[Here the discussion is turned aside, by Rameau’s pantomimic performance of a fugue, to various topics in music.[224]]
I.—How does it happen that with such fine tact, such great sensibility for the beauties of the musical art, you are so blind to the fine things of morality, so insensible to the charms of virtue?
He.—It must be because there is for the one a sense that I have not got, a fibre that has not been given to me, a slack string that you may play upon as much as you please, but it never vibrates. Or it may be because I have always lived with those who were good musicians but bad men, whence it has come to pass that my ear has grown very fine, and my heart has grown very deaf. And then there is something in race. The blood of my father and the blood of my uncle is the same blood; my blood is the same as that of my father; the paternal molecule was hard and obtuse, and that accursed first molecule has assimilated to itself all the rest.
I.—Do you love your child?
He.—Do I love it, the little savage! I dote on it.
I.—Will you not then seriously set to work to arrest in it the consequences of the accursed paternal molecule?
He.—I shall labour in vain, I fancy. If he is destined to grow into a good man, I shall not hurt him; but if the molecule meant him for a ne’er-do-well like his father, then all the pains that I might have taken to make a decent man of him would only be very hurtful to him, Education incessantly crossing the inclination of the molecule, he would be drawn as it were by two contrary forces, and would walk in zigzags along the path of life, as I see an infinity of other people doing, equally awkward in good and evil. These are what we call espèces, of all epithets the most to be dreaded, because it marks mediocrity and the very lowest degree of contempt. A great scoundrel is a great scoundrel, but he is not an espèce. Before the paternal molecule had got the upper hand, and had brought him to the perfect abjection at which I have arrived, it would take endless time, and he would lose his best years. I do not meddle at present; I let him come on. I examine him; he is already greedy, cunning, idle, lying, and a cheat; I’m much afraid that he is a chip of the old block.
I.—And you will make him a musician, so that the likeness may be exact?
He.—A musician! Sometimes I look at him and grind my teeth, saying: If thou wert ever to know a note of music, I believe I would wring thy neck.
I.—And why so, if you please?
He.—Music leads to nothing.
I.—It leads to everything.
He.—Yes, when people are first-rate. But who can promise himself that his child shall be first-rate. The odds are ten thousand to one that he will never be anything but a wretched scraper of catgut. Are you aware that it would perhaps be easier to find a child fit to govern a realm, fit to be a great king, than one fit for a great violin player.
I.—It seems to me that agreeable talents, even if they are mediocre, among a people who are without morals, and are lost in debauchery and luxury, get a man rapidly on in the path of fortune.
He.—No doubt, gold and gold; gold is everything, and all the rest without gold is nothing. So instead of cramming his head with fine maxims which he would have to forget, on pain of remaining a beggar all the days of his life, what I do is this: when I have a louis, which does not happen to me often, I plant myself in front of him, I pull the louis out of my pocket, I show it to him with signs of admiration, I raise my eyes to heaven, I kiss the louis before him, and to make him understand still better the importance of the sacred coin, I point to him with my finger all that he can get with it, a fine frock, a pretty cap, a rich cake; then I thrust the louis into my pocket, I walk proudly up and down, I raise the lappet of my waistcoat, I strike my fob; and in that way I make him see that it is the louis in it that gives me all this assurance.
I.—Nothing could be better. But suppose it were to come to pass that, being so profoundly penetrated by the value of the louis, he were one day....
He.—I understand you. One must close one’s eyes to that; there is no moral principle without its own inconvenience. At the worst ’tis a bad quarter of an hour, and then all is over.
I.—Even after hearing views so wise and so bold, I persist in thinking that it would be good to make a musician of him. I know no other means of getting so rapidly near great people, of serving their vices better, or turning your own to more advantage.
He.—That is true; but I have plans for a speedier and surer success. Ah, if it were only a girl! But as we cannot do all that we should like, we must take what comes, and make the best of it, and not be such idiots as most fathers, who could literally do nothing worse, supposing them to have deliberately planned the misery of their children—namely, give the education of Lacedæmon to a child who is destined to live in Paris. If the education is bad, the morals of my country are to blame for that, not I. Answer for it who may; I wish my son to be happy, or what is the same thing, rich, honoured, and powerful. I know something about the easiest ways of reaching this end, and I will teach them to him betimes. If you blame me, you sages, the multitude and success will acquit me. He will put money in his purse, I can tell you. If he has plenty of that, he will lack nothing else, not even your esteem and respect.
I.—You may be mistaken.
He.—Then perhaps he will do very well without it, like many other people.
[There was in all this a good deal of what passes through many people’s minds, and much of the principle according to which they shape their own conduct; but they never talk about it. There, in short, is the most marked difference between my man and most of those about us. He avowed the vices that he had, and that others have; but he was no hypocrite. He was neither more nor less abominable than they; he was only more frank, and more consistent, and sometimes he was profound in the midst of his depravity. I trembled to think what his child might become under such a master. It is certain that after ideas of bringing-up, so strictly traced on the pattern of our manners, he must go far, unless prematurely stopped on the road.]
He.—Oh, fear nothing. The important point, the difficult point, to which a good father ought to attend before everything else, is not to give to his child vices that enrich, or comical tricks such as make him valuable to people of quality—all the world does that, if not on system as I do, at least by example and precept. The important thing is to impress on him the just proportion, the art of keeping out of disgrace and the arm of the law. There are certain discords in the social harmony that you must know exactly how to place, to prepare, and to hold. Nothing so tame as a succession of perfect chords; there needs something that stimulates, that resolves the beam, and scatters its rays.
I.—Quite so; by your image you bring me back from morals to music, and I am very glad, for, to be quite frank with, you, I like you better as musician than as moralist.
He.—Yet, I am a mere subaltern in music, and a really superior figure in morals.
I.—I doubt that; but even if it were so, I am an honest man, and your principles are not mine.
He.—So much the worse for you. Ah, if I only had your talents!
I.—Never mind my talents; let us return to yours.
He.—If I could only express myself like you! But I have an infernally absurd jargon—half the language of men of the world and of letters, half of Billingsgate.
I.—Nay, I am a poor talker enough. I only know how to speak the truth, and that does not always answer, as you know.
He.—But it is not for speaking the truth—on the contrary, it is for skilful lying that I covet your gift. If I knew how to write, to cook up a book, to turn a dedicatory epistle, to intoxicate a fool as to his own merits, to insinuate myself into the good graces of women!
I.—And you do know all that a thousand times better than I. I should not be worthy to be so much as your pupil.
He.—How many great qualities lost, of which you do not know the price.
I.—I get the price that I ask.
He.—If that were true, you would not be wearing that common suit, that rough waistcoat, those worsted stockings, those thick shoes, that ancient wig.
I.—I grant that; a man must be very maladroit not to be rich, if he sticks at nothing in order to become rich. But the odd thing is that there are people like me who do not look on riches as the most precious thing in the world; bizarre people, you know.
He.—Bizarre enough. A man is not born with such a twist as that. He takes the trouble to give it to himself, for it is not in nature.
He.—No; for everything that lives, without exception, seeks its own wellbeing at the expense of any prey that is proper to its purpose; and I am perfectly sure that if I let my little savage grow up without saying a word to him on the matter, he would wish to be richly clad, sumptuously fed, cherished by men, loved by women, and to heap upon himself all the happiness of life.
I.—If your little savage were left to himself, let him only preserve all his imbecility, and add to the scanty reason of the child in the cradle the violent passions of a man of thirty—why he would strangle his father and dishonour his own mother.
He.—That proves the necessity of a good education, and who denies it? And what is a good education but one that leads to all sorts of enjoyments without danger and without inconvenience?
I.—I am not so far from your opinion, only let us keep clear of explanations.
He.—Why?
I.—Because I am afraid that we only agree in appearance, and that if we once begin to discuss what are the dangers and the inconveniences to avoid, we should cease to understand one another.
He.—What of that?
I.—Let us leave all this, I tell you; what I know about it I shall never get you to learn, and you will more easily teach me what I do not know, and you do know, in music. Let us talk about music, dear Rameau, and tell me how it has come about that with the faculty for feeling, retaining, and rendering the finest passages in the great masters, with the enthusiasm that they inspire in you, and that you transmit to others, you have done nothing that is worth....
Instead of answering me, he shrugged his shoulders, and pointing to the sky with his finger, he cried: The star! the star! When Nature made Leo, Vinci, Pergolese, Duni, she smiled. She put on a grave and imposing air in shaping my dear uncle Rameau, who for half a score years they will have called the great Rameau, and of whom very soon nobody will say a word. When she tricked up his nephew, she made a grimace, and a grimace, and again a grimace. [And as he said this, he put on all sorts of odd expressions: contempt, disdain, irony; and he seemed to be kneading between his fingers a piece of paste, and to be smiling at the ridiculous shapes that he gave it; that done, he flung the incongruous pagod[225] away from him, and said:] It was thus she made me, and flung me by the side of the other pagods, some with huge wrinkled paunches, and short necks, and great eyes projecting out of their heads, stamped with apoplexy; others with wry necks; some again with wizened faces, keen eyes, hooked noses. All were ready to split with laughing when they espied me, and I put my hands to my sides and split with laughter when I espied them, for fools and madmen tickle one another; they seek and attract one another. If when I got among them, I had not found ready-made the proverb about the money of fools being the patrimony of people with wits, they would have been indebted to me for it. I felt that nature had put my lawful inheritance into the purses of the pagods, and I devised a thousand means of recovering my rights.
I.—Yes, I know all about your thousand means; you have told me of them, and I have admired them vastly. But with so many resources, why not have tried that of a fine work?...
He.—When I am alone I take up my pen and intend to write; I bite my nails and rub my brow; your humble servant, good-bye, the god is absent. I had convinced myself that I had genius; at the end of the time I discover that I am a fool, a fool, and nothing but a fool. But how is one to feel, to think, to rise to heights, to paint in strong colours, while haunting with such creatures as those whom one must see if one is to live; in the midst of such talk as one has to make and to hear, and such idle gossip: “How charming the boulevard was to-day!” “Have you heard the little Marmotte? Her playing is ravishing.” “Mr. So-and-so had the handsomest pair of grays in his carriage that you can possibly imagine.” “The beautiful Mrs. So-and-so is beginning to fade; who at the age of five-and-forty would wear a headdress like that?” “Young Such-and-such is covered with diamonds, and she gets them cheap.”
“You mean she gets them dear.”
“No, I do not.”
“Where did you see her?”
“At the play.”
“The scene of despair was played as it had never been played before.” “The Polichinelle of the Fair has a voice, but no delicacy, no soul.” “Madame So-and-so has produced two at a birth; each father will have his own child....” And yet you suppose that this kind of thing, said and said again, and listened to every day of the week, sets the soul aglow and leads to mighty things.
I.—Nay, it were better to turn the key of one’s garret, drink cold water, eat dry bread, and seek one’s true self.
He.—Maybe, but I have not the courage. And then the idea of sacrificing one’s happiness for the sake of a success that is doubtful! And the name that I bear? Rameau! It is not with talents as it is with nobility; nobility transmits itself, and increases in lustre by passing from grandfather to father, and from father to son, and from son to grandson, without the ancestor impressing a spark of merit on his descendant; the old stock ramifies into an enormous crop of fools; but what matter? It is not so with talents. Merely to obtain the renown of your father, you must be cleverer than he was; you must have inherited his fibre. The fibre has failed me, but the wrist is nimble, the fiddle-bow scrapes away, and the pot boils; if there is not glory, there is broth.
I.—If I were in your place, I would not take it for granted; I would try.... Whatever it be that a man applies himself to, nature meant him for it.
He.—She makes mighty blunders. For my part, I do not look down from heights, whence all seems confused and blurred,—the man who prunes a tree with his knife, all one with the caterpillar who devours its leaf; a couple of insects, each at his proper task. Do you, if you choose, perch yourself on the epicycle of the planet Mercury, and thence distribute creation, in imitation, of Réaumur; he, the classes of flies into seamstresses, surveyors, reapers; you, the human species into joiners, dancers, singers, tilers. That is your affair, and I will not meddle with it. I am in this world, and in this world I rest. But if it is in nature to have an appetite—for it is always to appetite that I come back, and to the sensation that is ever present to me—then I find that it is by no means consistent with good order not to have always something to eat. What a precious economy of things! Men who are over-crammed with everything under the sun, while others, who have a stomach just as importunate as they, a hunger that recurs as regularly as theirs, have not a bite. The worst is the constrained posture to which want pins us down. The needy man does not walk like anybody else; he jumps, he crawls, he wriggles, he limps, he passes his whole life in taking and executing artificial postures.
I.—What are postures?
He.—Ask Noverre.[226] The world offers far more of them than his art can imitate.
I.—Ah, there are you too—to use your expression or Montaigne’s—perched on the epicycle of Mercury, and eyeing the various pantomimes of the human race.
He.—No, no, I tell you; I’m too heavy to raise myself so high. No sojourn in the fogs for me. I look about me, and I assume my postures, or I amuse myself with the postures that I see others taking. I am an excellent pantomime as you shall judge.
[Then he set himself to smile, to imitate the admirer, the suppliant, the fawning complaisant; he expects a command, receives it, starts off like an arrow, returns, the order is executed, he reports what he has done; he is attentive to everything; he picks up something that has fallen; he places a pillow or a footstool; he holds a saucer; he brings a chair, opens a door, closes a window, draws the curtains, gazes on the master and mistress; he stands immovable, his arms hanging by his side, his legs exactly straight; he listens, he seeks to read their faces, and then he adds:—That is my pantomime, very much the same as that of all flatterers, courtiers, valets, and beggars.
The buffooneries of this man, the stories of the abbé Galiani, the extravagances of Rabelais, have sometimes thrown me into profound reveries. They are three stores whence I have provided myself with ridiculous masks that I place on the faces of the gravest personages, and I see Pantaloon in a prelate, a satyr in a president, a pig in a monk, an ostrich in a minister, a goose in his first clerk.]
I.—But according to your account, I said to my man, there are plenty of beggars in the world, and yet I know nobody who is not acquainted with some of the steps of your dance.
He.—You are right. In a whole kingdom there is only one man who walks, and that is the sovereign.
I.—The sovereign? There is something to be said on that. For do you suppose that one may not from time to time find even by the side of him, a dainty foot, a pretty neck, a bewitching nose, that makes him execute his pantomime. Whoever has need of another is indigent, and assumes a posture. The king postures before his mistress, and before God he treads his pantomimic measure. The minister dances the step of courtier, flatterer, valet, and beggar before his king. The crowd of the ambitious cut a hundred capers, each viler than the rest, before the minister. The abbé, with his bands and long cloak, postures at least once a week before the patron of livings. On my word, what you call the pantomime of beggars is only the whole huge bustle of the earth....
He.—But let us bethink ourselves what o’clock it is, for I must go to the opera.
I.—What is going on?
He.—Dauvergne’s Trocqueurs. There are some tolerable things in the music; the only pity is that he has not been the first to say them. Among those dead, there are always some to dismay the living. What would you have? Quisque suos patimur manes. But it is half-past five, I hear the bell ringing my vespers. Good day, my philosopher; always the same, am I not?
I.—Alas, you are; worse luck.
He.—Only let me have that bad luck for forty years to come! Who laughs last has the best of the laugh.
THE END.
Printed by R. & R. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh.
FOOTNOTES
[1] Œuv., v. 289.
[2] v. 295, 296.
[3] Œuv., v. 342.
[4] Boethius.
[5] See, however, above, vol. i. p. 274.
[6] Œuv., ii. 249.
[7] See Nordhoff’s Communistic Societies of the United States (London: Murray, 1875), pp. 259-293. This grave and most instructive book shows how modifiable are some of those facts of existing human character which are vulgarly deemed to be ultimate and ineradicable.
[8] Œuv., ii. 243.
[9] Hettner’s Literaturgeschichte, i. 462.
[10] The Eloge de Richardson is in Diderot’s Works, v. 212-227.
[11] The belle âme was the origin of the schöne Seele that has played such a part in German literature and life. The reader will find a history of the expression in an appendix to Dr. Erich Schmidt’s study. Richardson, Rousseau, und Goethe (Jena, 1875).
[12] La Religieuse. Œuv., v. 110.
[13] Sterne’s Letters, May 23, 1765.
[14] Nov. 12, 1767.
[15] E.g. Le Voyageur Sentimental of Vernes (Grimm, Corr. Lit., xiii. 227).
[16] Quoted in Rosenkranz, ii. 326.
[17] vi. 221, 222.
[18] Essays, iv. 303. (Ed. 1869.)
[19] E.g. Watelet’s poem, Sur l’Art de Peindre, 1760; Le Mierre’s Sur la Peinture, 1769; Marsy’s Pictura Carmen, 1736. See Diderot’s works, xiii. 17, etc.
[20] Œuv., iii. 486. Guhrauer, ii. 15. Also Blümner’s admirable edition of the Laocöon, p. 173.
[21] xiii. 33.
[22] Grimm, Corr. Lit., iv. 136. In another place in the same work either Grimm or Diderot makes a remark about Batteux, which is worth remembering in our own age of official vindications of orthodoxy. The abbé had written a book about first causes. “I venture to observe moreover to M. l’abbé Batteux that when in this world a man has put on the dress of any sort of harlequin, red or black, with a pair of bands or a frill, he ought to give up once for all every kind of philosophic discussion, because it is impossible for him to speak according to his faith and his conscience; and a writer of bad faith is all the more odious, as nothing compelled him to break silence.” Ib. vi. 120.
[23] Lettres Familières, i. 174. (Ed. 1869.)
[24] Dupaty’s Lettres sur l’Italie, No. 40. In talking of Rome, he complains in a very Diderotian spirit of the want of le beau moral. “On ne trouve ici dans les mœurs ni des hommes privés ni des hommes publics, cette moralité, cette bienséance, dont les mœurs françoises sont pleines. Le beau moral est absolument inconnu. Or, c’est pour atteindre à ce beau moral dans tous les genres que la sensibilité est la plus tourmentée; qu’elle est en proie aux contentions de l’esprit, aux émulations de l’âme ... qu’elle pare avec tant de raffinement et de peine, les écrits, les discours, les passions, enfin toute la vie publique et privée.”
[25] x. 514, n.
[26] xi. 241.
[27] Goncourt’s L’Art au 18ième Siècle, i.
[28] Goncourt’s Art au 18ième Siècle, i. 213.
[29] Taine’s Ancien Régime, p. 186.
[30] “Si tous les tableaux de martyrs que nos grands peintres ont si sublimement peints, passaient à une postérité reculée, pour qui nous prendrait-elle? Pour des bêtes féroces ou des anthropophages.”—Diderot’s Pensées sur la Peinture.
[31] x. 143.
[32] x. 343.
[33] No. 260 of the French School.
[34] x. 151-156. Dr. Waagen pronounces this picture to be as truly an expression of das Nationalfranzösiche as Wilkie’s paintings are of das Englische. See his Kunstwerke und Künstler in Paris, p. 675.
[35] x. 208.
[36] x. 177.
[37] xii. 8, 79.
[38] xi. 149.
[39] See Reynolds’s Twelfth Discourse, p. 106.
[40] x. 102.
[41] xi. 296. For the Callirrhoë, see x. 397.
[42] x. 121.
[43] Voyage en Italie, 230. Voyage en Espagne, 330. See the same critic’s Abécédaire du Salon de 1861.
[44] xi. 309.
[45] xi. 294.
[46] xi. 102.
[47] x. 342. He says elsewhere of Greuze (xviii. 247) that he is un excellent artiste, mais une bien mauvaise téte.
[48] Quoted in Diderot’s Œuv., v. 460, n.
[49] E.g. Œuv., xi. 258.
[50] xi. 74.
[51] x. 115.
[52] x. 125.
[53] xi. 98-149.
[54] E.g. xi. 223.
[55] x. 481, 462.
[56] x. 467. For a more respectful view of the antique, and of Winckelmann’s position, see Salon de 1765, x. 418.
[57] Diderot’s Versuch über die Malerei. Goethe’s Werke, xxv. 309, etc.
[58] And of course on occasion did actually find. See xi. 101. Sir Joshua Reynolds, who was too sincere a lover of his art not to be above mere patriotic prejudice, describes the condition of things. “I have heard painters acknowledge that they could do better without nature than with her, or, as they expressed themselves, it only put them out. Our neighbours, the French, are much in this practice of extempore invention, and their dexterity is such as even to excite admiration, if not envy; but how rarely can this praise be given to their finished pictures!” Twelfth Discourse, p. 105.
[59] x. 124, 125.
[60] Œuv., x.
[61] It is to be observed also that he shows true perspicacity in connecting the difficulty of transforming a poetic into a pictorial description, with the kindred difficulty of translating a finished poem in one language into another language. See also xi. 107.
[62] Lessing appears to have been directly led to this by Aristotle. See Gotschlich’s Lessing’s Aristotelische Studien, p. 120.
[63] Œuv., i. 382, 403.
[64] Œuv., xi. 328.
[65] Salon de 1761; Œuv., v. 140.
[66] Memoirs of Princess Dashkoff (vol. ii.). By Mrs. Bradford, an English companion and friend of the Princess. (London, 1840.) See Diderot’s account of her, Œuv., xvii. 487. Compare Horace Walpole’s Letters, v. 266.
[67] Œuv., xviii. 239.
[68] Grimm, Cor. Lit., xv. 18. Diderot, xviii. 251.
[69] Œuv., xix. 250.
[70] Œuv., xviii. 365, 471.
[71] Ségur’s Mem., ii. 230.
[72] The Imperial Historical Society are publishing a Recueil Général of documents, many of which shed an interesting light on Catherine’s intercourse with the men of letters. In the Archives of the House of Woronzow (especially vol. xii.), amid much of what for our purpose is chaff, are a few grains of what is interesting. M. Rambaud, the author of the learned work on the Greek Empire in the Tenth Century, gave interesting selections from these sources in two articles in the Revue des deux Mondes for February and April, 1877. Besides what is to be gathered from such well-known authorities as William Tooke, Ségur, Dashkoff, there are many interesting pages in the memoirs of that attractive and interesting person, the Prince de Ligne. The passages from English and French despatches I have taken from an anonymous but authentic work published at Berlin in 1858, La Cour de la Russie il y a cent ans: 1725-83: extraits des dépêches des Ambassadeurs anglais et français. Catherine’s own Memoirs, published in London in 1859 by Alexander Herzen, are perhaps too doubtful.
[73] Mém. du Prince de Ligne, p. 101.
[74] Ségur, 219.
[75] To the Prince de Ligne.
[76] Rambaud, p. 573.
[77] See M. Mouy’s Introduction to her Correspondence with Stanislas.
[78] Corresp. Complète de Mdme. du Deffand, i. 115. (Ed. 1877.) June, 1767.
[79] November 1, 1773.
[80] November 1766.
[81] December 22, 1766.
[82] Corresp., pp. 135, 144, etc.
[83] Satire I. sur les caractères, etc. Œuv., vi. 313.
[84] Œuv., xx. 58.
[85] Ségur, iii. 34.
[86] Mouy’s Corresp. du roi Stanislas, p. 501.
[87] Mémoire Historique, printed in vol. i. of the new edition (1877) of the Correspondence of Grimm and Diderot, by M. Maurice Tourneux.
[88] D’Alembert au Roi de Prusse. Feb. 14, 1774.
[89] Briefe aus seinen ausländischen Reisen, iii. 217-233. (Leipsic, 1780—a German translation from the Swedish.)
[90] xvii. 449.
[91] George Forster’s Ansichten vom Niederrhein, etc. ii. 396 (1790).
[92] Jonckbloet’s Gesch. d. Niederland. Lit. (German trans.) ii. 502, etc.
[93] Œuv. Phil. de Fr. Hemsterhuys, iii. 141. (Ed. Meyboom.)
[94] Forster, ii. 398. Galiani, Corresp. ii. 189.
[95] Œuv., xix. 342.
[96] Dr. Katerkamp’s Denkwürdigkeiten aus dem Leben der Furstinn Amalie von Gallitzin, p. 45.
[97] Barbier, vii. 137.
[98] Œuv., xii. 301.
[99] Ib. ii. 267-274.
[100] Ib. ii. 795.
[101] Œuv., ii. 795-798.
[102] See Jal’s Dict. Crit., p. 676. There is a comparison in L’Esprit, which we may assume to have been due to family reminiscence: “Like those Physicians who, in their jealousy of the discovery of the emetic, abused the credulity of a few prelates, to excommunicate a remedy of which the service is so prompt and so salutary,” etc.—ii. 23.
[103] Hume, however, tells a story to the effect that Helvétius tried to dissuade Montesquieu from publishing his great book, as being altogether unworthy of his previous reputation.
[104] Barbier v. 57.
[105] Morellet, i. 71.
[106] Marmontel, ii, 116.
[107] Voyage à Bourbonne. Œuv., xvii. 344.
[108] Burton’s Hume, ii. 464.
[109] Morellet, i. 141. A peculiarly graphic account of Madame Helvétius in her later years is to be found in Mrs. Adam’s Letters, quoted in Parton’s Life of Franklin, ii. 429.
[110] Œuv., xix. 187.
[111] Corresp., iv. 119.
[112] Walpole’s Corresp., iv. 217.
[113] Burton, ii. 57.
[114] Œuv. de Mdme. Roland, i. 108.
[115] “To that book [L’Esprit], Mr. Bentham has often been heard to say, he stood indebted for no small portion of the zeal and ardour with which he advocated his happiness-producing theory. It was from thence he took encouragement ... it was there he learned to persevere,” etc. etc.—Deontology, i. 296.
[116] Disc. ii. chap. xvii.
[117] Ib. ii. 6.
[118] Disc. ii. 17.
[119] Ib. ii. chap. xxiii.
[120] Ib. ii. 1, note (b).
[121] Traité de Législation, i. 243.
[122] Disc. ii. 5.
[123] Disc. ii. 15.
[124] See Diderot’s truer version, Œuv., ii. 482.
[125] Disc. iv. 13, etc.
[126] Œuv., ii. 270.
[127] Disc. ii. 24.
[128] As Mr. Henry Sidgwick has put this:—“Even the indefatigable patience and inexhaustible ingenuity of Bentham will hardly succeed in defeating the sinister conspiracy of self-preferences. In fact, unless a little more sociality is allowed to an average human being, the problem of combining these egoists into an organisation for promoting their common happiness, is like the old task of making ropes of sand. The difficulty that Hobbes vainly tried to settle summarily by absolute despotism, is hardly to be overcome by the democratic artifices of his more inventive successor.”
[129] Disc. ii. 13.
[130] Disc. ii. 24.
[131] Disc. iii.
[132] Œuv. ii. 271.
[133] Ib. ii. 275-456.
[134] Political Justice, bk. i. chap. iv.—“The characters of men originate in their external circumstances.”
[135] Disc. ii. 10.
[136] Œuv., xvii. 329.
[137] Ib. ii. 398.
[138] Corresp. de Galiani, i. 142.
[139] Wahrheit und Dichtung, bk. xi.
[140] See the article Dieu in the Dict. Philosophique.
[141] Voltaire’s Corr., Nov. 1, 1770.
[142] July 27, 1770.
[143] Lange’s Gesch. d. Materialismus, i. 369; where the author shows how entirely Voltaire failed to touch Holbach’s position as to the meaning of Order in the universe.
[144] Œuv., v. 296, 303, etc.
[145] Nouvelle Héloise, IV. xii.
[146] Nouvelle Héloise, V. v.
[147] See Lange, i. 85.
[148] Syst. de la Nat., I. xvi.
[149] Syst. de la Nat., I. xiv., xvi., etc. etc.
[150] Dict. Phil., s. v. Dieu, § 4.
[151] Holbach confesses his obligation on this head to Toland’s Letters to Serena (1704).
[152] Almost the very words of this passage are to be found in Diderot. See above, vol. i. p. 237.
[153] Ch. xi.
[154] This is not original in Holbach. Diderot’s article on Suicide in the Encyclopædia (Œuv., xvii. 235) contains the usual arguments of the Church against suicide, with some casuistic illustrations, but it also contains an account of Dr. Donne’s vindication of Suicide, called Bia-thanatos, 1651, in which these remarks of Holbach occur verbatim. Hallam found Donne’s book so dull and pedantic that he declares no one would be induced to kill himself by reading such a book unless he were threatened with another volume.
[155] Hume’s suppressed Essay on Suicide (see the edition by Mr. Green and Mr. Grose, 1875, vol. ii. 405) is a much more exhaustive argument than Holbach’s, though the language of the two pieces is sometimes curiously alike. Rousseau in this, as in so many other moralities—marriage, for instance—was on the side of the Church, only allowing suicide where a man happens to be stricken by a painful and incurable disease. See the two famous letters in the New Heloïsa, Pt. iii. 21, 22.
[156] Taine’s Ancien Régime, p. 287.
[157] The Biographie Universelle, followed by the Encyclopædia Britannica, tells a story of Raynal visiting the House of Commons; the Speaker, says the writer, learning that he was in the gallery, “suspended the discussion until a distinguished place had been found for the French philosopher.” This must be set down as a myth. The journals have been searched, and there is no official confirmation of the statement, improbable enough on the face of it.
[158] Morellet, i. 221.
[159] Walpole’s Corresp., vi. 147 and 445.
[160] Hédouin by name.
[161] Ch. xxi.
[162] Works, xii. 189 (edition of 1822).
[163] Book v. § 31.
[164] Thiébault, iii. 172; where there is a long and most disparaging account of Raynal, by no means incredible, though we must remember that a competent judge has pronounced Thiébault to be “stupid, incorrect, and the prey of stupidities.”
[165] Sénac de Meilhan, 123.
[166] Book i. § 7. Robertson works out this reflection in his Historical Disquisition concerning Ancient India, iv. § 8.
[167] Voyage d’un Philosophe, etc.; a work published in 1768, and in great vogue for some time, partly because it furnished material for the speculations of Raynal, Helvétius, and the rest. See De l’Homme, II. xiii., etc. Grimm, v. 450.
[168] Book xvii.
[169] Jefferson, quoted in Parton’s Life of Franklin, ii. 418.
[170] Walpole’s Letters, v. 421.
[171] Book xv. of the Esprit des Lois.
[172] Book xi. § 30.
[173] Hamel’s Robespierre i. 456-458.
[174] Elémens de Physiologie, Œuv., ix. 428.
[175] Corresp., ii. 180.
[176] Œuv., i. 54
[177] Letter to Mdlle. Voland, Sept. 23, 1762. xix. 136, 137.
[178] The dedication of the Règnes de Claude et de Néron to Naigeon, iii. 9.
[179] Diderot’s Leben, ii. 357.
[180] See Mr. Brewer’s preface to Roger Bacon, p. 73.; Montaigne’s chapter Des Livres, and the Defense de Sénèque et de Plutarque.; Let. Pers., 33.
[181] Essai sur le Mérite et la Vertu. Œuv., i. 118, note.
[182] The first edition (1778) was entitled Essai sur la Vie de Sénèque le philosophe, sur ses écrits, et sur le règne de Claude et de Néron. In the second edition (1782) this was changed into Essai sur les règnes de Claude et de Néron, et sur la vie et les écrits de Sénèque.
[183] Above, vol. ii. chap. i.
[184] iii. 110, 111.
[185] Grimm, Corr. Lit., xi. 77.
[186] Œuv., iii. 57.
[187] Dec. 8, 1776.
[188] Métra’s Corresp. Secrète, vi. 292.
[189] See Diderot’s Œuv., xix. 465, note.
[190] The Biographie Universelle, after giving 1738 as the date of Naigeon’s birth, absurdly attributes to him the article on Âme in the Encyclopædia, which was published in 1752, when Naigeon was fourteen years old.
[191] Memoirs of Sir Samuel Romilly, i. 63, 179, etc.
[192] See above, vol. i. p. 362.
[193] Petites Lettres sur de Grands Philosophes, ii.
[194] Œuv. de Palissot, i. 445. iv. 244.
[195] Le Satyrique, iii. p. 84. note.
[196] Métra, vi. 128.
[197] See for abundant matter of the same kind, M. Rocquain’s L’Esprit Révolutionnaire avant la Révolution, bk. x. pp. 382, 390, etc.
[198] Montesquieu more sensibly had given the Church not more than five hundred years to live. Let. Pers., 117. One hundred and fifty of them have already passed.
[199] Grimm died in 1807, Holbach in 1789, Catherine in 1796, and Frederick in 1786.
[200] See Œuv., xix. 317, 326.
[201] Œuv., vi. 442, where Diderot gives a sketch of this interesting man.
[202] “Is it not possible that the virtuous and moderate proposal to strangle the last Jesuit in the bowels of the last Jansenist might do something towards reconciling matters?”—Voltaire to Helvétius, May 11, 1761.
[203] Les Eleutheromanes, ou les Furieux de la Liberté. Œuv., ix. 16.
[204] It is a curious illustration of the carelessness with which the so-called negative school have been treated, that so conscientious a writer as M. Henri Martin (Hist. de France, xvi. 146) should have taxed Diderot, among other sinister maxims, with this, that “the public punishment of a king changes the spirit of a nation for ever.” Now the words occur in a collection of observations on government, which Diderot wrote on the margin of his copy of Tacitus, and which are entitled Principes de Politique des Souverains (1775). Some of the most pungent maxims are obviously intended for irony on the military and Machiavellian policy of Frederick the Great, while others on the policy of the Roman emperors are shrewd and sagacious. The maxim from which M. Martin quotes is the 147th, and in it the sombre words of his quotation follow this:—“Let the people never see royal blood flow for any cause whatever. The public punishment of a king,” etc.! See Œuv., ii. 486.
[205] Mém. sur la Vie et les Ouvrages de Diderot, p. 412.
[206] Grimm, Corr. Lit., xi. 120.
[207] As to the precise drift of Maupertuis’s theme, see Lange, Gesch. d. Materialismus, i. 413, n. 37. Also Rosenkranz, i. 134.
[208] In 1765 Grimm describes the principle of Leibnitz and Maupertuis as “gaining on us on every side.”—Corr. Lit., iv. 186.
[209] Palissot, in the Philosophers, concocted some very strained satire on the too pompous opening of the Interpretation of Nature. Act I. sc. 2.
[210] Comte’s System of Positive Polity, i. 380, etc. English translation, 1875.
[211] By F. Sclopis, quoted in M. Vian’s Hist. de Montesquieu, p. 51.
[212] Œuv., ii. 12, 13, § 6. See the same idea in the Encyclopædia, above, vol. i. pp. 225-227.
[213] Œuv., ii.
[214] Gesch. d. Materialismus, i. 309, 310, etc.
[215] Œuv., ii. 176.
[216] Œuv., iii. 490.
[217] Ib. iii. 469-471.
[218] Œuv., iii. 473.
[219] Ib. ii. 505-528.
[220] Above, vol. ii. p. 104.
[221] xix. 200.
[222] xviii. 94.
[223] xviii. pp. 113 and 100.
[224] Vol. v. pp. 457-468.
[225] These little china images of gods, with nodding heads, were then a fashionable toy in Paris.
[226] A famous dancing-master of the time.