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Criminality and economic conditions

Chapter 177: I. Men.
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About This Book

The work surveys historical and contemporary writings on the relation between economic circumstances and criminal behavior, reviewing precursors, moral statisticians, the Italian and French criminological schools, bio-socialist and spiritualist perspectives, and socialist analyses. It evaluates statistical studies and theoretical claims about property, prices, industrialization, and social movements, compares competing methodologies, and highlights complexities and contested findings in linking poverty and prosperity to crime rates. The author synthesizes criticisms and evidence to offer a cautious, empirically minded conclusion about the multifaceted influence of economic conditions on criminality.

Table II.90

Arrondissements. Very Bad Dwellings.
%
Conduct of the Inmates.
Men. Women.
Very Bad.
%
Good.
%
Very Bad.
%
Good.
%
The 6 arrondissements with the greatest number of very bad dwellings 13.6 9 45 20.2 21.3
The 6 arrondissements with the smallest number of very bad dwellings 6.0 2.2 52 11.7 21.0
The 12 arrondissements together 11 6.4 48 16.6 21.0
The figures cited above in proportion to all Paris = 100 124 141 94 122 101
55 34 108 70 100
100 100 100 100 100

[422]

Table III.91

Arrondissements. Good and Rather Good Dwellings.
%
Conduct of the Inmates.
Men. Women.
Good and Rather Good.
%
Bad and Very Bad.
%
Good and Rather Good.
%
Bad and Very Bad.
%
The 6 arrondissements with the smallest number of good and rather good dwellings 75 70 30 50 50
The 6 arrondissements with the greatest number of good and rather good dwellings 86 81 19 58 42
The 12 arrondissements together 80 74.5 25.5 53 47
The figures cited above in proportion to all Paris = 100 94 94 118 96 106
107 109 71 109 91
100 100 100 100 100

Although the division according to good and bad conduct is somewhat arbitrary, and although it is impossible to separate the effect of bad housing from other influences operative at the same time, yet these figures say plainly: there is a relationship between housing and conduct. It is evident that there is a reciprocal effect between the condition of the dwelling and the conduct of the inmates, but this fact does not diminish the influence of the dwelling.92

Finally, we add some figures upon the influence of furnished rooms as residence, summarizing the results of an inquiry into industries in Paris, made in 1860 and including 400,000 persons:93

Paris, 1860.

I. Men.

Occupations. In Furnished Rooms. Conduct Doubtful or Bad.
% %
90 occupations 5 3
90 occupations,, 14 9
90 occupations,, 28 12
270 occupations 20 9

[423]

Proportion to all the occupations = 100.

90 occupations 25 13
90 occupations,, 70 100
90 occupations,, 140 133
270 occupations 100 100

II. Women.

Occupations. In Furnished Rooms. Conduct Doubtful or Bad.
% %
110 occupations 3
60 occupations,, 4 6
60 occupations,, 14 15
230 occupations 7 9

Proportion to the Average of the 230 occupations = 100.

110 occupations 0 33
60 occupations,, 59 68
60 occupations,, 206 169
230 occupations 100 100

The evil influence of living in furnished rooms comes out plainly in these figures.

As has already been said at the beginning of these observations as to the influence of the economic life upon the development of social feelings on the part of the proletariat, the egoistic side of the human character is developed by the fact that the individual is dependent, that he lives in a subordinate position, and that he feels himself poor and deprived of everything. However, in so far as the proletarian sells his labor he is guaranteed against famine, however miserable his condition, and conscious of the utility of his rôle in society, he feels himself, notwithstanding his poverty, a man who, except for his employer, is independent of all men. But if work is not to be found, or if the proletarian, sick and infirm, is not able to work, it goes without saying that the resulting unemployment is very demoralizing. The lack of steady work, the horrors of the penury into which he and his fall, and the long train of evils which result from both, kill the social feelings in a man, for, as we have seen above, these feelings depend upon reciprocity. Let one familiarize himself with the thought of [424]the condition of the man who lives in the greatest poverty, i.e. the man who is abandoned by all, and he will understand how egoistic must be the feelings of such.

From the position in which the proletarians find themselves it follows that, towards each other, it is rather the altruistic than the egoistic feelings that develop; living less isolated than the bourgeois, they see the misfortune that strikes their neighbor, and have felt the same themselves, and above all, their economic interests are not opposed. Forced idleness—at present chronic, and acute in times of panic—modifies these conditions at times; it makes competitors of the workers, who take the bread out of each other’s mouths.94

The proletarian is never sure of his existence: like the sword of Damocles unemployment is constantly hanging over his head. Upon this subject Engels says:

“But far more demoralizing than his poverty in its influence upon the English working man is the insecurity of his position, the necessity of living upon wages from hand to mouth, that in short which makes a proletarian of him. The smaller peasants in Germany are usually poor, and often suffer want, but they are less at the mercy of accident, they have at least something secure. The proletarian, who has nothing but his two hands, who consumes today what he earned yesterday, who is subject to every chance, and has not the slightest guarantee for being able to earn the barest necessities of life, whom every crisis, every whim of his employer may deprive of bread, this proletarian is placed in the most revolting, inhuman position conceivable for a human being.”95

This uncertainty of existence is one of the reasons which explain why, in relatively prosperous times the working-man often spends his wages as soon as he receives them, for he knows that the economies possible to him are so small that he could never be saved from misery in case of unemployment.

Finally we must speak of ignorance and lack of training on the part of the proletariat, as a factor of criminality. As we know, this question of education is one of those which are most debated in criminal sociology. Certain authors have prophesied that each new school would make a prison superfluous, while on the other hand it has been claimed that ignorance and the lack of civilization have nothing to do with the etiology of crime, but that on the contrary knowledge and civilization are even factors of crime. Although these extreme [425]opinions are hardly ever expressed nowadays, the ideas upon the point in question still differ widely.96

In my opinion, no really decisive arguments have ever been adduced for the opinion that the intellectual condition of men has no influence upon criminality. In general the reasoning is as follows: ignorance is decreasing; crime on the contrary increases; ignorance cannot therefore be a factor. Such a line of argument is very superficial, for ignorance is surely not the only cause of crime. Its influence may therefore be neutralized by other factors. And further, from the point of view of statistics it is not permissible to use the indirect method when the direct method is practicable. In most criminal and prison statistics the percentage of the illiterate among the criminals is given, and we have only to put beside these figures those for the illiterate among the non-criminal population to be convinced of the existence or absence of the connection in dispute.

We shall begin, then, by giving the figures that we know.

United States, 1890.97

To 82,329 Prisoners there were To 100 of the Population over Age of 10 Years.
Absolute Number. %
Illiterate 19,631 23.83 13.3

Austria, 1881–1899.98

Years. To 100 Persons Convicted of Crimes.
Unable to Read or Write. Able to Read and Write. Having a Higher Education.
1881–1885 46.2 53.5 0.2
1886–1890 41.0 58.7 0.3
1891–1895 37.5 62.2 0.2
1896 33.0 60.3 0.7
1897 34.9 64.4 0.7
1898 33.2 66.1 0.7
1899 33.0 66.2 0.8

[426]

England and Wales, 1894–1900.99

Years. Prisoners Found Guilty. Percentage of Persons Wishing to Marry who were Unable to Sign their Names.
Unable to Read or Write. Able to Read, or to Read Poorly and Write. Able to Read and Write Well. Having a Higher Education.
Men. Women. Men. Women. Men. Women. Men. Women.
Absolute Number. % Absolute Number. % Absolute Number. % Absolute Number. % Absolute Number. % Absolute Number. % Absolute Number. % Absolute Number. % Men. Women.
1893 5.0 5.7
1894 20,760 18.4 11,457 27.4 86,639 76.6 29,620 70.7 5,554 4.9 797 1.9 102 0.1 3 0.0 0.0
1895 18,840 18.2 11,143 27.8 80,409 77.9 28,511 71.2 3,879 3.8 386 1.0 89 0.1 2 0.0 0.0
1896 19,377 18.1 11,844 28.5 85,199 79.2 29,261 70.6 2,806 2.6 307 0.7 52 0.1 2 0.0 0.0
1897 18,588 17.4 11,783 27.8 84,777 79.7 30,290 71.4 2,980 2.8 344 0.8 68 0.1 4 0.0 0.0
1898 18,591 16.6 12,092 26.8 86,675 77.3 32,350 71.6 6,680 6.0 726 1.6 158 0.1 7 0.0 0.0
1899 17,703 16.3 11,483 25.3 84,854 78.4 35,114 73.0 5,658 5.2 740 1.6 84 0.1 6 0.0 0.0
1900 16,583 16.6 11,519 25.3 77,967 77.8 33,169 73.5 5,460 5.5 420 0.9 81 0.1 5 0.6 2.9 3.4

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The following table gives the figures for the different crimes:

Austria, 1899.100

Crimes. To 100 Persons Convicted.
Illiterate. Able to Read. Able to Read and Write. Education.
Arson 44.2 2.6 53.2 0.0
Libel 41.7 0.8 57.1 0.4
Assault 40.5 1.4 58.0 0.1
Infanticide 39.5 2.6 57.9 0.0
Homicide 39.3 3.1 57.4 0.2
Robbery 35.0 1.6 63.4 0.0
Theft 32.6 1.2 65.7 0.5
All crimes 31.7 1.3 66.2 0.8
Fraud 30.8 1.3 66.2 2.7
Extortion 27.3 1.5 70.4 0.8
Malicious mischief 21.6 1.1 77.3 0.0
Threats 21.0 1.7 76.9 0.4
Leze majesty 19.7 1.6 76.2 2.5
Rape, etc. 17.2 1.7 79.3 1.8
Criminal breach of trust 6.0 0.2 86.4 7.4

Belgium, 1899–1901.

Years. Persons Convicted.
Illiterate. Able to Read or Write Imperfectly. Able to Read and Write. Having a Higher Education. Total.
1899 588 1389 424 144 2545
1900 626 1444 521 176 2767
1901 619 1581 604 218 3022
1899–1901 1833 4414 1549 538 8334
% 22.— 53.— 18.6 6.4 100.0

According to the census of 1900, 18% of the total male population over 15 years old were completely illiterate.101

In 1907 1.32% of the men and 1.75% of the women out of the total population could not sign their names.102 [428]

France, 1882–1898.103

Years. To the 100 Prisoners there were on Entering Prison Number of Persons to the 100, who could not sign their Names when they Married.
Illiterate. Able to Read. Able to Read and Write. Able to Read, Write and Cipher. Having a Complete Primary Education. Having an Education Higher than Primary.
Men. Women. Men. Women. Men. Women. Men. Women. Men. Women. Men. Women. Men. Women.
1882 27.60 38.04 12.62 15.41 30.56 32.36 21.17 13.01 6.24 0.87 1.81 0.31 14.4 22.6
1883 30.08 36.11 11.91 16.78 30.48 30.60 19.00 15.28 6.60 0.87 1.93 0.36 14.2 22.4
1884 27.54 42.61 10.14 15.02 31.71 30.57 21.67 9.93 5.72 1.39 2.18 0.46 13.6 22.2
1885 28.44 40.25 10.19 16.15 30.02 33.53 23.55 9.17 5.33 0.69 2.47 0.21 12.7 20.2
1886 26.63 39.93 11.20 14.52 31.19 36.64 22.81 8.06 5.63 0.85 2.54 104 11.6 18.7
1887 26.51 37.49 12.49 14.31 33.89 38.90 21.04 8.38 4.05 0.92 2.02 10.7 17.0
1888 24.90 32.29 14.05 12.92 32.50 42.43 22.50 10.77 4.18 1.59 2.17 10.6 16.2
1889 22.50 35.13 14.18 27.22 30.06 27.78 24.99 7.70 5.80 2.17 2.47 9.8 15.2
1890 20.12 34.94 14.19 26.34 30.76 29.71 25.97 6.47 6.34 2.54 2.52 8.8 13.6
1891 20.05 33.32 12.79 22.44 31.14 33.39 26.52 8.37 6.57 2.06 2.93 0.42 8.4 12.6
1892 20.38 33.80 13.24 24.89 28.29 30.60 28.30 7.34 6.33 2.64 3.46 0.73 8.1 12.1
1893 22.08 29.78 11.19 24.75 28.03 32.75 27.33 9.22 7.51 2.82 3.86 0.68
1894 20.89 31.14 13.15 22.57 27.64 35.86 27.84 7.42 6.70 2.47 3.78 0.54 6.8 10.4
1895 20.50 30.43 13.80 18.82 26.66 38.39 30.15 9.80 6.41 2.32 2.48 0.24
1896 20.91 28.58 11.97 17.09 31.00 38.70 23.78 12.04 10.40 3.22 1.94 0.37
1897 21.09 28.57 10.59 15.67 27.77 40.48 30.40 12.10 8.15 2.48 2.00 0.69
1898 23.70 31.65 9.11 8.70 31.05 46.67 27.77 8.69 6.81 3.65 1.56 0.69 4.5 7.2

[429]

Scotland.105

Prisoners.
Men. Women.
Absolute Numbers. % Absolute Numbers. %
Illiterate 3,807 12.0 2,635 20.5
Able to read and write 27,849 87.9 10,245 79.5
With a higher education 46 0.1 1 0.0
Total 31,702 100.0 12,881 100.0

France, 1896–1900.106

Crimes. Percentage of Accused Persons
Completely Illiterate.
Arson 26
Infanticide 21
Poisoning 20
Rape and indecent assault upon children 20
Serious assaults 16
Murder 16
Homicide 15
Rape, etc. upon adults 14
All crimes 14
Aggravated theft 12
Parricide 10
Assaults upon parents, etc. 10
Fraudulent bankruptcy 10
Highway robbery 8
Counterfeiting 7
Forgery, etc. 2
Breach of trust 2

Ireland, 1905.

Prisoners.
Men. Women. Total.
Absolute Numbers. % Absolute Numbers. % Absolute Numbers. %
Illiterate 4,321 22.5 3,264 32.5 7,585 25.9
Able to read, or read and write imperfectly 3,804 19.8 1,983 19.8 5,787 19.8
Able to read and write well 11,003 57.2 4,757 47.4 15,760 53.9
With a higher education 93 0.5 32 0.3 125 0.4
Unknown 2 0.0 2 0.0
Total 19,223 100.0 10,036 100.0 29,259 100.0

[430]

According to the census of 1901 the percentage of illiterates was 12.2 for the men, 13.1 for the women, and 12.7 for the total population 12 years old and over.107