CORONATION RITES

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
C. F. CLAY, Manager
London: FETTER LANE, E.C.
Edinburgh: 100 PRINCES STREET

New York: G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS
Bombay, Calcutta and Madras: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd.
Toronto: J. M. DENT AND SONS, Ltd.
Tokyo: THE MARUZEN-KABUSHIKI-KAISHA

All rights reserved

CORONATION RITES

BY
REGINALD MAXWELL WOOLLEY, B.D.

Rector and Vicar of Minting
Examining Chaplain to the Lord Bishop of Lincoln

Cambridge:
at the University Press
1915

Cambridge:
PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

NOTE BY THE EDITORS

The purpose of The Cambridge Handbooks of Liturgical Study is to offer to students who are entering upon the study of Liturgies such help as may enable them to proceed with advantage to the use of the larger and more technical works upon the subject which are already at their service.

The series will treat of the history and rationale of the several rites and ceremonies which have found a place in Christian worship, with some account of the ancient liturgical books in which they are contained. Attention will also be called to the importance which liturgical forms possess as expressions of Christian conceptions and beliefs.

Each volume will provide a list or lists of the books in which the study of its subject may be pursued, and will contain a table of Contents and an Index.

The editors do not hold themselves responsible for the opinions expressed in the several volumes of the series. While offering suggestions on points of detail, they have left each writer to treat his subject in his own way, regard being had to the general plan and purpose of the series.

H. B. S.
J. H. S.

PREFACE

While it is hoped that this book may prove of service to those who wish to study the history and structure of the Coronation Rite, it will be evident that a subject so large can only be treated, in the space at my disposal, in outline. Those who wish for more detailed information must be referred to the texts themselves.

May I also here point out that since the Rite was probably never used twice in identically the same form in any country, and since it was thus in a continually fluid state, the ‘Recensions’ into which the rites of the different countries are here and generally divided, are to a certain extent arbitrary, and must be taken as marking periods at which the rites reached certain stages of developement?

Both Dr Swete and Dr Srawley have by their criticisms added considerably to the accuracy of the book. To Dr Srawley in particular I am much indebted for his patience in the discussion of various doubtful points that arose, and also for the trouble he has taken with the proof during the passage of the book through the Press. I am indebted, too, to the Rev. Chr. Schmidt for going over my translation of the Scandinavian documents. I have to thank M. H. Omont for permission to reproduce the miniature of Nicephorus Botoniates, and Mr H. Yates Thompson for like permission in the case of the picture of St Louis. All the photographs, except of this last named picture, were made by Mr Donald Macbeth. Lastly I must express my sense of obligation to the readers and printers of the University Press for the care with which they have printed the book.

R. M. W.

August 23, 1915.

CONTENTS

PLATES

BIBLIOGRAPHY

A. DOCUMENTS

I. Eastern Rites.

1. Constantinople.

Codinus Curopalates. De officiis Constantinopolitanis. (Bonn, 1839.)

Constantinus Porphyrogenitus. De caerimoniis aulae Byzantinae. (Bonn, 1829.)

Goar, J. Euchologion. (Paris, 1647.)

Theophanes. Chronographia. (Bonn, 1839.)

2. Russia.

Maltzew, A. Die heilige Krönung. In Bitt-Dank- und Weihe-Gottesdienste der orthodox-katholischen Kirche des Morgenlandes. (Berlin, 1897.)

Metallinos, E. Imperial and Royal Coronation. (London, 1902.)

3. Abyssinia.

Lobo, Jeronymo. Voyage Historique d’Abissinie, Traduite du Portugais, continuée et augmentée de plusieurs Dissertations, Lettres, et Mémoires. Par M. Le Grand, Prieur de Neuville-les-Dames et de Prevessin. (Paris, MDCCXXVIII.)

Tellez, Balthasar. The Travels of the Jesuits in Ethiopia translated into English. (London, 1710.)

II. Western Rites.

1. The Imperial Rite.

Duchesne, L. Liber Pontificalis. 2 vols. (Paris, 1886-92.)

Hittorp, Melchior. De divinis Catholicae Ecclesiae officiis. Paris, 1610.

Mabillon, J. Museum Italicum, 2 vols. (Paris, 1687-9.) For Ordines Romani, see also Migne, P.L. LXXVIII.

Martène, E. De antiquis ecclesiae ritibus. (Antwerp, 1763.)

(The first edition of this work published in 1702 does not contain all the documents which are found in the editions of 1736 onwards.)

Panvinius and Beuther. Inauguratio, Coronatio, Electioque aliquot Imperatorum, etc. (Hanover, 1612.)

Pertz, G. H. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. (Hanover, 1826.)

Pontificale Romanum. (Venice, 1520.)

Pontificale Romanum Clementis VIII et Urbani PP. VIII auctoritate recognitum. (Louvain, n.d. Other edd., Paris, 1664, Rome, 1738-40.)

Waitz, G. Die Formeln der deutschen Königs- und der römischen Kaiser-Krönung. (Göttingen, 1872.)

2. The Coronation of a King.

(a) England.

Greenwell, W. The Pontifical of Egbert Archbishop of York. (Surtees Soc., vol. XXVII. 1853.)

Wickham Legg, J. Missale ad usum Ecclesiae Westmonasteriensis, vols. II. and III. (H.B.S., 1893-6.)

Wickham Legg, J. Three Coronation Orders. (H.B.S., 1900.)

Wickham Legg, J. The Order of the Coronation of King James I. (Russell Press, London, 1902.)

Wickham Legg, L. G. English Coronation Records. (Westminster, 1901.)

Wordsworth, Chr. The Manner of the Coronation of King Charles I of England. (H.B.S., 1892.)

The Form and Order of the Service that is to be performed and of the Ceremonies that are to be observed in the Coronation of Their Majesties King Edward VII and Queen Alexander in the Abbey Church of S. Peter, Westminster, on Thursday, the 26th day of June, 1902. (Cambridge, 1902.)

The Form and Order of the Service that is to be performed and of the Ceremonies that are to be observed in the Coronation of Their Majesties King George V and Queen Mary in the Abbey Church of S. Peter, Westminster, on Thursday, the 22nd day of June, 1911. (Oxford, 1911.)

(b) France.

Ménard, H. D. Gregorii Papae I. Liber Sacramentorum. Paris, 1642. (Reprinted in Migne, P.L. LXXVIII.)

Dewick, E. S. The Coronation Book of Charles V of France. (H.B.S., 1899.)

Francorum Regum Capitularia, in Migne, P.L. CXXXVIII.

Godefroy, T. Le Cérémonial François. (Paris, MDCXLIX.)

Martène, op. cit.

Masson, F. Le sacre et le couronnement de Napoléon. (Paris, 1908.)

Procès-Verbal de la Cérémonie du Sacre et du Couronnement de LL. MM. L’Empereur Napoléon et L’Impératrice Joséphine. (Paris, An XIII. = 1805.)

(c) Rome.

Hittorp, op. cit.

Martène, op. cit.

Mabillon, op. cit.

Pontificale Romanum.

(d) Milan.

Magistretti, M. Pontificale in usum eccles. Mediolanensis necnon Ordines Ambrosiani. (Milan, 1897.)

Pertz, op. cit.

(e) Germany.

Pertz, op. cit.

Martène, op. cit.

(f) Hungary.

Martène, op. cit.

Panvinius and Beuther, op. cit.

(g) Spain.

de Blancas, J. Coronaçiones. (Çaragoça, 1641.)

Çurita, Geronymo. Los cinco libros primeros de la segunda parte de los anales de la corona de Aragon. (Çaragoça, MDCX.)

Férotin, M. Liber ordinum. (Paris, 1904.)

Yanguas y Miranda, J. M. Cronica de los Reyes de Navarra. (Pamplona, 1843.)

(h) Papal.

Lector, Lucius. Le Conclave. (Paris, 1894.)

Lector, Lucius. L’Élection papale. (Paris, 1896.)

Mabillon, op. cit.

Grissell, H. de la G. Sede vacante. (Oxford, 1903.)

Sacrarum caerimoniarum sive rituum ecclesiasticorum S. Rom. Ecclesiae Libri tres. (Venetiis, MDLXXXII.)

(i) Other Countries.

Acta Bohemica. ([Prague], 1620.)

Actus Coronationis seren. Dn. Frederici Com. Pal. Rheni ... et Dom. Elisabethae ... in Regem et Reginam Bohemiae. (Prague, 1619.)

Allernaadigst approberet Ceremoniel ved Deres’ Majestæter Kong Christian den Ottendes og Dronning Caroline Amalias forestaaende, höie Kronings-og Salvings-Act paa Frederiksborg Slot, Sondagen den 28ᵈᵉ Juni, 1840. Hendes Majestæt Dronninges allerhöieste Födselsdag. A. Seidelin. (Kjöbenhavn, 1840.)

Bute, John Marquess of. Scottish Coronations. (Alex. Gardner, 1902.)

Cooper, J. Four Scottish Coronations. (Aberdeen, 1902.)

Ceremoniel ved deres Majestæter Kong Haakon den Syvende’s og Dronning Maud’s Kroning i Trondhjem’s Domkirke Aar 1906. Steen’ske Bogtrykkeri, Kr. A., 1906.

Kurtze Beschreibung wie Ihr. Königl. Majest. zu Schweden Karolus XI: zu Upsahl ist gekrönet worden. Aus dem Schwedischen verdeutschet. (1676.)

Ordning vid Deras Majestäter Konung Carl den Femtondes och Drottning Wilhelmina Frederika Alexandra Anna Lovisas Kröning och Konungens Hyllning vid Riksdagen i Stockholm. 1860.

Wickham Legg, J. An Account of the Anointing of the First King of Prussia in 1701, in Arch. Journ. LVI. pp. 123 ff. 1899.

B. SPECIAL TREATISES

I. The Vestments.

Bock, F. Die Kleinodien des heil. römischen Reiches deutscher Nation. (Leipzig, 1864.)

Brightman, F. E. The Coronation Vestments. In The Pilot, vol. VI. pp. 136, 137.

Wickham Legg, L. G., op. cit.

II. Various.

Bouquet, M. Recueil des historiens des Gaules. (Paris, 1738.)

Brightman, F. E. Byzantine Imperial Coronations. In Journal of Theological Studies, II. 369 f. (Cited as J. Th. St.)

Desdevises du Dezert, G. Don Carlos d’Aragon. (Paris, 1889.)

Diemand, A. Das Ceremoniell der Kaiserkrönungen von Otto I bis Friedrich II. (München, 1894.)

Heylin, P. Cyprianus Anglicus. (London, MDCLXVIII.)

Leclercq, H. Dictionnaire d’archéologie et de liturgie chrétienne. (Paris. In progress.) Cited as DACL, ‘Charlemagne.’

Liebermann, F. Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen. (Halle, 1903.)

Prynne. Canterburie’s Doome. (London, 1646.)

Wilson, H. A. The English Coronation Orders. J. Th. St. II. 481 ff.

CHAPTER I
EARLY CONCEPTIONS OF KINGSHIP AND RELIGIOUS RITES IN CONNECTION WITH A KING’S ACCESSION

Kingship is one of the most ancient institutions of civilisation. At the very dawn of history the king is not only already existent, but is regarded with a reverential awe that shews that the institution must have had its beginnings in very remote times. His functions are twofold, civil and religious; not only is he set apart from those over whom he rules, but by virtue of his other function, that of mediator between God and his people, we find him invested as it were with a halo of quasi-divinity. And so in early times we find the king possessing certain priestly prerogatives. Pharaoh was not an ordinary man but the son of Horus, and almost as one of the Gods. The kings of the Semites were priest-kings. In Homer the king is Θεῖος[1], he is set upon his throne by Zeus, he is invested with the divine sceptre as in the case of Agamemnon[2] and stands in a very special relation to the Deity. In ancient Rome it was the same; and when in Rome and Athens kingship was abolished, still it was necessary to have an ἄρχων βασιλεύς or a Rex Sacrorum to perform the special priestly functions hitherto belonging to the king.

In view then of the sacred character of the king it is only natural to expect to find some religious ceremonial accompanying his accession to his office, and although in the West there is little or no direct evidence of this, in the East there is found in very early times a solemn religious ceremony consecrating the king to his office.

The first actual reference to the consecration of a king occurs in the Tel-el-Amarna correspondence. In one of the letters Ramman-Nirari a Syrian king writing to Pharaoh speaks of the consecration of his father and grandfather, and that by unction with oil[3].

In the Old Testament there are a number of instances of the consecration of a king by anointing with oil, a rite parallel to the consecration of a priest or prophet. In the parable of the trees of Lebanon in the Book of Judges (ix. 15), the consecration of a king by anointing with oil is regarded as the general and accepted custom. Accordingly we read (1 Sam. ix-xi) of the first Israelitish king Saul being solemnly anointed by the prophet Samuel on his election as king. In the account of the inauguration of Saul, if we may use the term, three distinct features are noticeable—

(1) He is anointed with oil, and so is endowed with special gifts, for the Spirit of the Lord comes upon him.

(2) There is a ‘Recognition’ or acceptance of him as king by the people.

(3) King and people make a joint covenant with God.

David was anointed at first privately by Samuel, and by this unction he was endowed with the Spirit of the Lord ‘from that day forward’ (1 Sam. xvi. 13). But he was twice again anointed as king publicly, and in each case in connection with his recognition by the people, on the first occasion when he was made king by the men of Judah (2 Sam. ii. 4), and on the second when he was made king over all Israel (2 Sam. v. 3). Moreover on the second occasion we read of a covenant being made—‘King David made a league with them in Hebron before the Lord: and they anointed David king over Israel.’ In the case of Solomon (1 Kings i. 38-40), we are given more information as to the ceremonial used. Solomon riding on the royal mule goes in procession to Gihon; he is anointed from a horn of oil out of the tabernacle by Zadok the high-priest; trumpets are blown and the people acclaim him with the cry ‘God save King Solomon.’ He is brought and enthroned on David’s throne.

In Israel and Syria we find kings consecrated in like manner by unction. Thus we read of Elijah being charged to anoint Hazael to be king over Syria and Jehu king over Israel (1 Kings xix. 15, 16). The somewhat informal manner in which Jehu was anointed by a son of the prophets (2 Kings ix. 1 ff.) may have been due to the special circumstances of the case, or it is possible that there was a more gradual development of the ceremonial in Israel than in orthodox Judah.

The fullest account given in the Old Testament of a coronation is that of Jehoiada (2 Kings xi. 12 ff.). Here is the first actual mention of the crowning, and there are a number of separate ceremonial acts.

(1) The crown is set on the king’s head by the high-priest.

(2) The king is given the ‘testimony,’ for which we should probably read the regal ‘bracelets[4].’

(3) He is made king and anointed.

(4) He is acclaimed by the people, ‘God save the King.’

(5) A covenant is made not only between the Lord and the king and the people, but also between the king and the people.

Here then we have investiture with crown and perhaps with other regal ornaments. A recognition is probably implied in the expression ‘they made him king.’ He is anointed and acclaimed. The covenant made between king and people is, to use a later phraseology, the coronation oath. It was his refusal to make a satisfactory covenant with his people that was the occasion of trouble between Rehoboam and Israel.

At a much later period Isaiah refers to Cyrus as ‘the Lord’s anointed.’ The prophet’s language may be merely metaphorical, but on the other hand may imply that the anointing of a king at his accession was a rite common to the whole East. In later times there was a ceremonial crowning of a Persian king, as we happen to know from Agathias’ story of unusual circumstances attendant upon the coronation of Sapor[5].

Reference has been made above to certain regal ornaments mentioned in the accounts of the coronations of various Jewish kings. The crown and regal bracelets are mentioned among Saul’s kingly ornaments (2 Sam. i. 10). To these may perhaps be added the shield (2 Sam. i. 21), and the spear (1 Sam. xviii. 10, xxvi. 7, 22)[6].

Ezekiel (xxi. 26) mentions the crown and diadem in connection with Zedekiah as the special insignia of the king. There is also special reference made to royal robes distinctive of kingly rank (1 Kings xxii. 10, 30), but there is no evidence as to the nature of these robes.

If the book of Esther can be relied on, there was a definite royal apparel used by the Persian kings as well as a ‘crown royal’ (Esth. vi. 8); and a ‘crown royal’ is also mentioned in connection with the queen, in the case of both Vashti and Esther (i. 11, ii. 17). There can be little doubt that crown and royal vesture reach back to remotest antiquity.

CHAPTER II
THE ORIGIN OF THE CHRISTIAN CORONATION RITE

The Christian rite of the sacring of kings does not derive its origin from the older Jewish rite, though doubtless during the process of its developement it borrowed details from the older ceremony.

The origin of the rite must be sought in Constantinople, and from the Byzantine ritual the idea of the Western rite is ultimately derived. But what then is the origin of the Byzantine rite itself? It is the Christian developement of the ceremonies connected with the inauguration of the Roman Emperors in pre-Christian times. Of these ceremonies we have no very full or detailed account, but although we have no exact and complete record of the actual ritual used, yet certain historians tell us in somewhat general terms of what happened on the accession of various Emperors. For example, the circumstances of the election of Tacitus to the Empire in 275 were as follows[7].

The Senate was convoked and asked to elect an Emperor, and Tacitus the Princeps Senatus on rising to give his opinion was suddenly acclaimed Emperor by the whole Senate, with the acclamation ‘Tacitus Augustus, the Gods preserve you. You are our choice, we make you Princeps, to you we commit the care of the republic and the world. Take up the Empire by the Senate’s authority. The honour which you deserve is in keeping with your life, your rank, your character’ etc., and the acclamations conclude with the repetition of the formal words, ‘Tacitus Augustus, the Gods preserve you.’ He was thereupon elected, and the Senate proceeded to the Campus Martius, where its choice is announced to the people in these words, ‘You have here, Sanctissimi Milites et Sacratissimi Quirites, the prince whom the Senate has elected in pursuance of the vote of all the armies, I mean the most august Tacitus; so that he who has hitherto helped the republic by his votes, will now help it by his commands and decrees.’ The people greet the announcement with the acclamation: ‘Most fortunate Augustus Tacitus, the Gods preserve you,’ and the rest that it is customary to say. Lastly the Senate’s choice is proclaimed to the army, and the customary Donative is given.

Pertinax was suddenly and irregularly acclaimed by army and populace without waiting for the Senate to make an election. Thereupon he proceeded to the Senate, and after delivering an address to the senators he was acclaimed by all, and received from them all honour and reverence, and ‘was sent to the temple of Jupiter and the other sanctuaries, and having celebrated the sacrifice for the Empire, he returned to the palace[8].’

Thus we see that in theory the new Emperor was first elected by the Senate, and then accepted or recognised in the Campus Martius by the people and army with acclamations which followed a definite and fixed ritual, and finally the Donative originated by the Emperor Claudius, and followed by his successors, was bestowed. But in actual fact the election by the Senate tended to become more and more a very perfunctory affair, and the choice of an Emperor came more and more to fall into the hands of the armies.

The Emperor had, however, some power in providing his successor. He could and often did nominate a colleague who would normally possess a right of succession. But while he was merely colleague in the Empire, though he was invested with some of the marks and functions of the Imperial dignity, he had no actual ‘imperium.’

There were also certain definite imperial insignia, such as the purple cloak, once the mark of a general in the field; the laurel wreath, which the Emperor habitually wore; the purple-striped toga and tunic; and the scarlet senatorial shoes.

The ceremonies of the inauguration naturally tended in process of time to develope. The election by the Senate, as has been remarked, became more and more of a form, and new customs gradually came into being. A considerable developement is noticeable in the account of the inauguration of Julian, though the whole ceremony in his case was under the circumstances somewhat informal and makeshift. It is the army which elects him. In spite of his protests he is acclaimed as Emperor; he is then elevated on a shield; and finally he is crowned, a torque serving temporarily to represent the diadem. Afterwards, we are told, he assumed a gorgeous diadem at Vienne[9]. The elevation on a shield, which henceforward always occurs in the inauguration ceremonies, appears for the first time at Julian’s accession to the imperial throne. It was a custom followed among the Teutonic tribes[10], and was doubtless introduced by the Teutonic soldiers who formed so important a part of the Roman armies at this time. The diadem, which is of oriental origin, was perhaps introduced by Aurelian. It seems to have been habitually used by Constantine, and there was a gradual advance during this period in the matter of ceremonial and the sumptuousness of the imperial vestments.

There is no sign, for some time after the acceptance of Christianity as the religion of the Empire, of any Christian influence on the rites of inauguration. It is not until the time of the Emperor Leo I that we meet with the coronation rite in the religious sense of the term. In the year 457 the Emperor Leo I was formally crowned and invested as Emperor with religious rites. Constantine Porphyrogenitus[11], to whom we owe so much of our knowledge of the court functions and ceremonial of the Byzantine period, describes the rite which took place at the accession of Leo. The new Emperor, accompanied by the high officials of the Empire, went down in state to the Hippodrome, in which was gathered together a vast concourse of people. Here he ascended a lofty tribunal in view of all the people and was greeted with acclamations. A maniakis (apparently a kind of fillet) is placed upon his head, and another in his hand, amid the cheers of the people. Then under the cover of a testudo, raised by the candidati, he is arrayed in the imperial vestments, and so shews himself to the people, with the diadem on his head and the imperial shield and spear in his hands. He is thereupon greeted with the ritual formula, Mighty and victorious and august, prosperously, prosperously. Many years, Leo Augustus, thou shalt reign. God will keep this realm, God will keep this Christian realm, and other such things. The Emperor then makes a speech to the people, and promises the customary Donative.

Nicephorus, Theodore the Reader, and Theophanes, assert that Leo was elected by the Senate, and that the diadem was set upon his head by the Patriarch Anatolius[12], but Constantine does not make any reference to any act of coronation by the Patriarch, and does not mention him at all, except as being among the high officials who accompanied the Emperor to the Hippodrome. Evidently as yet the Patriarch took no very public or prominent part in the ceremonial.

We are told more, however, in connection with the inauguration of the Emperor Anastasius I in 491[13]. On the death of Zeno, the choice of his successor to the Empire was left in the hands of the Empress Ariadne. The Senate summoned the Patriarch to exhort her to make a worthy choice, and she chose as Emperor Anastasius the Silentiary. After the funeral of Zeno, Anastasius takes up his position before the portico of the great Triclinium and the magistrates and Senate require of him an oath that he will retain no private grudge against anyone, and that he will rule the Empire well and justly. The Patriarch Euthymius then demands an oath in writing[14] that he will make no change in the Faith or Church, and that he shall sign the Chalcedonian dogmas. Anastasius then proceeds to the Hippodrome and enters the triclinium from which the Emperor is wont at race times to receive the adoration of the Senate. He is clothed in the golden-striped Dibetesion (a tunic reaching to the knees), girdle, greaves, and royal buskins, his head being uncovered. The military standards are in the meanwhile lying on the ground, to signify, apparently, the vacancy of the throne. The people acclaim him, he is raised on a shield, and a campiductor places a torque about his head. This last is perhaps a perpetuation of the makeshift coronation of Julian with a military torque. The standards are then lifted up, and people and soldiery together acclaim the Emperor. The Emperor re-enters the triclinium, and is invested with the regalia. The Patriarch says a prayer which is followed by the Kyrie eleeson, and then the Patriarch invests the Emperor with the imperial chlamys (the purple robe), and sets a gorgeous crown upon his head. After this the Emperor goes to the Kathisma and shews himself to the people, who greet him with the cry Auguste, Σεβαστέ. The Emperor then proceeds to address the people in a special ritual formulary, a book containing which is put into his hand for the purpose.

Emperor. It is manifest that human power depends on the will of the supreme Glory.

People. Abundance to the world! As thou hast lived, so rule. Incorrupt rulers for the world! and so on.

Emp. Since the most serene Augusta Ariadne with the assent of the illustrious nobles and by the election of the glorious Senate and mighty armies, and the consent of the sacred people, have advanced me, though unwilling and hesitating, that I should assume the care of the Empire of the Romans, agreeably to the clemency of the Divine Trinity....

Peo. Kyrie eleeson. Son of God, have mercy upon him. Anastasie Auguste, tu vincas! God will keep the pious Emperor. God gave thee, God will keep thee! and so on.

Emp. I am not ignorant how great a weight is laid upon me for the common safety of all.

Peo. Worthy of the Empire! Worthy of the Trinity! Worthy of the City. Out with the informers. (This last is doubtless an unauthorised interpolation.)

Emp. I pray Almighty God that as ye hoped me to be, in this common choice of yours, so ye may find me to be in the conduct of affairs.

Peo. He in whom thou believest will save thee. As thou hast lived, so reign. Piously hast thou lived, piously reign. Ariadne, thou conquerest! Many be the years of the Augusta! Restore the army, restore the forces. Have mercy on thy servants. As Marcian reigned, so do thou ... (and much more to the same effect).

Emp. Because of the happy festival of our Empire, I will bestow 5 solidi and a pound of silver on each man.

Peo. God will keep the Christian Emperor. These are the prayers of all. These are the prayers of the whole world. Keep, O Lord, the pious Emperor. Holy Lord, raise up thy world. The fortune of the Romans conquers. Anastasius Augustus, thou conquerest! Ariadne Augusta, thou conquerest! God hath given you, God will keep you.

Emp. God be with you.

The Emperor then proceeds to the church of St Sophia and lays aside his crown in the Mutatorium, and it is deposited in the sanctuary. He then offers his gifts, and returning to the Mutatorium reassumes his crown, and thence returns to the palace.

In the account which he gives of the inauguration of Leo the Younger in 474[15], Constantine illustrates the ceremonies observed at the inauguration of one associated in the Empire during his father’s lifetime.

The reigning Emperor, accompanied by the Senate and by the Patriarch Acacius, proceeds to the Hippodrome, where the populace and soldiery are already assembled. The Emperor standing before his throne begins to address the troops, who pray him to be seated. Saluting the people the Emperor seats himself and the concourse greeting him with cries of ‘Augustus,’ beseeches him to crown the new Emperor. The Magister and Patricians then lead forward the Caesar, and place him on the Emperor’s left hand. The Patriarch recites a prayer to which all answer ‘Amen.’ The Praepositus then hands a crown to the Emperor, who himself sets it on the Caesar’s head, the people shouting ‘Prosperously, prosperously, prosperously.’ The Emperor seats himself, while the new Emperor addresses the people who greet him with shouts of ‘Augustus.’ The Eparch of the city and the Senate come forward and present the new Emperor, according to custom, with a modiolon, or crown of gold. Finally the Emperor addresses the soldiery, and promises the usual Donative.

In these descriptions we still find a reminiscence of the old election by the Senate, ratified by the soldiery and people. The military assent is signified by the raising aloft on the shield, and by the imposition of the military torque, which was retained as late as the time of Justin II. Leo I also received a second torque in his right hand, which may perhaps be identified with the second golden crown given to Leo II. The meaning of this second crown is not clear, but Mr Brightman[16] has suggested that it may represent authority to crown consorts in the Empire. The acclamations evidently follow a fixed ritual, and the imperial speech is a written document.