Cox—The Man

CHAPTER VI
WAR RECORD

Liberal leaders are proud of Cox’s war record. It is a great pleasure to talk with Ohio men who served as soldiers to France. As Mr. Cox was the real war Governor of Ohio, his record was very easy to secure. The returned soldiers speak in the highest terms of what Governor Cox did for them before they sailed, while they were in France and since their return. Well they may as he thought of them first, last and all the time.

Enlisted Men

Governor Cox went at great length to improve the condition of the Ohio soldier. He favored all of the legislation presented in the soldiers’ behalf and made numerous trips to Washington and elsewhere in the interests of these men.

There are three factors in connection with the waging of war. There is the government; there is the property interests of the country; and lastly, there is the enlisted and drafted men. Some men who put politics before principles would have appealed equally for the interests of all these three parties; but he did not. Whether he made a mistake, politically, only the future can tell. He took the unorthodox position of stating that the interests of the men were paramount to the interests of wealth or property and equal to the interests of the government itself. The Governor believed that the United States should not follow Germany in its error of making the state greater than those who make up the state. The Governor felt that a very vital principle was here involved and continually fought to have the real purpose of the war kept constantly in view.

Consequently both in his speeches and papers he fought for the “common” people of Ohio—the boys on the farms and in the factories. Unlike some Senators who were willing to send our boys to Europe to die but who now are unwilling to give up any of their own power to prevent future wars, James M. Cox was consistent with his concepts of true Americanism.

False Patriotism

Governor Cox was one of the first to criticize certain Republican leaders for their misuse of the patriotic appeal. He appealed for true patriotism. He criticized that patriotism which is of the hurrah boy style. He does not believe in “America First, Right or Wrong,” which is the slogan of certain Republican senators. Governor Cox believes the real protection of the country depends on protecting the individuals who make up the country, and that all countries must ultimately prosper or suffer together.

James M. Cox believes the teachings of Jesus should be applied to classes and nations; that the ultimate safety of the United States depends not on erecting a high wall about ourselves and letting the rest of the world go to smash, but rather in pulling down such walls and saving the rest of the world. Says he:

“America will be prosperous only when the individuals who make up America are prosperous; and America as a nation will be safe only as the people of all nations are safe. However we may differ in religion or politics, economically we are all brothers together and must ultimately suffer or prosper as one group.”

Attitude Before the War

James M. Cox vigorously and frankly opposed many of the policies of Great Britain. The Republicans frequently criticize him for this, referring to quotations from his papers to support their charges.

It appears to me quite evident in looking back over the last five years, that Cox at one time misunderstood the fundamentals of the European war. Thus on the 7th of November, 1915, a year and a half before we entered the war, an editorial in the News declared that “Victory by Germany was not the worst thing that could happen”; and as late as the 3rd of September, 1916, the News emphasized the importance of not relying wholly on Great Britain and the importance of not fearing her. Surely warnings appeared constantly in one or both of the Governor’s papers. Certain of his friends deny that the Governor was acquainted with such statements before they were written, and some go so far as to state that the editorials did not represent the Governor’s personal feelings. I cannot believe it.

Senator Harding through his paper at Marion, Ohio, has a similar record. Furthermore, Senator Harding’s neutrality speech as chairman of the Republican National Convention in 1916 was along the same lines as the Cox editorials. Both were keen enough to see the dangers of hasty intervention and both feared British influence. Later events failed to justify the position of Cox and Harding, yet fair-minded men will give credit to both for their moral courage.

Concerning these criticisms, the Governor says:

“All editorials which the Republicans have cited were published before this country entered the war. They were at a time when feeling regarding the proper policy for this country to pursue was in a state of constant fluctuation. At times it even verged on differences with Great Britain over blockade policies which necessitated the exchange of important diplomatic notes.”

The Republican leaders once urged Colonel Roosevelt to attack Governor Cox for his criticism of England in a speech he made at the dedication of a soldiers’ monument in Columbus; but the Colonel declined with the declaration that he could not do so as he had already pronounced Governor Cox “One of America’s greatest war governors.”

James M. Cox was the first Governor to sense the inconsistencies of Great Britain. He was especially troubled by her attitude on the Irish question. His heart went out to Ireland from the first. I am convinced that if he becomes President and the United States is in the League, he will immediately force Ireland’s case before the League.

The Real Issue

The real issue, however, should not be clouded by paragraphs taken here and there from the newspapers of either Senator Harding or Governor Cox. The truth is that both of these men at that time stood for neutrality, as did some of the prominent Senators who afterwards so violently talked patriotism. Furthermore, both Mr. Cox and Mr. Harding were rightfully backed in their opinions by a large mass of thoughtful people throughout the land.

From August 4, 1914, up to a short time before the United States entered the war, there was a very strong feeling among the liberal people of this country that the fight was primarily between England and Germany, and the stakes were primarily the world’s trade and commerce. Before the war England controlled the seas; Germany was continually chafing more and more at this control and she finally broke forth into the world war to seize this control from England. No right-thinking people backed Germany in her designs, but a great many good people felt as Jesus did when a mother of Israel came to him regarding securing inheritances for her son.

As the war progressed and German brutality increased, the great mass of American people, including Governor Cox, Senator Harding and many others of us, saw that another factor was developing which overshadowed the economic factor. When two dogs are fighting over a bone, a sensible man will keep out of the fight; but when either one of the dogs becomes so vicious as to bite a by-stander, then it is up to all good people to pounce upon the vicious dog and put him out of business. This was the situation which brought us into the war. It is well enough for bombastic orators to now say that America should have entered the war just as soon as Germany violated Belgium, but the simple fact is that no power under Heaven could have got the American people to have entered the war at that time. Furthermore, it was only the changed conditions which caused the American people to enter the conflict.

Personal Opinion

I cannot resist the temptation of expressing my feelings in this chapter. They are as follows: If a referendum of the American people had been taken in 1915 or 1916, 90 per cent would have voted for neutrality. Furthermore, it is not yet known when America would have entered the war had not Germany lost her moral sense and become almost insane. But under the circumstances there was only one thing to do; namely, to put Germany under control. After she was put under control, America felt that it would be time enough to discuss the merits of the case. This means that we should not only refrain from criticizing those who stood for neutrality, but it means that now that Germany is under control we should see that a League of Nations is formed and that the fourteen points, in consideration of which Germany signed the Armistice, should so far as we are able be carried out. If we are truly honest men, it is now up to us all to fulfil the post-war promises of our representatives. For this James M. Cox is fighting, believing that the promise of a nation is as sacred as the promise of an individual.

There is altogether too much loose talk about “patriotism.” Much of this is put forward by the reactionary interests of this country in order to block progress and reform. When any one raises his fist to oppose present wrongs, he is called “unpatriotic.” The flag is being constantly used, not for the protection of liberty for which it was designed, but for the protection of the oppressor who is using it as a cloak. Investigations in Ohio show that both candidates are sane on this point and Cox with his larger vision is desirous of extending his democracy to other nations. This probably explains why the great missionary leaders of the world are so enthusiastic for the League of Nations and are earnestly praying that James M. Cox may some day be President.

Mr. Cox also showed the courage of his convictions many years before the war when he was in Congress. He believed in the United States having an army and a navy adequate to protect our people, but he did not believe that the end justifies every means or that the government is greater than the people who make it up.

Hence, when the Naval Appropriation Bill was under consideration he made in Congress a bitter attack on the Republican Administration’s method of obtaining recruits. He produced evidence showing that recruits were obtained under false pretenses; that boys were encouraged to state an age older than they really were; and that even liquor and bad women were used to lure men to enlist. Hence, he succeeded in attaching to the Appropriation Bill a clause requiring the production of birth certificates in connection with the recruiting for the Navy. Every mother and father should bless him for his moral courage.

In talking these things over one day, Mr. Cox said to me:

“I believe not only in international democracy, but also in domestic democracy. But most of all I believe that reforms can be permanent in America only as they extend to other nations. I reason the same relative to financial, industrial and other local problems. I see that in order for the labor movement not to harm the manufacturer in America, labor legislation must be international in operation. For the eight-hour day to permanently succeed in America, it must apply to Europe and Japan. Otherwise industry here may ultimately suffer in competition with foreign producers. Notwithstanding Senator Lodge’s ‘America First’ standard, we cannot be ‘first’ in the long run by being selfish. We all are brothers one of another, rich or poor, American or European. Sooner or later we must all suffer or prosper together. We can save ourselves only as we save others. The only way America can truly come out first is to forget herself as Jesus would teach us to do. We can save ourselves only as we will forget ourselves and save others. We must work by the Golden Rule rather than by the rule of gold.”

CHAPTER VII
PROHIBITION AND WOMAN SUFFRAGE

I am proud of Governor Cox’s record on prohibition, because both he and I have been for many years practically teetotalers. I am proud of his courage in not being scared by the Anti-Saloon League which was opposed to him and fought him at every turn.

In the gubernatorial campaign between Willis, who is radically dry, and Governor Cox, the Anti-Saloon League naturally worked with Willis. But I claim that the Anti-Saloon League of Ohio is tied up with the Republican Party of that State and controlled by the Republican leaders. Whatever Mr. Cox’s attitude on prohibition, the Anti-Saloon League, in the gubernatorial election, would have been opposed to Mr. Cox. Of course, Mr. Cox stood for a less rigid prohibition program than did Mr. Willis. No man who was honest with himself could help doing so. I have always voted for prohibition but I admire Governor Cox. After the election of Mr. Cox as Governor, moreover, the Anti-Saloon people so fully recognize his fairness in methods of enforcing the law that they now take no sides between Mr. Cox and Mr. Harding as to national matters.

The temperance people of the country feel that the country has gone prohibition and the only question they ask is whether or not the Governor will enforce the law. No Governor has a better record for law enforcement than has Governor Cox.

The history of temperance legislation in Ohio is very peculiar. In 1851 the people of the State adopted an unusual Constitution, containing an ambiguous clause regarding the sale of intoxicating liquors. Saloon men and prohibitionists voted in favor of it on opposite construction of the clause. It was carried by 8982 votes. The same clause authorized the legislature to provide against the evil arising from the sale of liquors.

No law was passed until May, 1854. By this law it was forbidden to sell intoxicating liquors to be drunk on or about the premises or in an adjoining room. It was made unlawful to sell to minors, persons intoxicated or in the habit of becoming intoxicated. Places where the law was violated were declared nuisances. There also was an important proviso attached to Section 1, that the law should not apply to “wine manufactured of the pure juice of the grape cultivated in the State of Ohio, or beer or ale or cider.”

The subject was a continual source of irritation in Ohio and the legislature was continually harassed for changes as the different interests obtained power. Under this old Constitution it was held that a law of regulation, which amounted to license, was invalid. Then followed the Pond law, the Scott law, the Dow law, the Adair law, the Rose law and many others providing for county, township, city or city residence district local option, and finally increasing the tax levied from $100 to $1000. All of this legislation was in the interests of the liquor people and tended to nullify the constitution. There was little Sunday observance in spite of the severe penalties inflicted. The partnership between the saloon and the then dominant party, the Republican, was as complete as if signed and sealed by the parties.

The people were disgusted with the entire matter. Hence when the Constitutional Convention of 1912 met, among other matters submitted to the people by a separate vote was the following: Shall a license to sell intoxicating liquors be granted in Ohio. This was submitted as a separate test vote. The people voted “yes” by a majority of 84,536. This vote took place September 3, 1912.

Governor Cox was inaugurated for the first time in January 1913, and it became his duty to enforce and obey all laws passed under the new Constitution, including the license law. A stringent, high license law was passed, and was in successful operation when the later vote was taken during the war, establishing Prohibition in the State. The provisions of this law were faithfully enforced so far as the Governor was concerned, including one compelling the observance of Sunday. Ohio had been noted for wide open saloons on Sunday in the big cities, especially in Cincinnati, where the partnership between the saloon and the Republican leaders was most effective. The Governor gave notice that the law must be observed, and it was. At the next election his action was resented and his courageous conduct in this regard contributed largely to his defeat in 1914.

Governor Cox, before prohibition as such became an issue, did sponsor and secure the passage of a license system which reduced the number of saloons and provided for self-enforcement of temperance laws by depriving the law violator of the right to continue in the liquor business or ever again be engaged in it. The law under the license amendment was approved by both the Anti-Saloon League and the Liberal League.

In the period following Governor Cox gave Ohio its first example of strict law enforcement, the result of which was his defeat for re-election as a result of a definite deal entered into which would provide for a little less strict enforcement program. This deal was made in certain wet centers by dry leaders in behalf of a professional dry candidate. The spectacle which followed brought definite recognition of Cox as a law-enforcement official.

In Ohio the Anti-Saloon League has always been the Republican Party auxiliary, and has always opposed Governor Cox, who has adhered to the definite principle of recognizing no class of people, holding himself answerable to all the people in strict conformity with his oath of office. That was his stand in 1918 and when Ohio voted prohibition into the state Constitution and re-elected Cox for the third time as chief executive.

Cox’s Letter to Pollock

In this connection I was shown the copy of a letter which Governor Cox wrote to John H. Pollock, a Kansas City attorney. The letter was dated June 23, 1920, and was in response to a letter which Pollock wrote to the Governor on this question. The Governor’s reply was as follows:

“I have read your letter with interest. The question before us now is law enforcement. As the constitution and statute stand, they are the express mandate of the people and must be respected by public officers and citizens as long as they remain. There is no difference between neglect of the law by public officers and an attack against our institutions by the Bolsheviki. We contend, and properly so, that there is no need of revolution in this country because we have the government facilities to change the existing order by rule of the majority, but we can hardly create the proper attitude among aliens, unaccustomed to our ways, if public officers close their eyes to their oath and obligation.”

Investigation shows that Governor Cox signed every piece of legislation on prohibition enforcement which passed the Ohio legislature. The Anti-Saloon people themselves state that he was the first Governor of Ohio who closed the saloons on Sunday. So far as the amendment of the Federal Constitution goes, this has been passed once and for all. Moreover, the Governor plainly tells his friends so. “We must never turn back the hands of the clock. We must go forward and not backward,” says he.

He knows this and the intelligent brewers know it also. Hence they are changing over their plants for the manufacture of legitimate products. Moreover many of them are now making more money than in the old days. Although some people may vote for Cox with the hope of a more lenient policy, I am sure they will be much disappointed. Personally, I have no fears in this direction. No one recognizes the evils of intemperance more than does James M. Cox. He is earnestly interested in eliminating these evils. He simply wishes to do what will be best for humanity in the long run and to avoid making hypocrites of the people.

Position on Suffrage

James M. Cox’s record on suffrage should be distinctly pleasing to all who are interested therein. He has worked for the passage and signed every bill which has been helpful to the suffrage cause. Not only is this shown by a study of the records, but by the violent opposition which he is getting from the Anti-Suffrage leaders.

Furthermore, Mr. Cox’s interest in suffrage was not a “death-bed repentance.” Unlike his opponent (as the Democratic speakers now insist upon emphasizing) and others who are now for suffrage, he did not continually fight it until he saw that it was inevitable. From the first James M. Cox encouraged the suffrage leaders and helped them in every way.

In the fights in Tennessee and other states for suffrage, Mr. Cox took a very active part to help the suffragists. In his speech of acceptance on August 7, 1920, Mr. Cox said:

“The women of America, in emotion and constructive service measured up during the war to every requirement, and the emergency exacted much of them. Their initiative, their enthusiasm and their sustained industry, which carried many of them to the heavy burdens of toil, form an undying page in the annals of time, while the touch of the mother heart in camp and hospital gave a sacred color to the tragic picture that feeble words should not even attempt to portray. They demonstrated not only willingness but capacity. They helped win the war, and they are entitled to a voice in the re-adjustment now at hand.

“Their intuition, their sense of the humanitarian in government, their unquestioned progressive spirit will be helpful in problems that require public judgment. Therefore they are entitled to the privilege of voting as a matter of right and because they will be helpful in maintaining wholesome and patriotic policy.”

All know, however, how the presidential candidates now stand on the subject. They both favor suffrage. To stand otherwise would mean certain defeat. But it is worth while to consider how they stood before suffrage victory was assured. Others can speak for others. Let me speak for James M. Cox. History shows that he repeatedly placed himself on record in favor of giving the vote to women. He signed every bill coming to him intended to enfranchise women in Ohio, and in a special message to the legislature urged the ratification of the federal amendment.

After presenting these facts, however, permit me to add that I can not feel that the record of a candidate on suffrage should ever be used as campaign material to bid for women votes. Women should cast their ballots as citizens and not as women, and the fact that Senator Harding at one time opposed the franchise should not affect their judgment on present-day issues.

CHAPTER VIII
INDUSTRIAL RELATIONS

On March 3, 4, and 5, 1919, a conference of governors and mayors was held at the White House, having been called by the President. The Honorable W. B. Wilson, Secretary of Labor, was designated as Chairman of the conference and the writer had the honor of serving as its Secretary. The proceedings of the conference have been published by the United States Government and a copy can be obtained without charge by addressing the Superintendent of Documents, Washington, D. C.

Conservatism and Vision

After the conference had been in progress one or two sessions, it was deemed advisable to appoint a committee on resolutions. Almost every Governor and Mayor had some special things which he desired to have favorably passed upon. There was a maze of suggestions and counter suggestions ranging all the way from the conservative teachings of Governor Sproul of Pennsylvania to the socialistic propositions of Mayor Hoan of Milwaukee. Therefore, a committee was appointed and of this committee Governor Cox was appointed chairman. After sifting the various reports and suggestions, he presented a set of resolutions which were a wonderful combination of conservatism and vision.

Whatever others may say regarding Cox’s great labor following, I can vouch that he is fair, and that all legitimate interests will be absolutely safe in his hands. The days which I spent with him in Washington at this Governors’ and Mayors’ conference and what I have since seen of his later work, absolutely convince me of this point. One incident illustrates what I have in mind. There was a clause in the resolutions which suggested “that the federal government continue its helpful offices with the view of averting serious consequences in financial affairs of public utilities.” There was much interest among the governors and mayors on the street railway situation thruout their states and cities. In certain localities there were real conflicts between the different interests. In some cases the fight was over the wages and in other cases the fight was over the fares.

Any members of the Conference who were seeking votes would naturally take the side of the municipalities and object to federal interference. The fares were already low and federal interference could result only in increasing and not in decreasing the fares. Just as soon as the discussion opened, it was evident that it would take courage for any governor or mayor to defend this portion of the resolution.

Governor Cox had the courage not only to write but also to defend and fight for the resolution in question. He made the point that the end never justified the means; that two wrongs do not make a right; and that altho the corporate interests have been wrong in the past this does not justify the public in doing wrong at the present time. He emphasized that true progress could come only thru justice and fairness to all interests whether such justice temporarily hurts or harms us. Altho the cause of the street railways was most unpopular, Governor Cox fought for them diligently and whole-heartedly. The resolution was finally passed with only a few votes against it.

A Friend of Man

Because Governor Cox would not call out the militia during various coal strikes and refused to send troops to Cincinnati at the time of the street car strike and to Steubenville at the time of the steel strike, some have called him a radical. Such criticism simply shows ignorance on the part of him who criticises.

Naturally James M. Cox likes the working man and has a friendly feeling toward him. When Governor he worked hard for the new Ohio constitution. Before the new constitution was in effect, workmen’s accident compensation was voluntary; now it is compulsory. As Governor he went all over the state using his influence to get the voters to adopt the constitution, having personally visited eighty-eight counties. Ohio people tell me that the new constitution was adopted largely on account of Governor Cox’s personal campaign in its behalf. That service pleased the wage workers of Ohio greatly and they naturally say so. On the other hand, James M. Cox often gives very pointed advice.

In talking with the Democratic candidate I was impressed by his sane and clean understanding of the industrial situation. Yet I cannot say that I gained from him any hope of a panacea for our labor problems. He presented no vitally new ideas, and while I confidently believe that he has the grasp of the situation, in other words the vision, the hope of an immediate and complete solution of our industrial difficulties seems little short of absurd. Nor did I find Cox disposed to sanction campaign orating holding out such hope.

Cox stands for pure Americanism but Americanism of the democratic type rather than of the imperialistic type. He favors progress and reform but insists that it must come about thru the ballot and not thru direct action. What he is saying today along these lines is reported constantly in the newspapers. Hence, it might be well to refer to what he said before he had any idea of ever being a candidate for the Presidency. The following prepared by him, is taken from the Resolutions above referred to:

“We are living in the most thrilling time in all history, and our resolves are centered in the contribution to our children and our children’s children of that measure of human contentment, justice and opportunity which will record us as the worthy sons of worthy sires. Confident that we must progress from the fundamental base of American ideals conceived and vitalized by the founders of the Republic, we pledge ourselves in firm and harmonious resolution to gain inspiration from the creed of pure Americanism, rather than from the disordered doctrines that find expression elsewhere. If peoples from overseas desire to live with us and become a part of the nation’s life, they must accept, in the first instance, this condition, namely that principles of government must change thru the evolution and processes of calm, human intelligence and that the mind of the majority, rather than the violence of a minority, must be the determining factor. We have been thrilled and reassured by the militant declaration made to this conference by the Secretary of Labor, Hon. William B. Wilson, that any alien who seeks to invoke force rather than reason against our form of government must and will be treated as an enemy of our institutions and sent out of the country.

“It is our expressed belief that any doctrine which inveighs against both God and government is a poisonous germ in human thought and must be treated as a menace to the morality and the progress of the world. It has been insidiously planted in some parts where the discontent growing out of unemployment brought fertile opportunity. Government, which derives its power from the people, must keep vigilant watch in the maintenance of public confidence, and inasmuch as the need most pressing now is to provide the means of giving every man a chance to perform the function God intended, we, as the representatives of States and municipalities, enter most happily into the suggestion that we coöperate our energies with those of the National Government. Its perspective is wider. It is guided by a fresher experience in things that are vital, and from it should come the expression of a dominating policy and the initiation of such practical methods as will match preachment with performance....

“Regardless of certain disordered statements by delegates to this Conference, its outstanding feature, nevertheless, has been a militant note of confidence in our government and industrial stability. The world in part is to be rebuilt. The patriotism, resource, ingenuity and unselfish spirit of our people saved it from destruction, and what these elements have accomplished in protection they will guarantee in preservation. We face the future, firm in the belief that the Almighty intends all things well, and that there remains for us and the generations to come full compensation for the service given, and the sacrifice made in support of the ideals of democracy.”

Cox’s Employees

It is said that the best way to get the truth regarding a woman is to interview her maid. Certainly the best way to get the truth regarding the employer is to interview his wage workers. Hence, while in Springfield and Dayton, I endeavored to ascertain how Mr. Cox’s employees feel toward him.

On the morning following Mr. Cox’s nomination, the employees of the Dayton News early in the day sent him a huge bouquet of flowers. Upon receiving it he climbed the steps to the composing rooms of his newspaper to say a word to his fellow workmen. After the typographical union chapel of the paper presented him with congratulations and resolutions of support, he spoke as follows to his workmen:

“The greatest gift that the Almighty God can give to any man in public life is to permit him to come into the world under circumstances which enable him to know the life status of the man who works. Providence was good to me—it was my high privilege to come thru the ranks. I know the torment of the boy who is without funds and I know his anxiety as to how he will get an education that will help him achieve his ambitions. If nomination means election, I will take to the White House this best equipment for a man in public life—experience in the ranks of those who toil.”

Confidence of Labor

James M. Cox’s reason for having the confidence of labor is that he has always consistently carried out his promises. It is a customary thing for candidates for public office to talk pleasantly to labor before the election, but to forget their promises after the votes are counted. The labor leaders of the country have been disappointed so many times in that way that they are almost discouraged. The various third party movements have come into being not because the regular candidates of the old parties would not promise enough, but rather because they would not carry out their promises.

Integrity is a cardinal trait with Mr. Cox. He believes that a promise should be kept. He believes that works speak louder than words and ultimately all of us will be judged according to what we do rather than according to what we say. In talking with some of the labor leaders of Ohio and asking them what Governor Cox had really done for labor, I was given the following:

A model workmen’s compensation act.

A child labor law that has been copied by other States.

A mothers’ pension system.

The initiative and referendum.

A scientific budget system.

A prison reform to provide healthy occupation for convicts, the compensation for which is given to their dependents.

The elimination of sweatshops.

A reform of the school system.

Consolidation of useless bureaus, resulting in a substantial saving to the State.

Inconsistencies of the White House

One should be loath in criticizing the intentions of the Wilson administration. Careful study will convince any man that these intentions were of the best. Certain inconsistencies, however, were very apparent. These inconsistencies apply not alone to international matters but also to domestic affairs. The Wilson administration’s attitude toward labor was most perplexing even to its friends. James M. Cox takes a sane middle of the road position believing that the great function of the government is to protect men in their freedom of effort and rights of ownership while depending upon religion to energize men along lines of honesty, responsibility and service. Mr. Cox stands for production and those vital principles of independence and freedom which were so dear to the founders of our Republic and which farsighted employers regret greatly to see interfered with. On the other hand, Mr. Cox is opposed to the raids and restrictions imposed by Palmer.

During the steel strike he insisted that the rights of speech be maintained in the steel towns of his state. Mr. Palmer believed in the use of violence—when it is the violence of the federal agent. Mr. Cox surely did not. He did not even believe in the necessity of calling out militia to break the morale of a strike. He believes that men can be won better by reason than by bayonets. Governor Cox does not believe injunctions will mine coal. He believes that the government should observe law and order as well as the citizens. Let me quote him on this subject:

“There is some hysteria over the active elements in this country that are menacing to the government. There is no danger in the situation, altho it might easily be aggravated if the governmental policy of restraint and common sense that has endured thru the year were to become one of force and terrorism.... If government is assailed, its policy must not become vengeful. Our fathers, in specifying what human freedom was, and providing guarantees for its preservation, recognized that among the necessary precautions was the protection of individual rights against governmental abuse.

“Radicalism is the result of repression. The reason why Russia is the most radical country today is because of its previous reactionary rulers. A Republican victory in November, followed by the rule of Lodge, Penrose and Smoot, may bring about—on a small scale—in this country what we have seen on a large scale in Russia. The Democratic Party is the liberal party of America; it is the safety valve of America. Everyone interested in preserving peace within our nation as well as throughout the world should vote the Democratic ticket. Altho we Democrats have not among our adherents the big business interests and are thus weak in worldly goods, we do have millions of conscientious people who believe in those fundamentals of righteousness and freedom and are willing to sacrifice therefor. I do not say as some do—that the issue is between a League of Money and a League of Nations; but certainly a great moral issue is involved in this campaign.”

In short I can truthfully say that no presidential candidate has ever been before the country with such a clean and satisfactory record on industrial interests; but he is not the servant of those interests. He believes in the protection of property; but as a means of developing humanity and not for any thought that property is greater than humanity. He is a progressive conservative and a conservative progressive. I believe him worthy of the utmost trust on the part of both employers and wage workers and also on the part of investors and consumers. If more men with Governor Cox’s vision were in office today, there would be fewer labor troubles, the cost of living would be lower, and everyone could be healthier, happier and more prosperous.

CHAPTER IX
NOMINATION FOR THE PRESIDENCY

James M. Cox was first suggested as a presidential possibility at the Governors’ and Mayors’ Conference at the White House to which I have already referred. He from the first made a splendid impression upon that gathering. Gradually as the months went on the candidates settled down to William G. McAdoo, Secretary of the Treasury, Governor Cox and two or three others.

The San Francisco Convention

The story of the San Francisco Convention is so recent that little needs to be said about it. Owing to the fact that the Democratic nominee must receive a two-thirds vote, it required forty-four ballots to secure the necessary number to nominate Governor Cox. Altho a large number of men were voted for, the fight was between the friends of Mr. McAdoo, Governor Cox and Attorney-General Palmer. Both Mr. McAdoo and Mr. Cox seemed unable to secure the necessary nomination until the thirty-eighth ballot, when Attorney-General Palmer withdrew from the race.

In the turn-over of the Palmer delegates Cox gained the advantage over William G. McAdoo, his rival for first place since early in the balloting, and that advantage never was lost. With its choice made, the convention adjourned to name a candidate for the Vice-Presidency. The nominee, Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt, is well known for his work as Assistant Secretary of the Navy during the war.

Supporters of Governor Cox won a way to the nomination by persistent battling at the McAdoo and Palmer forces in many states thruout a long series of shiftings and rallies which left now one and now the other of the candidates in the lead. It was the most remarkable convention ever held and its result was very complimentary to Mr. Cox. Let me quote a correspondent:

Palmer’s Withdrawal

With the thirty-seventh ballot, Palmer’s strength took a big drop. Amidst wild jubilation Chairman Robinson fought for order and let former Representative Carlin of Virginia, Palmer’s manager, up to the speaker’s stand. The crowd hushed. It recognized Carlin and knew that his appearance forecast only one thing, the release of the Palmer delegates and a break-up in the long deadlock. Men halted where they stood in the aisles to listen. Corridors poured back hundreds of loungers to the floor to pack the doorways and jam even the entrances to the galleries. An electric feeling of expectancy was in the air.

Carlin briefly stated that Attorney General Palmer was not willing longer to delay a nomination and authorized the complete and unconditional release of his delegates. A shout went up, only to be quickly stilled, while Chairman Robinson announced a 20-minute recess so that delegates might be polled for new alignments and the change in the situation be considered before another vote was taken.

While the recess was on the galleries sat tense, staring down into the great pit below, where delegates scrambled and tumbled thru the aisles conferring to appraise the situation before determining their course. McAdoo and Cox workers worked up to the maximum effort to take advantage of the break. The floor hummed like the stock exchange on a panicky day. Great clusters of Cox and McAdoo workers gathered about the Palmer groups, struggling for attention and to enlist under their own standard the army about to be disbanded.

Die Hard for Palmer

Back in their seats again under the banging urge of the gavel, the delegates awaited the 39th roll call. The effect of Mr. Palmer’s release to his friends was noticeable at once. By twos and threes and larger groups, delegates previously voting unchangingly for him went to other candidates, each change that brought gain to McAdoo or Cox let loose a new roar. The faithful Pennsylvanians insisted on casting one more vote for Palmer as a final tribute to him. The delegation chairman’s statement went unheeded for the most part and the great block of votes went down for Palmer amid a surprised hush. The announcement of the whole ballot, however, started another tumult, led by Cox adherents. It showed he had outstripped McAdoo in the race for Palmer delegates and again reached the lead.

The Cox forces scented victory right there. The Cox band trooped into the gallery and hurled the strains of the Cox battle song, “Ohio, Ohio,” down into the din below. Again time was required to get quiet enough to start a new roll-call. When Pennsylvania was reached the delegation asked for a poll. One by one a big McAdoo majority in the Pennsylvania ranks was disclosed and the Cox supporters looked a little disturbed. The drift to the Ohio standard was on, however, and even the more than two-score Palmer men who joined from the Pennsylvania forces would not push McAdoo back into the lead. A fight to adjourn for the night was started by McAdoo supporters, against shouts of “No, no,” all over the floor. The motion went down on a vote that left no doubt of the convention’s determination to fight it out then and there. The 41st ballot was started.

Spectators Desert

Both McAdoo and Cox gained ground and McAdoo supporters dug themselves in, grimly determined on a last ditch fight. The 42nd roll call was started. It showed new drifts to Cox as the votes were shouted back to the platform from the unsuppressible murmur among the delegates, now regardless of the fatigue of the prolonged fight, altho the great galleries above them were by then almost vacant. Great blocks of empty seats showed where worn-out spectators had given it up by midnight and gone home expecting another day.

When Georgia was reached the delegation chairman leaped to his chair and shouted that his state, formerly in McAdoo ranks, would join hands with Ohio “To name the next President.” He cast the solid Georgia vote for Cox, and the shout that followed seemed to rock the building. McAdoo followers were still holding grimly. Again the Texas block of 40 votes went in for him. The western states, which led the way in his drives, stuck hard, and even the fact that Cox had swept beyond the first majority vote recorded for any candidate did not shake them loose.

The 43rd roll call began in a riot of noise that made the poll audible only as the surges of sound paused to let the figures reach the clerks. Little by little the drift to the Cox column continued gaining momentum as it ran. “Get into the wagon!” roared a man in the galleries, and the Cox rooters took it up. Votes for other candidates than Cox or McAdoo brought yells of “Come out of it!” and “Wake up!” In the New York delegations a challenge for a poll sent a dozen men scurrying to argue with the challenger. He was the center of a fire of argument and objurgation he could not resist. Finally, after a new move by McAdoo supporters to adjourn in a last desperate effort to stave off defeat had been roared down, the last ballot—the 44th—began.

The Last Ballot

The result was forecast with the first vote. Alabama swung solid for Cox. State by state delegations that had stuck out for McAdoo, with divided delegations, followed suit. The slide had set in and there was no stopping it. The convention had its mind set to nominate on that ballot. Up and up mounted the Ohioan’s total of votes. As it passed the 700 mark with the necessary two-thirds just ahead, the tumult increased minute by minute until the last votes were heard only vaguely on the platform. Pennsylvania went over and the Colorado chairman leaped to his chair to change the vote of his state to Cox. Half a dozen other chairmen were waving for recognition to make similar announcements.

Chairman Robinson hurried to his desk with Sam B. Amidon of Kansas, a McAdoo chief whom he presented only after a furious assault with the gavel forced a partial lull in the cheering. Thru a continuous racket Amidon moved that the rules be suspended and the nomination be made unanimous. All over the great hall men climbed upon chairs to wave their hands for silence and then stand poised like college yell leaders to signal the answer to the question.

Banging his gavel in a final thump, Chairman Robinson put the question, and the answer roared back at him with all the volume of a thousand voices in shouting the tremendous “Aye!” that made Governor Cox the Democratic nominee.

The 44th ballot never was completed. In the chorus of affirmation it was swept away as unnecessary. Many of the changes which would have been made had the vote been carried thru were never recorded. And on the fact of that ballot Governor Cox received officially 702-1/2 votes, but these were never totalled, for he was nominated by the unanimous voice of the convention.

All those in America who knew James M. Cox were delighted at this news. They had always loved and respected him; they had always marveled at his courage and honesty; and now to have him receive this honor gave us all a new heart. It gives confidence in the fundamental integrity and good sense of the American people.

CHAPTER X
LEAGUE OF NATIONS

James M. Cox is a man of principles; one who has decided opinions with the courage and energy to fight for them. Altho interested in the wage workers he has stood for the freedom of the individual; altho interested in other reforms he has insisted that they be brought about in accordance with law and order.

He is especially democratic in the old-fashioned sense, and is also a crusader as his following assailment of the Republican leaders in the Senate signifies.

“In the midst of war the present Senatorial cabal, led by Senators Lodge, Penrose and Smoot, was formed. Superficial evidence of loyalty to President Wilson was given in order that the great rank and file of their party, faithful and patriotic to the very core, might not be offended. But underneath this misleading exterior, conspirators planned and plotted with bigoted zeal. With victory to our arms they delayed and obstructed the works of peace. If deemed useful to the work in hand no artifice for interfering with our constitutional peacemaking authority was rejected.

“Before the country knew, yea, before these men themselves knew the details of the composite plan formed at the peace table, they declared their opposition to it. Before the treaty was submitted to the Senate, in the manner the Constitution provides, they violated every custom and every consideration of decency by presenting a copy of the document, procured unblushingly from enemy hands, and passed it into the printed record of Senatorial proceedings. From that hour the whole subject was thrown into a technical discussion, in order that the public might be confused. The plan has never changed in its objective, but the method has.

“At the outset there was the careful insistence that there was no desire to interfere with the principle evolved and formalized at Versailles. Later, it was the form and not the substance that professedly inspired attack. But pretense was futile when proposals later came forth that clearly emasculated the basic principle of the whole peace plan. Senator Lodge finally crystallized his ideas into what were known as the Lodge reservations, and when Congress adjourned these reservations held the support of the so-called regular Republican leaders. From that time the processes have been interesting. Political expediency in its truest sense dwarfed every consideration either of the public interest or of the maintenance of the honor of a great political party. The exclusive question was how to avoid a rupture in the Republican organization.”

International Morality

Everyone knows that Senator Johnson has been opposed to the treaty in any form and objects strongly to us entering the League of Nations in any way. When Senator Johnson states that the Republican platform is satisfactory to him and that Senator Harding feels as he does regarding the League of Nations, it naturally makes the League of Nations the primary issue of the campaign and places the contest between Cox who stands for internationalism and Harding, Lodge, Smoot and Penrose who stand for a strictly nationalistic policy. In this connection Mr. Cox stated as follows:

“Senator Harding makes this new pledge of policy in behalf of his party. It is as follows:

“‘I promise you formal and effective peace so quickly as a Republican Congress can pass its declaration for a Republican Executive to sign.’

“This means but one thing—a separate peace with Germany. This would be the most disheartening event in civilization since the Russians made their separate peace with Germany, and infinitely more unworthy on our part than it was on that of the Russians. They were threatened with starvation and revolution had swept their country.

“Our soldiers fought side by side with the Allies. So complete was the coalition of strength and purpose that General Foch was given supreme command, and every soldier in the Allied cause, no matter what flag he followed, recognized him as his chief. We fought the war together, and now before the thing is thru it is proposed to enter into a separate peace with Germany. In good faith we pledged our strength with our associates for the enforcement of terms upon offending Powers, and now it is suggested that this be withdrawn.

“Suppose Germany, recognizing the first break in the Allies, proposes something we cannot accept. Does Senator Harding intend to send an army to Germany to press her to our terms? Certainly the Allied army could not be expected to render aid. If, on the other hand, Germany should accept the chance we offered of breaking the bond it would be for the express purpose of insuring a German-American alliance recognizing that the Allies—in fact, no nation in good standing would have anything to do with either of us.”

Honesty vs. Dishonesty

“This plan would not only be a piece of bungling diplomacy, but plain unadulterated dishonesty, as well. No less an authority than Senator Lodge said, before the heat of recent controversy, that to make peace except in company with the Allies would ‘brand us everlastingly with dishonor and bring ruin to us.’

“Then America, refusing to enter the League of Nations (now already established by over forty nations) and bearing and deserving the contempt of the world, should, according to Senator Harding, submit an entirely new project. This act would either be regarded as arrant madness or attempted international bossism....

“The League of Nations has claimed the best thought of America for years. The League to Enforce Peace was presided over by so distinguished a Republican as ex-President Taft. He, before audiences in every section, advocated the principle and the plan of the present league. Regarding Article X, our own Monroe Doctrine is the very essence of Article X of the Versailles covenant. Skeptics viewed Monroe’s mandate with alarm, predicting recurring wars in defense of Central and South American States, whose guardians they alleged we need not be. Yet not a shot has been fired in almost one hundred years in preserving sovereign rights on this hemisphere.

“These reactionary Senators hypocritically claim that the League of Nations will result in our boys being drawn into military service, when they know that no treaty can override our Constitution, which reserves to Congress alone the power to declare war. They preach Americanism with a meaning of their own invention, and artfully appeal to a selfish and provincial spirit, forgetting that Lincoln fought a war over the purely moral question of slavery, that McKinley broke the fetters of our boundary lines for the freedom of Cuba, and carried the torch of American idealism to the benighted Phillipines. They lose memory of Garfield’s prophecy that America, under the blessings of God-given opportunity, would by her moral leadership and coöperation become a Messiah among the nations of the earth.”

Appeals for Brotherhood

James M. Cox is essentially a man of broad outlook, big-hearted and anxious to serve. Altho criticized by some as an idealist, his ideals seem to be of the highest as if propelled by the righteousness of the causes which he represents. When referring further to the League of Nations, he said:

“These are fateful times. Organized government has a definite duty all over the world. The house of civilization is to be put in order. The supreme issue of the century is before us and the nation that halts and delays is playing with fire. The finest impulses of humanity, rising above national lines, merely seek to make another horrible war impossible. Under the old order of international anarchy war came overnight, and the world was on fire before we knew it. It sickens our senses to think of another. We saw one conflict into which modern science brought new forms of destruction in great guns, submarines, airships, and poison gases. But scientists tell us that the next war will be much worse. Chemists have already perfected gases so deadly that whole cities can be wiped out, armies destroyed, and the crews of battleships smothered. The public prints are filled with the opinion of military men that in future wars the method, more effective than gases or bombs, will be the employment of the germs of diseases, carrying pestilence and destruction. Any nation prepared under these conditions, as Germany was equipped in 1914, could conquer the world in a year.

“The question is whether we shall or shall not join in this practical and humane movement. President Wilson, as our representative at the peace table, entered the League in our name, in so far as the executive authority permitted. Senator Harding, as the Republican candidate for the Presidency, proposed in plain words that we remain out of it. As the Democratic candidate, I favor going in.

“To me the Harding proposal means dishonor, world confusion and delay. It would keep us in permanent company with Germany, Russia, Turkey and Mexico. It would entail, in the ultimate, more real injury than the war itself. The Democratic position on the question, as expressed in the platform, is ‘We advocate immediate ratification of the treaty without reservations which would impair its essential integrity, but do not oppose the acceptance of any reservation making clearer or more specific the obligations of the United States to the League associates.’”

Reservations that Cox Favors

When discussing with Mr. Cox his attitude on the treaty reservations, he said:

“The captious may pretend that our platform reference to reservations is vague and indefinite. Its meaning, in brief, is that we shall state our interpretation of the covenant as a matter of good faith to our associates and as a precaution against any misunderstanding in the future.”

As to these “interpretations,” Mr. Cox felt that some statement should be made and suggested the following two:

(1) In giving its assent to this treaty the Senate has in mind the fact that the League of Nations, which it embodies, was devised for the sole purpose of maintaining peace and comity among the nations of the earth and preventing the recurrence of such conflicts as that thru which the world has just passed. The coöperation of the United States with the League and its continuance as a member thereof, will naturally depend upon the adherence of the League to that fundamental purpose.

(2) It will, of course, be understood that in carrying out the purpose of the League the Government of the United States must at all times act in strict harmony with the terms and intent of the United States Constitution, which cannot in any way be altered by the treaty-making power.