III.
POLICE-PAID SPIES.
It is, of course, impossible to speak on this subject with absolute certainty. But association with Anarchists brings one into contact with so many questionable characters that doubts naturally arise in one’s mind as to the genuineness of many active members of the party. Continued association confirms these doubts, and raises them almost to a feeling of certitude. But most of them “give the game away” (to use a vulgarism) by being extraordinarily flush of money whilst doing little or no work. Some will stump the country ostensibly for Anarchism, but really for Scotland Yard. Visiting the various “groups” in Scotland and England (there are none in Ireland) periodically, they usually stay just sufficiently long in each case to learn the movements and intentions of the local Anarchists, and then return to communicate the information they have gathered to the police authorities in London.
It may not be generally known that the notorious and now-dissolved “Club Autonomie” was closed simply and solely because it had become notorious as a rendezvous for spies in the pay of almost every European Government, who notified their respective Governments of every move on the part of the Anarchists here in London and the provinces.
The ranks of Anarchy are simply honey-combed with spies. Not only is Scotland Yard well represented in the secret councils of the party, but so also is the secret political police of every Continental Government. And of this the Anarchists are perfectly well aware, for mutual suspicion reigns supreme among them. So great is this feeling of distrust that few of the “companions” escape suspicion. David Nicoll, who, it will be remembered, underwent eighteen months’ imprisonment for an article in the Commonweal inciting to the murder of Mr. Justice Hawkins and the then Chief-Inspector Melville, has denounced two of the most respected and prominent financiers of the movement—Drs. Nettlau and Macdonald—as spies in the pay of the police. In this connection it is only fair to add that a dozen or so active and well-known Anarchists have replied through Freedom with a note of confidence in the two gentlemen named.
At the trial of the Walsall Anarchists for bomb conspiracy, it transpired that one of the prominent personages in the affair was in regular receipt of secret service money. Chief-Inspector Melville, then head of the political branch of the Criminal Investigation Department, charged solely with the care of Anarchists and Fenians, confessed at the Walsall trial to having “paid lots of Anarchists money.” And these people who sell their own comrades, are the people who prate of regenerating the world! Pah!
Here is a further instance: I know of a spy who himself confessed to having been in the pay of both the English and French police. He arrived in this country from France, apparently in great poverty, and his dire want was an excuse for accepting food from one “comrade,” lodging from another, and anything he could get from others. His professions of sympathy with the Anarchist propaganda were hearty, and the Anarchists trusted and believed him so far as to allow him to attend the secret meetings of the “French Group.” In consequence of this he was able to give information to both the French and English police. The plans of the “comrades” having been foiled on one or two occasions it was rumoured that a traitor existed in the camp. Shortly after this a “comrade” was deputed to go to France by the “group” on secret business, and the spy asked to be allowed to go with him. This was agreed to. At Dieppe the “comrade” was arrested, the police having been accurately informed as to the time of his arrival on French soil. The spy returned to England, and explained his return on the ground that he was not allowed to remain in France. The “comrades” in London called a special meeting of the “groups,” at which the spy was purposely permitted to attend. He was directly charged with being the spy, and with having supplied the French and English police with information as to the movements of the Anarchists in London. He vehemently protested his innocence. He was gagged and his pockets searched. Letters were found from the French police, instructing him to watch and report on the doings of certain French Anarchists then in London. The spy afterwards made a full confession of his connection with the French police, and also of his connection with the authorities at Scotland Yard. He was shamefully ill-treated, but escaped and fled to France, where he is now.
As an example of the way in which these police agents work themselves into the confidence of the Anarchist leaders, here is an advertisement from the Commonweal in proof—
“International Anarchist School, 19, Fitzroy-square, W. Conducted by Louise Michel and A. Coulon. Free education in English, French, and German. Any friend taking an interest in the School can now obtain a portrait group of teachers and scholars on application to A. Coulon, Secretary, at above address.”
The secretary of this school was the police informer in the Walsall case.
At one time there existed in London an international Anarchist news agency, where every kind of Anarchist publication, in almost any language, could be procured. A “comrade” enjoying the confidence of the party was placed in charge, and the shop became a rendezvous for almost every foreign Anarchist in London. The trusted “comrade” was a police spy! He had been instrumental in dragging his Anarchist customers into the great police net, even going to the lengths of procuring photos of them for the monster album of Scotland Yard. The truth leaked out gradually. One night the Anarchists assembled in force outside the shop, seeking the traitorous “comrade’s” gore. But, scenting trouble, and like a sensible person, the “comrade” had a few hours earlier sought out fresh fields and pastures new.
During my connection with the movement, several spies were discovered and denounced. I have in mind, as I write, the case of an Anarchist friend of mine—as good-hearted a fellow as ever breathed—who, but for my timely intervention, would be now in penal servitude, a victim to the machinations of one of these agents provocateurs. One day a letter came to the place where our “group” met, addressed to the “Communists’ Committee.” It was a long scrawl, in very bad English, from a Frenchman who signed himself in three different names. On the Sunday following, Monsieur came to our “group” meeting, and professed intimate acquaintance with the Walsall Anarchists, who had just then been sent to penal servitude. One of our English “comrades” somehow took a liking to this fellow, and as he professed to be homeless and without money, gave him shelter and food for some months; even, on one occasion, going so far as to pawn his carpenter’s tools to procure him food. During all this time, the Frenchman was endeavouring to persuade my friend to commit an outrage in London. At last a scheme was devised for the blowing-up of a big London institution. A difficulty now arose—my friend had to confess his ignorance regarding the making of explosives. “Zat ve vill soon rectify,” said the Frenchman. One evening I called on my English friend and found Monsieur had been out all day. “He has written a letter in French for me to send to Paris,” I was informed. Having my suspicions as to the man’s genuineness, and being acquainted slightly with the French language, I was allowed to examine the letter. It was addressed to M. Jean Grave—a well-known French Anarchist—at 140, Rue Mouffetard, Paris—and asked for a copy of “Le Anarchiste Indicateur,” a manual of instructions for the making of every kind of bomb known, to be sent to my friend’s address, “as he intends making an act of propaganda for the Cause” in London. Instead of sending the letter, I consigned it to the flames, and the plot was abandoned. Strange to say, the Frenchman never returned to my friend’s house again, but, in his place, appeared two detectives who, for some weeks, day and night, watched the premises, and shadowed my friend wherever he went. These facts aroused our suspicions. I heard nothing further until some months later when, the matter having blown over, a representative of Scotland Yard told me that, after writing the letter, and feeling confident that it would be sent, Monsieur had communicated with the French police, who, in their turn, had informed the authorities at Scotland Yard, with the result above mentioned. If that letter had been sent, my friend would be now in penal servitude for being in the possession of illegal publications.
In France, spying is done on a grand scale. M. Andrieux, in his “Memoirs of a Prefect of Police,” gives the following instance:—
“The companions were looking for someone to advance funds, but ‘infamous capital’ did not seem in a hurry to reply to their appeal. I urged on ‘infamous capital’ and succeeded in persuading it that it was to its own interests to facilitate the publication of an Anarchist paper.... But don’t imagine that I with frank brutality offered the Anarchists the encouragement of the Prefect of Police. I sent a well-dressed bourgeois to one of the most active and intelligent of them. He explained that having made a fortune in the druggist line, he wanted to devote a part of his income to advancing the Anarchist propaganda. This bourgeois, anxious to be devoured, inspired the companions with no suspicion. Through his hands I placed the caution-money” (caution-money has to be deposited before starting a paper in France) “in the coffers of the State, and the journal, La Revolution Sociale, made its appearance. It was a weekly paper, my druggist’s generosity not extending to the expenses of a daily.”