pre-eminent suitableness to the occasion, by happy references to many illustrious events of which it was the anniversary, Mr. Day addressed himself to an able vindication of the claims of his race in this country, to an equal participation in the exercise and enjoyment of those American rights which large numbers of that race, in common with the men of fairer complexion, had fought, suffered and died to establish. Behind the orator sat seven or eight veteran Colored men. Mr. D.'s apostrophe to those veterans was as touching as admirable, and produced a profound sensation."

Among the speakers were several who took part in some of the battles of the country. One of these men is Mr. John Julius, of Pittsburgh, Pa.

Among the Europeans who left their homes and rallied in defence of American Independence, history records no more illustrious names than Lafayette and Kosciusko. Not being tainted with American Colorphobia they each expressed regret that their services had been made a partial instead of a general boon. Read the extract from Lafayette's letter to Clarkson:—

"I would never have drawn my sword in the cause of America, if I could have conceived that thereby I was founding a land of Slavery."

During his visit to the United States, in 1825, he made inquiries for several Colored soldiers whom he remembered as participating with him in various skirmishes.

Kosciusko, the gallant Pole, was young when the news reached his ear that America was endeavoring to release her neck from Britain's yoke. He promptly devoted himself to the service, and displayed a heroism which won universal respect. Washington loved and honored him, and the soldiers idolized his bravery; but his manly heart was saddened to learn that the Colored man was not to be a recipient of those rights—rights, too, which many a sable soldier had fought to obtain, and Kosciusko naturally presumed that when the victory was achieved, all, irrespective of Color or accidental difference, would be freely invited to the banquet.

But this unsophisticated Polish General was doomed to disappointment. Kosciusko, with the feeling that all Americans should have been proud to exhibit—but, sad to tell, few did so—endeavored to render some signal compensation to those with whose wrongs his own had taught him to sympathize; and, as a grateful tribute to the neglected and forgotten Colored man, he appropriated $20,000 of his hard earnings to purchase and educate Colored children. But, by the laws of Virginia where the bequest was to be carried into effect, this generous object was defeated.

On the last visit to the United States of this illustrious donor, the will was put into the hands of Thomas Jefferson, who was appointed Executor, to purchase slaves and educate them, so as, in his own words, "to make them better sons and better daughters." Jefferson transferred the same to Benjamin L. Lear. In 1830, the bequest then amounting to $25,000 was claimed by the legal heirs of the donor. Interested parties subsequently recommended that the fund, if recovered, should be employed by the trustees in buying and educating Slave children, with the view of sending them to Liberia; an object far enough at variance from the donor's intention.

This matter has been in litigation a long time, and I have been unable to learn the conclusion. The chain of circumstances reminds me of the following question, once put to a Florida planter of twenty-five years standing:—

"Has any property left by will to any Colored person ever been honestly and fairly administered by any white person?" Mark his answer: "Such instances might possibly have happened, but never to my knowledge."

Within a recent period, several companies of Colored men in New York City have enrolled themselves "a la militaire." The New York "Tribune" of August, 1852, awards them the following commendation:

"Colored Soldiers.—Among the many parades within a few days we noticed yesterday a soldierly looking company of Colored men, on their way homeward from a target or parade drill. They looked like men, handled their arms like men, and should occasion demand, we presume they would fight like men.

"At the New Bedford celebration August 1, 1851, of British West India Emancipation, the procession was escorted by a Colored Company of Cadets from New York. Among the civilities extended in honor of the day was an invitation to the military and strangers to visit the splendid residence and ornamental grounds of James Arnold, Esq., who, with his family, tendered the utmost kindness and courtesy in exhibiting the beauties of nature and art that so lavishly adorn this New Bedford palace. Rodney French, Esq., also with characteristic courtesy threw open the doors of his hospitable mansion to the military visitors, and a few invited guests. These voluntary manifestations of good will, at once honorable to the donors and grateful to the recipients should be accepted as a harbinger for a better day coming.

"A number of the chivalric portion of Colored Bostonians have also been taking initiatory steps for a military company, and accordingly petitioned the Legislature for a charter, the claims of which were presented by Charles Lenox Remond and Robert Morris, Esq., but like the prayers of the Attucks petitioners, they, too, had leave to withdraw."

"I can wait," were the memorable words of John Quincy Adams when his free speech was stopped on the floor of Congress.

The world will bear witness that we have waited; and oh, how patiently! We have learned how sublime a thing it is to suffer and be strong; but though familiar with we shall never grow reconciled to the discipline. "Our hearts, though often times made to bleed, will gush afresh at every wound."

The treatment meted out to us in this country, is but an illustration of hating those whom we have injured, and calls to mind that scene from Waverly, where Fergus Mac Iver replies to his friend on being led to execution. "You see the compliment they pay to our highland strength and courage; here we have lain until our limbs are cramped into palsy and now they send a file of soldiers with loaded muskets to prevent our taking the castle by storm." The analogy is found in the omnipresent and omnipotent influence of American Pro-Slavery in crushing every noble aspiration of the unoffending Colored men.

But despite the reign of terror inflicted upon us by the combined influences of the Fugitive Slave Law, and the American Colonization Society, we shall manfully contend for our rights, and as hopefully bide our time, trusting that an enlightened public sentiment will soon yield us the Justice so long withheld; so far as in Nature the smiles of summer are made sweeter by the frowns of winter, the calm of ocean is made more placid by the tempest that has preceded it, so in this moral battle these incidental skirmishes will contribute to render the hour of triumph soon a blissful realization. So sure as night precedes day, winter wakes spring, and war ends with peace, just as sure will the persevering efforts of Freedom's army be crowned with Victory's perennial laurels.

From the foregoing it will be seen that the seven years conflict and also the war of 1812, were both dotted by the devotion and bravery of Colored Americans, despite the persecutions heaped Olympus high upon them by their fellow countrymen. They have ever proved loyal and ready to worship or die, if need be, at Freedom's shrine. The "amor patriae" has always burned vividly on the altar of their hearts. They love their native land, "its hills and valleys green." The white man's banquet has been held and loud paeans to liberty have reached the sky above, while the Colored American's share has been to stand outside and wait for the crumbs that fall from Freedom's festive board.

A tribute, by an emancipator, being an extract from the will of A. P. Upshur, a member of President Tyler's Cabinet:

"I make this as my last will and testament:

"1 * * * *—

"2 * * * *—

"3. I emancipate and set free, my servant, David Rich, and direct my executors to give him one hundred dollars. I recommend him, in the strongest manner, to the respect, esteem and confidence of any community in which he may happen to live. He has been my Slave for twenty-four years, during which time he has been trusted to every extent, and in every respect. My confidence in him has been unbounded; his relation to myself and family has always been such as to afford him daily opportunities to deceive and injure us; and yet he has never been detected in a serious fault, nor ever an intentional breach of the decorums of his station. His intelligence is of a high order, his integrity above all suspicion, and his sense of right and propriety always correct and even delicate and refined. I feel that he is justly entitled to carry this certificate from me, into the new relations which he now must form. It is due to his long and most faithful services and to the sincere and steady friendship which I bear him. In the uninterrupted and confidential intercourse of twenty-five years, I have never given, nor had occasion to give him, an unpleasant word. I know no man who has fewer faults, or more excellencies, than he.

Signed,      A. P. UPSHUR."

A TRIBUTE FROM THE EMANCIPATION, BY
WASHINGTON'S FREED MEN.

Upon a recent visit to the tomb of Washington, I was much gratified by the alterations and improvements around it. Eleven colored men were industriously employed in leveling the earth and turf around the sepulchre. There was an earnest expression of feeling about them that induced me to inquire if they belonged to the respected lady of the mansion. They stated they were a few of the many Slaves freed by George Washington and they had offered their services upon this last melancholy occasion, as the only return in their power to make to the remains of the man who had been more than a father to them; and they should continue their labors as long as anything should be pointed out for them to do. I was so interested in this conduct that I inquired their several names, and the following were given me:

"Joseph Smith, Sambo Anderson, William Anderson, his son, Berkley Clark, George Lear, Dick Jasper, Morris Jasper, Levi Richardson, Joe Richardson, William Moss, William Hays and Nancy Squander, cooking for the men—Fairfax County, Va., Nov. 14, 1835."

[From Godey's Lady's Book, June, 1849.]

ANECDOTES OF WASHINGTON.

By Rev. Henry F. Harrington.

Primus Hall.—Throughout the Revolutionary war he was the body servant of Col. Pickering, of Massachusetts. He was free and communicative and delighted to sit down with an interested listener and pour out those stories of absorbing and exciting anecdotes with which his memory was stored.

It is well known that there was no officer in the whole American army whose friendship was dearer to Washington, and whose counsel was more esteemed by him than that of the honest and patriotic Colonel Pickering. He was on intimate terms with him, and unbosomed himself to him with as little reserve as, perhaps, to any confidant in the army. Whenever he was stationed within such a distance as to admit of it, he passed many hours with the Colonel, consulting him upon anticipated measures and delighting in his reciprocated friendship.

Washington was, therefore, often brought into contact with the servant of Col. Pickering, the departed Primus. An opportunity was afforded to the Negro to note him, under circumstances very different from those in which he is usually brought before the public and which possess, therefore, a striking charm. I remember one of these anecdotes from the mouth of Primus. One of them is very slight, indeed, yet so peculiar as to be replete with interest. The authenticity of both may be fully relied upon.

Washington once came to Col. Pickering's quarters and found him absent.

"It is no matter," said he to Primus, "I am greatly in need of exercise. You must help me to get some before your master returns."

Under Washington's directions the Negro busied himself in some simple preparations. A stake was driven into the ground about breast high, a rope tied to it, and then Primus was desired to stand at some distance and hold it horizontally extended. The boys, the country over, are familiar with this plan of getting sport. With true boyish zest, Washington ran forward and backward for some time, jumping over the rope as he came and went, until he expressed himself satisfied with the "exercise."

Repeatedly afterward, when a favorable opportunity offered he would say—"Come, Primus, I am in need of exercise," whereat the Negro would drive down the stake and Washington would jump over the rope until he had exerted himself to his content.

On the second occasion, the great General was engaged in earnest consultation with Col. Pickering in his tent until after the night had fairly set in. Headquarters were at a considerable distance and Washington signified his preference to staying with the Colonel over night, provided he had a spare blanket and straw.

"Oh yes," said Primus, who was appealed to, "plenty of straw and blankets—plenty."

Upon assurance, Washington continued his conference with the Colonel until it was time to retire to rest. Two humble beds were spread side by side, in the tent, and the officers laid themselves down, while Primus seemed to be busy with duties that required his attention before he himself could sleep. He worked, or appeared to work, until the breathing of the prostrate gentlemen satisfied him that they were sleeping; and then, seating himself on a box or stool, he leaned his head on his hands to obtain such repose as so inconvenient a position would allow. In the middle of the night Washington awoke. He looked about and descried the Negro as he sat. He gazed at him a while and then spoke.

"Primus!" said he calling, "Primus!"

Primus started up and rubbed his eyes. "What, General?" said he.

Washington rose up in bed. "Primus," said he, "what did you mean by saying that you had blankets and straw enough! Here you have given up your blanket and straw to me, that I may sleep comfortably, while you are obliged to sit through the night."

"It's nothing, General," said Primus. "It's nothing. I'm well enough. Don't trouble yourself about me, General, but go to sleep again. No matter about me. I sleep very good."

"But it is matter—it is matter," said Washington, earnestly. "I cannot do it, Primus. If either is to sit up, I will. But I think there is no need of either sitting up. The blanket is wide enough for two. Come and lie down with me."

"Oh, no, General!" said Primus, starting, and protesting against the proposition. "No; let me sit here. I'll do very well on the stool."

"I say come and lie down here," said Washington, authoritatively. "There is room for both and I insist upon it!"

He threw open the blanket as he spoke, and moved to one side of the straw. Primus professes to have been exceedingly shocked at the idea of lying under the same covering with the commander-in-chief, but his tone was so resolute and determined that he could not hesitate. He prepared himself, therefore, and laid himself down by Washington; and on the same straw, and under the same blanket, the General and the Negro servant slept until morning.

• John G. Whittier's Letter to the National Era. July, 1847.
• Botta's History and Hewes' Reminiscences. Boston Transcript, March, 1851.
• Ramsay's History of the American Revolution, Vol. I.
• Speech of Hon. Anson Burlingame, October 13, 1852.
• Suffolk Probate Record, published in the Liberator, February, 1847.
• Speech of Hon. Wistam Burgess, January, 1828.
• Speech of Geo. Eustis, December 12, 1820.
• Thatcher's Military Journal, August 3, 1777.
• Speech of Dr. Clarke in N. Y. Constitutional Convention, 1821.
• Speech of Congressman Martindale, January 21, 1828.
• Sketch of Rev. Theodore Parker.
• Certificate of Mayor Matthew Clarkson, of Philadelphia, June 23, 1794.
• Burlington (N. J.) Gazette.
• Speech of Hon. Charles Pinckney, of South Carolina.
• Lancaster (Ohio) Gazette, February, 1849.
• Speech of Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, September, 1850.
• General Andrew Jackson's First Proclamation, September 21, 1814.
• General Jackson's Second Proclamation, December 18, 1814.
• The Pennsylvania Freeman, March 10, 1851, (quoting from New Orleans Picayune.)
• Boston Christian Register, (quoting from the N. Y. Observer.)
• Speech of Dr. J. W. C. Pennington, September 8, 1852.
• Marquis de Lafayette's letter to Clarkson.
• General Kosciusko's Will.
• New York Tribune, August, 1852.
• Will of Hon. A. P. Upshur, Member of President Tyler's Cabinet.
• Alexandria (Va.) Gazette.
• Godey's Lady's Book, June, 1849.