23
Thus night succeeded day
and darkness light. Some thought the giants were
rising in revolt (for even at this time many of their
forms could be discerned in the smoke and moreover
a kind of sound of trumpets was heard), while others
believed that the whole world was disappearing in
chaos or fire. Therefore they fled, some from the
houses into the streets, others from without into the
house; in their confusion, indeed, they hastened from
the sea to the land or from the land to the sea, deeming
any place at a distance from where they were safer
than what was near by. While this was going on an
inconceivable amount of ashes was blown out and covered
the land and the sea everywhere and filled all the
air. It did harm of all sorts, as chance dictated, to
men and places and cattle, and the fish and the birds
it utterly destroyed. Moreover, it buried two whole
cities, Herculaneum and Pompeii, while the populace
was seated in the theatre. The entire amount of dust
was so great that some of it reached Africa and Syria
and Egypt, and it also entered Rome, where it occupied
all the air over the city and cast the sun into shadow.
There, too, no little fear was felt for several days, since
the people did not know and could not conjecture what
had happened. They like the rest thought that everything
was being turned upside down, that the sun was
disappearing in the earth and the earth was bounding
up to the sky. This ashes for the time being did
them no great harm: later it bred among them a terrible
pestilence.
A.D. 80 (a.u. 833)
24
Another fire, above ground, in the following year
spread over a very large portion of Rome while Titus
was absent on business connected with the catastrophe
that had befallen in Campania. It consumed the
temple of Serapis, the temple of Isis, the Saepta, the
temple of Neptune, the Baths of Agrippa, the Pantheon,
the Diribitorium, the theatre of Balbus, the
stage-building of Pompey's theatre, the Octavian
buildings together with their books, and the temple
of Capitoline Jupiter with its surrounding temples.
Hence the disaster seemed to be not of human but of
divine contrivance. Any one can estimate from the
list of buildings that I have given, how many more must
have been destroyed. Titus, accordingly, sent two exconsuls
to the Campanians to supervise the founding
of settlements and bestowed upon the inhabitants
money that came (besides various other sources) from
those citizens that had died without heirs. As for himself,
he took nothing from individual or city or king,
although many kept offering and promising him large
sums. In spite of this, he restored everything from
funds already at hand.
25
Most of his deeds had no unusual
quality to mark them, but in dedicating the hunting-theatre
and the baths that bear his name he produced
many remarkable spectacles. Cranes fought with
one another, and four elephants, as well as other grazing
animals and wild beasts, to the number of nine
thousand, were slaughtered, and women (not of any
prominence, however,) took part in despatching them.
Of men several fought in single combat and several
groups contended together in infantry and naval
battles. For Titus filled the above mentioned theatre
suddenly with water and introduced horses and bulls
and some other tractable creatures that had been
taught to behave in the liquid element precisely as upon
land. He introduced also human beings on boats.
These persons had a sea-fight there, impersonating
two parties, Corcyreans and Corinthians: others gave
the same performance outside in the grove of Gaius
and Lucius, a spot which Augustus had formerly excavated
for this very purpose. There, on the first day,
a gladiatorial combat and slaughter of beasts took
place; this was done by building a structure of planks
over the lake that faced the images and placing benches
round about it. On the second day there was a horse-race,
and on the third a naval battle involving three
thousand men. Afterwards there was also an infantry
battle. The Athenians conquered the Syracusans
(these were the names that were used in the naval
battle), made a landing on the islet, and having assaulted
a wall constructed around the monument took
it. These were the sights offered to spectators, and
they lasted for a hundred days.
Titus also contributed some things that were of
practical use to the people. He would throw down into
the theatre from aloft little wooden balls that had a
mark, one signifying something to eat, another clothing,
another a silver vessel, or perhaps a gold one, or
again horses, pack-animals, cattle, slaves. Those who
snatched them had to carry them back to the dispensers
of the bounty to secure the article of which the name
was inscribed.
A.D. 81 (a.u. 834)
26
When he had finished this exhibition, he wept so
bitterly on the last day that all the people saw him,
and after this time he performed no other great deed;
but the following year, in the consulship of Flavius
[
]
and Pollio,
[
]
subsequent to the dedication of the buildings
mentioned, he passed away at the same Aquae that
was the scene of his father's demise. The common
report had it that he was done to death by his brother,
for he had previously been the object of that person's
plot: but some writers state that a disease carried him
off. The tradition is that, while he was still breathing
and had a possible chance of recovery, Domitian, to
hasten his end, put him in a box packed with a quantity
of snow, pretending that the disease required a chill to be administered;
and, before his victim was dead, he rode off
to Rome, entered the camp, and received the title and
authority of emperor, having given the soldiers all that
his brother had been wont to give them. Titus, as he
expired, said: "I have made but one error." What
this was he did not reveal, and no one else feels quite
sure about it. Some have conjectured one thing and
some another. The prevailing impression, according
to one set of historians, is that he referred to keeping
his brother's wife, Domitia. Others (whom I am for
following) say what he meant was that, after finding
Domitian openly plotting against him, he had not killed
him, but had chosen rather himself to suffer that fate
at his rival's hands and to surrender the government
of Rome to a man whose nature will be portrayed in the
continuation of my narrative. Titus had ruled for two
years, two months, and twenty days, as has been previously
stated.
DURATION OF TIME
L. Fl. Silva Nonius Bassus, Asinius Pollio Verrucosus Cosa.
(A.D. 81 = a.u. 834 = First of Domitian, from Sept. 13th).
Domitianus Aug. (VIII), T. Flavius Sabinus.
(A.D. 82 = a.u. 835 = Second of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (IX), Q. Petilius Rufus (II).
(A.D. 83 = a.u. 836 = Third of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (X), T. Aurelius Sabinus.
(A.D. 84 = a.u. 837 = Fourth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XI), T. Aurelius Fulvus.
(A.D. 85 = a.u. 838 = Fifth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XII), Ser. Cornelius Dolabella.
(A.D. 88 = a.u. 839 = Sixth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XIII), A. Volusius Saturninus.
(A.D. 87 = a.u. 840 = Seventh of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XIV), L. Minucius Rufus.
(A.D. 88 = a.u. 841 = Eighth of Domitian).
T. Aurelius Fulvus (II), A. Sempronius Atratinus.
(A.D. 89 = a.u. 842 = Ninth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XV), M. Cocceius Nerva (II).
(A.D. 90 = a.u. 843 = Tenth of Domitian).
M. Ulpius Traianus, Manius Acilius Glabrio.
(A.D. 91 = a.u. 844 = Eleventh of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XVI), Q. Volusius Saturninus.
(A.D. 92 = a.u. 845 = Twelfth of Domitian).
Sex. Pompeius Collega, Cornelius Priscus.
(A.D. 93 = a.u. 846 = Thirteenth of Domitian).
L. Nonius Asprenas, M. Arricinius Clemens.
(A.D. 94 = a.u. 847 = Fourteenth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XVII), T. Flavius Clemens.
(A.D. 95 = a.u. 848 = Fifteenth of Domitian).
Manlius Valens, Antistius Vetus.
(A.D. 96 = a.u. 849 = Sixteenth of Domitian, to Sept. 18th).
(A.D. 81 = a.u. 834 = First of Domitian, from Sept. 13th).
Domitianus Aug. (VIII), T. Flavius Sabinus.
(A.D. 82 = a.u. 835 = Second of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (IX), Q. Petilius Rufus (II).
(A.D. 83 = a.u. 836 = Third of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (X), T. Aurelius Sabinus.
(A.D. 84 = a.u. 837 = Fourth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XI), T. Aurelius Fulvus.
(A.D. 85 = a.u. 838 = Fifth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XII), Ser. Cornelius Dolabella.
(A.D. 88 = a.u. 839 = Sixth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XIII), A. Volusius Saturninus.
(A.D. 87 = a.u. 840 = Seventh of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XIV), L. Minucius Rufus.
(A.D. 88 = a.u. 841 = Eighth of Domitian).
T. Aurelius Fulvus (II), A. Sempronius Atratinus.
(A.D. 89 = a.u. 842 = Ninth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XV), M. Cocceius Nerva (II).
(A.D. 90 = a.u. 843 = Tenth of Domitian).
M. Ulpius Traianus, Manius Acilius Glabrio.
(A.D. 91 = a.u. 844 = Eleventh of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XVI), Q. Volusius Saturninus.
(A.D. 92 = a.u. 845 = Twelfth of Domitian).
Sex. Pompeius Collega, Cornelius Priscus.
(A.D. 93 = a.u. 846 = Thirteenth of Domitian).
L. Nonius Asprenas, M. Arricinius Clemens.
(A.D. 94 = a.u. 847 = Fourteenth of Domitian).
Domitianus Aug. (XVII), T. Flavius Clemens.
(A.D. 95 = a.u. 848 = Fifteenth of Domitian).
Manlius Valens, Antistius Vetus.
(A.D. 96 = a.u. 849 = Sixteenth of Domitian, to Sept. 18th).
A.D. 81 (a.u. 834)
1
Domitian was both, bold and passionate, both treacherous
and given to dissembling. Hence, from these two
characteristics, rashness on the one hand and craftiness
on the other, he did much harm, falling upon some
persons with the swiftness of a thunderbolt and
damaging others by carefully prepared plots. The
divinity that he chiefly revered was Minerva, so that
he was wont to celebrate the Panathenaea on a magnificent
scale: on this occasion he had contests of poets
and chroniclers and gladiators almost every year at
Albanum. This district, situated below the Alban
Mount, from which it was named, he had set apart as a
kind of acropolis. He had no genuine affection for any
human being save a few women, but he always pretended
to love the person whom at any time he was
most determined to slay. He could not be relied upon
even by those who did him some favor or helped him
in his most revolting crimes, for whenever any persons
furnished him with large sums of money or lodged information
against numbers of men, he was sure to destroy
these benefactors, being especially careful to do
so in the case of slaves who had given information
against their masters.
[Accordingly, such individuals,
though, they received money and honors and offices all
at once from him, lived in no greater honor and security
than other men. The very offences to which they had
A.D. 82 (a.u. 835)
been urged by Domitian commonly were made pretexts
for their destruction, the emperor's object being to
have the actual perpetrators appear solely responsible
for their wrongdoing. It was the same intention
which led him once to issue a public notice to the effect
that, when an emperor does not punish informers he
is the cause of the existence of such a class.]
2
Though this was his behavior to all throughout the
course of his reign, still he quite outdid himself in dealing
dishonor and ruin to his father's and brother's
friends.
[To be sure, he himself posted a notice that
he would ratify all the gifts made to any persons by
them and by other emperors. But this was mere
show.]
He hated them because they did not supply all
his demands, many of which were unreasonable, as also
because they had been held in some honor.
[Whatever
had enjoyed their affection and the benefit of their
influence beyond the ordinary he regarded as hostile
to him.]
Therefore, although he himself had a passion
for a eunuch named Earinus, nevertheless, because
Titus had also shown great liking for castrated persons,
he carried his desire to cast reflections on his brother's
character to the extent of forbidding any one thereafter
in the Roman empire to be castrated. In general, he
was accustomed to say that those emperors who failed
to punish large numbers of men were not good, but
merely fortunate.
[Personally, he paid no attention to
those who praised Titus for not causing a single senator's
death, nor did he care that the senate frequently
saw fit to pass decrees that the emperor should not be
permitted to put to death any of his peers. The emperor,
as he believed, was far and away superior to
them and might put any one of them out of the way
either on his own responsibility or with the consent of
the rest; it was ridiculous to suppose that they could
offer any opposition or refuse to condemn a man. Some
would praise Titus, only not in Domitian's hearing;
for such effrontery would be deemed as grave an
offence as if they were to revile the emperor in his
presence and within hearing: but
[Lacuna]
[
]
because he understood that they were doing this secretly
[Lacuna]
Then there was another thing]
that resembled
play-acting. Domitian pretended that he too
loved his brother and mourned him. He read, with
tears, the eulogies upon him
[and hastened to have him
enrolled among the heroes]
, pretending just the opposite
of what he really wished. (Indeed, he abolished the
horse-race on Titus's birthday). People in general
were not safe whether they sympathized with his indignation
or with his joy. In one case they
[
]
were sure to
offend his feelings and in the other to let their lack of
genuineness appear.
A.D. 83 (a.u. 836)
3
His wife, Domitia, he planned to put to death on the
ground of adultery, but, having been dissuaded by
Ursus, he sent her away and midway on the road
murdered Paris, the dancer, because of her. And
many people paid honor to that spot with flowers
A.D. 83 (a.u. 836)
and perfumes, he gave orders that they, too, should
be slain. After this he took into his house, quite undisguisedly,
his own niece,--Julia, that is to say.
[Then on petition of the people he became reconciled,
to be sure, with Domitia, but continued none the less
his relations with Julia.]
He was removing many of the foremost men on
many pretexts and by means of murders and banishments.
[He also conveyed many to some out-of-the-way
place, where he got rid of them; and not a few he caused
to die in some way or other by their own acts that they
might seem to have suffered death by their own wish
and not through outside force.]
He did not spare even
the vestal virgins, but punished them on charges of
their having had intercourse with men. It is further
reported that since their examination was conducted in
a harsh and unfeeling manner, and many of them were
accused and constantly being punished, one of the pontifices,
Helvius Agrippa, could not endure it, but,
horror-stricken, expired there in the senate where he
sat.
[Domitian also took pride in the fact that he did
not bury alive, as was the custom, the virgins he found
guilty of debauchery, but ordered them to be killed by
some different way.]
After this he set out for Gaul and plundered some of the tribes
across the Rhine enjoying treaty rights,--a performance which filled
him with conceit as if he had achieved some great success. Presumably
on account of the victory he increased the soldiers' wages, so that
whereas each had been receiving seventy-five denarii he commanded that
a hundred be given them. Later he thought better of it, but instead of
diminishing the amount he curtailed the number of men-at-arms. Both
of these steps entailed great injury to the public weal: he had made
the defenders of the State too few, while rendering their support an item
of great expense.
A.D. 84 (a.u. 837)
4
Next he made a campaign into Germany and returned
without having seen a trace of war anywhere.
And what need is there of mentioning the honors bestowed
upon him at this juncture for his exploit or
from time to time upon the other emperors who were
like him? For the object in any case was simply not to
arouse the rage of those despots by letting them suspect,
in consequence of the small number and insignificance
of the rewards, that the people saw through
them. Yet Domitian had this worst quality of all,
that he desired to be flattered, and was equally displeased
with both sorts of men, those who paid court to
him and those who did not. He disliked the former
because their attitude seemed one of cajolery and the
latter because it seemed one of contempt. Notwithstanding
[he affected to take pleasure in the honorary
decrees voted him by the senate. Ursus he came near
killing because he was not pleased with his sovereign's
exploits, and then, at the request of Julia, he appointed
him consul.]
Subsequently, being still more puffed up
by his folly, he was elected consul for ten years in succession,
and first and only censor for life of all private
citizens and emperors: and he obtained the right to
employ twenty-four lictors and the triumphal garb
whenever he entered the senate-house. He gave
October a new name, Domitianum, because he had been
born in that month. Among the charioteers he instituted
two more parties, calling one the Golden and the
other the Purple. To the spectators he gave many objects
by means of balls thrown among them; and once
he gave them a banquet while they remained in their
seats and at night provided for them wine that flowed
out in several different places. All this caused pleasure
seemingly to the populace, but was a source of ruin to
the powerful. For, as he had no resources for his expenditures,
he murdered numbers of men, bringing
some of them before the senate and accusing others in
their absence. Lastly, he put some out of the way by
concocting a plot and administering to them secret
drugs.
5
Many of the peoples tributary to the Romans revolted when contributions
of money were forcibly extorted from them. The Nasamones are
an instance in point. They massacred all the collectors of the money
and so thoroughly defeated Flaccus,
[
]
governor of Numidia, who attacked
them, that they were able to plunder his camp. Having gorged themselves
on the provisions and the wine that they found there they fell
into a slumber, and Flaccus becoming aware of this fact assailed and
annihilated them all and destroyed the non-combatants. Domitian experienced
a thrill of delight at the news and remarked to the senate:
"Well, I have put a ban on the existence of the Nasamones."
Even as early as this he was insisting upon being regarded as a god
and took a huge pleasure in being called "master" and "god." These
titles were used not merely orally but also in documents.
A.D. 86 (a.u. 839)
6
The greatest war that the Romans had on their
hands at this time was one against the Dacians. Decebalus
was now king of the latter
[since Douras, to
whom the sovereignty belonged, had voluntarily withdrawn
from it in favor of Decebalus, because]
. He
had a good comprehension of the rules of warfare and
was good at putting them in practice, displayed sagacity
in advancing, took the right moment for retreating,
was an expert in ambuscades, a professional warrior,
knew how to make good use of a victory and
to turn a defeat to advantage. Hence he showed himself
for a long time a worthy antagonist of the Romans.
I call the people Dacians, just as they name themselves
and as the Romans do; but I am not ignorant
that some of the Greeks refer to them as Getae, whether
that is the right term or not. I myself know Getae that
live along the Ister, beyond the Haemus range.
Domitian made an expedition against them, to be
sure but did not enter into real conflict.
[Instead, he
remained in a city of Moesia, rioting, as was his wont.]
(Not only was he averse to physical labor and timorous
in spirit, but also most profligate and lewd toward
women and boys alike). But he sent others to officer
the war and for the most part he got the worst of it.
A.D. 87(?)
Decebalus, king of the Dacians, carried on negotiations with Domitian,
promising him peace. Domitian sent against him Fuscus
[
]
with a large
force. On learning of it Decebalus sent an embassy to him anew, sarcastically
proposing to make peace with the emperor in case each of
the Romans should choose to pay two asses as tribute to Decebalus each
year; if they should not choose to do so, he affirmed that he should
make war and afflict them with great ills.
A.D. 90 (a.u. 843)
7
Meantime he conceived a wish to take measures
against the Quadi and the Marcomani because they had
not assisted him against the Dacians. So he entered
Pannonia to make war upon them, and the second set
of envoys that they sent in regard to peace he killed.
8
The same man laid the blame for his defeat, however,
upon his commanders. All the superior plans he
claimed for himself, though he executed none of them,
but for the inferior management he blamed others, even
though it was through his orders that some accident
had taken place. Those who succeeded incurred his
hatred and those who failed his censure.
Domitian, being defeated by the Marcomani, took
to flight and by hastily sending messages to Decebalus,
king of the Dacians, induced him to make a truce with
him. The monarch's frequent previous requests had
always met with refusal. Decebalus now accepted the
arrangement, for he was indeed hard pressed, yet he
did not wish personally to hold a conference with Domitian,
but sent Diegis with other men to give him the
arms and a few captives, whom he pretended were the
only ones he had. When this had been accomplished,
Domitian set a diadem on the head of Diegis, just as if
he had in very truth conquered and could make some
one king over the Dacians. To the soldiers he granted
honors and money. Like a victor, again, he sent on
ahead to Rome, besides many other things, envoys from
Decebalus, and something which he affirmed was a
letter of his, though rumor declared it had been forged.
He graced the festival that followed with many articles
pertaining to a triumph, though they did not belong to
any booty he had taken;--quite the reverse: and besides
allowing the truce he made an outlay of a great
deal of money immediately and also presented to Decebalus
artisans of every imaginable profession, peaceful
and warlike, and promised that he would give him
a great deal more. These exhibits came from the
imperial furniture which he at all times treated as
captive goods, because he had enslaved the empire
itself.
A.D. 91 (a.u. 844)
So many rewards were voted him that almost the
whole world (so far as under his dominion) was filled
with his images and statues of both silver and gold.
He also gave an extremely costly spectacle in regard
to which we have noted nothing that was striking for
historical record, save that virgins contended in the
foot-race. After this, in the course of holding what
seem to have been triumphal celebrations, he arranged
numerous contests. First of all, in the hippodrome he
had battles of infantry against infantry, and again
battles of cavalry, and next he gave a naval battle in
a new place. And there perished in it practically all
the naval combatants and numbers of the spectators.
A great rain and violent storm had suddenly come up,
yet he allowed no one to leave the spectacle; indeed,
though he himself changed his clothing to a thick
woolen cloak, he would not permit the people to alter
their attire. As a result, not a few fell sick and died.
By way of consoling them for this, he provided them
at public expense a dinner lasting all night. Often,
too, he would conduct games at night, and sometimes he
would pit dwarfs
[
]
and women against each other.
9
So at this time he feasted the populace as described,
but on another occasion he entertained the foremost
men of the senate and the knights in the following
fashion. He prepared a room that was pitch black on
every side, ceiling, walls and floor, and had ready bare
couches, all alike, resting on the uncovered ground;
then he invited in his guests alone, at night, without
their attendants. And first he set beside each of them a
slab shaped like a gravestone, bearing a person's name
and also a small lamp, such as hangs in tombs. Next
well-shaped, naked boys, likewise painted black, entered
after the manner of phantoms, and, after passing
around the guests in a kind of terrifying dance, took
up their stations at their feet. After that, whatever is
commonly dedicated in the course of offerings to departed
spirits was set before them also, all black, and
in dishes of a similar hue. Consequently, every single
one of the guests feared and trembled and every moment
felt certain that he was to be slain, especially
as on the part of everybody save Domitian there was
dead silence, as if they were already in the realms of
the dead, and the emperor himself limited his conversation
to matters pertaining to death and slaughter.
Finally he dismissed them. But he had previously removed
their servants, who stood at the doorway, and
gave them in charge of other, unknown slaves, to convey
either to carriages or litters, and by this act he
filled them with far greater fear. Scarcely had each
one reached home and was beginning to a certain extent
to recover his spirits, when a message was brought
him that some one was there from the Augustus.
While they were expecting, as a result of this, that now
at last they should surely perish, one person brought
in the slab, which was of silver, then another something
else, and another one of the dishes set before
them at the dinner, which proved to be made of some
costly material. Finally came
[
]
that particular boy who
had been each one's familiar spirit, now washed and
decked out. Thus, while in terror all night long, they
received their gifts.
Such was the triumph or, as the crowd said, such was
the expiatory service that Domitian celebrated for
those who had died in Dacia and in Rome. Even at
this time, too, he killed off some of the foremost men.
And he took away the property of whoever buried
the body of any one of them, because the victim had
died on ground belonging to the sovereign.
10
Here are some more events worth recording, that
took place in the Dacian War. Julianus, assigned by
the emperor to take charge of the war, made many excellent
regulations, one being his command that the
soldiers should inscribe their own names and those of
the centurions upon their shields, in order that those
of them who committed any particular good or bad
action might be more readily observed by him. Encountering
the enemy at Tapai,
[
]
he killed a very great
number of them. Among them Vezinas, who ranked
next to Decebalus, since he could not get away alive,
fell down purposely as if dead. In this way he escaped
notice and fled during the night. Decebalus, fearing
that the Romans now they had conquered would proceed
against his residence, cut down the trees that
were on the site and attached weapons to the trunks,
to the end that his foes might think them soldiers, and
so be frightened and withdraw. This actually took
place.
Chariomerus, king of the Cherusci, had been driven
out of his kingdom by the Chatti on account of his
friendship for the Romans. At first he gathered some
companions and was successful in his attempt to return.
Later he was deserted by these men for having sent
hostages to the Romans and so became the suppliant of
Domitian. He was not accorded an alliance but received
money.
11
Antonius, a certain commander of this period in
Germany, revolted against Domitian: him Lucius Maximus
overcame and overthrew. For his victory he
does not deserve any remarkable praise;
[for many
others have unexpectedly won victories, and his soldiers
contributed largely to his success:]
but for his
burning all the documents that were found in the chests
of Antonius, thus esteeming his own safety as of slight
importance in comparison with having no blackmail
result from them, I do not see how I may celebrate his
memory as it deserves. But Domitian, as he had got a
pretext from that source, proceeded to a series of
slaughters even without the documents, and no one
could well say how many he killed.
[Indeed, he condemned
himself so for this act that, to prevent any
remembrance of the dead surviving, he prohibited the
inscribing of their names in the records. Furthermore,
he did not even make any communication to the senate
regarding those put out of the way, although he sent
their heads as well as that of Antonius to Rome and exposed
them in the Forum.]
But one young man, Julius
Calvaster, who had served as military tribune in the
hope of getting into the senate, was saved in a most unexpected
fashion. Inasmuch as it was being proved
that he had frequent meetings with Antonius alone and
he had no other way to free himself from the charge
of conspiracy, he declared that he had met him for
amorous intercourse. The fact that he was of an appearance
to inspire passion lent color to his statement.
In this way he was acquitted.
After just one more remark about the events of that
time, I will cease. Lusianus Proculus, an aged senator,
who spent most of his time in the country, had come
out with Domitian from Borne under compulsion so as
to avoid the appearance of deserting him when in
danger and the death that might very likely be the result
of such conduct. When the news came, he said:
"You have conquered, emperor, as I ever prayed.
Therefore, restore me to the country." Thereupon he
left him without more ado and retired to his farm.
And after this, although he survived for a long time,
he never came near him.
During this period some had become accustomed to
smear needles with poison and then to prick with them
whomsoever they would. Many persons thus attacked
died without even knowing the cause, and many of the
murderers were informed against and punished. And
this went on not only in Rome but over practically the
entire civilized world.
12
To Ulpius Trajan and to Acilius Glabrio, who were
consuls then, the same signs are said to have appeared.
They foretold to Glabrio destruction, but to Trajan the
imperial office.
[Numerous wealthy men and women
both were punished for adultery, and some of the women
had been debauched by
him
. Many more were
fined or executed on other charges.]
A woman was
tried and lost her life because she had stripped in
front of an image of Domitian
[and another for having
had dealings with astrologers]
. Among the many who
perished at this time was also Mettius Pompusianus,
whom Vespasian had refused to harm in any way after
learning from some report that he would one day be
sole ruler, but
[
]
rather honored, saying: "You will
certainly remember me and will certainly honor me in
return." But Domitian first exiled him to Corsica and
later put him to death, one of the complaints being that
he had the inhabited world painted on the walls of his
bedchamber and another that he had excerpted and was
wont to read the speeches of kings and other eminent
men that are written in Livy. Also Maternus, a sophist,
met his death because in a practice speech
[
]
he had said something against tyrants. The emperor himself
used to visit both those who were to accuse and those
who were to give evidence for condemnation, and he
would frame and compose everything that required to
be said. Often, too, he would talk to the prisoners
alone, keeping tight hold of their chains with his hands.
In the former case he would not entrust to others what
was to be said, and in the latter he feared the men even
in their bonds.
In Moesia,
[
]
the Lygians, who had been at war with
some of the Suebi, sent envoys, asking Domitian for
an alliance. They obtained one that was strong, not
in numbers, but in dignity: in other words, they were
granted only a hundred knights. The Suebi, indignant
at this, added to their contingent the Iazygae and began
to prepare well in advance to cross the Ister.
Masyus, king of the Semnones, and Ganna, a virgin
(she was priestess in Celtica after Veleda), came to
Domitian and having been honored by him returned.
A.D. 93 (a.u. 846)
13
As censor, likewise, his behavior was noteworthy. He
expelled Caecilius Rufinus from the senate because he
danced, and restored Claudius Pacatus, though an ex-centurion,
to his master because he was proved to be
a slave. What came after, to be sure, can not be described
in similar terms,--his deeds, that is to say, as
emperor.
Then
he killed Arulenus Rusticus for being
a philosopher and for calling Thrasea sacred, and Herennius
Senecio because in his long career he had stood
for no office after the quaestorship and because he had
compiled the life of Helvidius Priscus. Many others
also perished as a result of this same charge of philosophizing,
and all remaining members of that profession
were again driven from Rome. One Juventius
Celsus, however, who had been conspicuous in conspiring
with certain persons against Domitian and had
been accused of it, saved his life in a remarkable way.
When he was on the point of being condemned, he
begged that he might speak a few words with the emperor
in private. Having gained the opportunity he
did obeisance before him and after repeatedly calling
him "master," and "god" (terms that were already
being applied to him by others), he said: "I have done
nothing of the sort. And if I obtain a respite, I will
pry into everything and both inform against and convict
many persons for you." He was released on these
conditions, but did not report any one; instead, by advancing
different excuses at different times, he lived
until Domitian was killed.
A.D. 95 (a.u. 848)
14
During this period the road leading from Sinuessa
to Puteoli was paved with stones. And the same year
Domitian slew among many others Flavius Clemens
the consul, though he was a cousin and had to wife
Flavia Domitilla, who was also a relative of the emperor's.
[
]
The complaint brought against them both
was that of atheism, under which many others who
drifted into Jewish ways were condemned. Some of
these were killed and the remainder were at least deprived
of their property. Domitilla was merely banished
to Pandateria; but Glabrio, colleague of Trajan
in the consulship, after being accused on various regular
stock charges, and also of fighting with wild beasts,
suffered death. This ability in the arena was the chief
cause of the emperor's anger against him,--an anger
prompted by jealousy. In the victim's consulship
Domitian had summoned him to Albanum to attend the
so-called Juvenalia and had imposed on him the task
of killing a large lion. Glabrio not only had escaped all
injury but had despatched the creature with most
accurate aim.