Ecclesiastical History of England, Volume 2—The Church of the Commonwealth

APPENDIX.

I.—Vol. I. 137.

Passages from Letters in the State Paper Office Respecting the Trial of the Earl of Strafford.

N. Tomkyns. April 12th, 1641.

"On Saturday morning the Earl of Strafford being come to Westminster Hall, and both Houses sitting in the presence of the King, the Commons desired they might enlarge their charge upon the 23rd Article, whereupon the Earl also desired he might enlarge his answer upon the 2nd, and 21st, and 23rd Articles;[585] the Lords retiring to their own House returned with this resolution, that they held it equal if the Commons added anything de novo, that the Earl should also have the like liberty. The Commons, not satisfied therewith, much pressed that they had formerly had a saving granted them, but the Earl had none. The Earl said he had humbly besought the Lords, (his judges,) that he might have the like saving, and he hoped it would be held reasonable, that if new objections were made, he should have permission to make new answers to them, being for his life. Hereupon the Lords met again to consult in their own House with the judges, and after half an hour's stay returned, and the Earl Marshal delivered their opinion to be the same that before it was; that if the Commons should enforce their charge in any point or bring any new matter (though for the King) the Earl should have the like freedom to plead for himself; which so soon as the Commons heard a great number of the precise part cried, 'Withdraw, withdraw,' and the Lords immediately thereupon cried, 'Adjourn, adjourn,' and so both Houses went in little better than [a] tumultuous manner from the Hall to their several houses, where they did little, but agreed only to meet in the afternoon. The King laughed, (as my author says) and the Earl of Strafford was so well pleased therewith, that he could not hide his joy, being now sine die for any further proceeding.

In the Commons' House after dinner, after much debate what course they should take for the punishment of so great an incendiary, Sir Arthur Haselrigge drew out of his pocket a Bill, (supposed to have been prepared before that day), for the Earl's attainder, and punishment by death, (hanging, drawing, and quartering,) which Bill was, with much ado, kept from being read again the same afternoon—now the secret of their taking this way is conceived to be to prevent the hearing of the Earl's lawyers, who give out that there is no law yet in force whereby he can be condemned to die for ought that hath been yet objected against him, and therefore their intent is by this Bill to supply the defect of the laws therein. And to make him more odious, a paper was that afternoon produced and read in the Commons' House, which young Sir H. Vane is said to have found casually in his father's study (as notes of passages at the council table) wherein strange speeches of the said Earl were quoted, touching the curbing of the people, and introducing an arbitrary government, and also of the Lord Cottington's, and some others tending to the same end—about which paper both their majesties are said to be much offended with Mr. Secretary Vane."

N. Tomkyns, April 26th, 1641.

"There is a difference at present between the two Houses of Parliament, the Commons desire (now that the Bill against the Earl of Strafford is presented) to sit at the hearing of his counsel, as co-judges with the Lords, with their hats on, to which the Lords not assenting, the Commons are now content to sit as they did in Westminster Hall, uncovered, so be that the Lords will please to come as a Committee without their robes, to which the Lords having not yet yielded the controversy is not yet ended. Besides, Sir H. Vane's deposition touching the Earl of Strafford is lost by the Clerk of the Higher House, who cannot give any account how it went out of his hands; and in a copy thereof, since found, great difference is found in the same by the altering, or rather by the adding of one letter, (t) for whereas it was in the original that the Earl should say his Majesty might by the army reduce the kingdom here it is there in this copy, and so refers to Ireland only.

Another paper touching Sir H. Vane also is lost by the Select Committee of the Lower House, it lying upon Mr. Pym's table, whereas five others were present, viz., Lord Digby, Sir Walter Erle, Sir John Clotworthy, Mr. Hampden, and Mr. Maynard, which occasioned a variance and reproaching one another publicly, each one making their personal protestations of being guiltless therein. The suspicion fell most on the Lord Digby, who was last in the chamber, and had said to some of them that Mr. Pym should do well to have more care of his papers, than to let them lie so loose. The Lord protested his own innocence, and said it must be some unworthy man, who had his eye upon place and preferment; wherein he was supposed to allude to Mr. Pym himself, who hath been with the King twice of late, and since the Lord Cottington laid his office at the King's feet, is designed by the voice of the people to be his successor in the Chancellorship of the Exchequer."

It is curious to observe, in the first of these letters, that the account of the effect produced by the confusion, is different from the impression conveyed by Nalson, ii. 102, as well as by Baillie, i. 346. The letter is inconsistent with Rushworth's statement, that the Bill of Attainder was twice read on the 10th of April.—Strafford's Trial, 45.

Verney, in his "Notes of Proceedings in the Long Parliament," p. 37, reports in detail the account given by Mr. Coggin and Sir H. Vane the younger, of the way in which the famous paper was "casually" found.

Clarendon charges the father with having given the principal information for the "whole prosecution," Hist. 92; and, perhaps, the words in Tomkins' first letter about the King's displeasure towards him points to a suspicion of that kind.

II.—Vol. I. 152.

Plan of Church Reform Presented to the House of Commons.

June 11th, 1641.—The Commons, in a Grand Committee, of whom Mr. Hyde, Member for Saltash, was chairman, resumed the consideration of the Bill against Episcopacy; when the following scheme of Alterations in the government of the Church was proposed to the House:—

I.—"That every several Shire of England and Wales be a several Circuit or Diocese for the Ecclesiastic Jurisdiction, excepting Yorkshire, which is to be divided into three.

II.—"A constant Presbytery of twelve choice Divines, to be selected in every Shire or Diocese.

III.—"A constant President to be established as a Bishop over this Presbytery.

IV.—"The Bishop in each Diocese to ordain, suspend, deprive, degrade, and excommunicate, by and with the consent and assistance of seven Divines of his Presbytery, then present, and not else.

V.—"The times of Ordination throughout the land to be four times in the year, viz., the 1st of May, 1st of August, 1st of November, and the 1st of February.

VI.—"Every Bishop constantly to reside within his diocese, in some one chief city or town within his diocese.

VII.—"Every Bishop to have one special particular congregation, to be chosen out of the most convenient place for distance from his chief residence, and the richest in value that may be had; where he shall duly preach, unless he be lawfully hindered, and then shall take care his cure be well supplied by another.

VIII.—"No Bishop shall remove or be translated from the Bishopric which he shall first undertake.

IX.—"Upon every death or other avoidance of a Bishopric, the King to grant a congé d'élire to all the clergy of the whole diocese, they to present three of the Presbytery aforesaid, and the King to choose and nominate whom he pleaseth of them.

X.—"The first Presbytery of every Shire to be named by Parliament; and afterwards upon the death or other avoidance of any Presbyter, the remaining Presbyters to choose one other out of the parish ministers of that Shire, and this to be done within one month next after such death or avoidance.

XI.—"No Bishop or clergyman to exercise or have any temporal office, or secular employment; but only for the present, to hold and keep the Probate of Wills, until the Parliament shall otherwise resolve.

XII.—"The Bishop once a year, at Midsummer, to summon a diocesan synod: there to hear, and by general vote, to determine all such matters of scandal in life and doctrine amongst clergymen, as shall be presented unto them.

XIII.—"Every three years a national synod to be held, which shall consist of all the Bishops in the land; of two Presbyters, to be chosen by the rest out of each Presbytery; and of two clerks, to be chosen out of every diocese by the Clergy thereof.

XIV.—"This national synod to make and ordain Canons for the government of the Church, but they not to bind until they be confirmed by Parliament.

XV.—"Every Bishop to have over and above the benefice aforesaid, a certain constant rent allowed to be allotted proportional to the diocese wherein he is to officiate.

XVI.—"Every Presbyter to have a constant yearly profit above his benefice. 'As for the revenue of the Bishops, Deans, and Chapters, &c., a strict survey to be taken of all their rents and profits; and the same to be represented at the beginning of the next convention; and in the mean time no lease to be renewed nor timber to be felled.'"

III.—Vol. I. 280.

THE ARTICLES OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.	ARTICLES OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND, REVISED AND ALTERED BY THE ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES AT WESTMINSTER, IN THE YEAR 1643.
Article I.	Article I.
Of Faith in the Holy Trinity.	Of Faith in the Holy Trinity.
"There is but one living and true God, everlasting, without body, parts, or passions; of infinite power, wisdom, and goodness, the maker and preserver of all things both visible and invisible. And in unity of this Godhead there be three persons of one substance, power, and eternity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.	"There is but one living and true God, everlasting, without body, parts, or passions; of infinite power, wisdom, and goodness, the maker and preserver of all things both visible and invisible. And in unity of this Godhead there be three persons of one substance, power, and eternity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost.
II.	II.
Of the Word, or Son of God, which was made very Man.	Of the Word, or Son of God, which was made very Man.
The Son, which is the Word of the Father, begotten from everlasting of the Father, the very and eternal God, of one substance with the Father, took man's nature in the womb of the blessed Virgin, of her substance; so that two whole and perfect natures, that is to say the Godhead and manhood, were joined together in one person, never to be divided, whereof is one Christ, very God and very man, who truly suffered, was crucified, dead and buried, to reconcile His Father to us, and to be a sacrifice not only for original guilt but also for all actual sins of men.	The Son, which is the Word of the Father, begotten from everlasting of the Father, the very and eternal God, of one substance with the Father, took man's nature in the womb of the blessed Virgin, of her substance: so that two whole and perfect natures, that is to say the Godhead and the manhood, were joined together in one person, never to be divided, whereof is one Christ very God and very man, who for our sakes truly suffered most grievous torments in His soul from God, was crucified, dead, and buried, to reconcile His Father to us, and to be a sacrifice, not only for original guilt, but also for actual sins of men.
III.	III.
Of the going down of Christ into Hell.
As Christ died for us, and was buried, so also is it to be believed that He went down into hell.	As Christ died for us, and was buried, so it is to be believed that He continued in the state of the dead, and under the power and dominion of death, from the time of His death and burial until His resurrection, which hath been otherwise expressed thus: He went down into hell.
IV.	IV.
Of the Resurrection of Christ.	Of the Resurrection of Christ.
Christ did truly rise again from death, and took again His body, with flesh, bones, and all things appertaining to the perfection of man's nature, wherewith He ascended into heaven and there sitteth, until He return to judge all men at the last day.	Christ did truly rise again from death, and took again His body, with flesh, bones, and all things appertaining to the perfection of man's nature, wherewith He ascended into heaven, and there sitteth, until He return to judge all men at the general resurrection of the body at the last day.
V.	V.
Of the Holy Ghost.	Of the Holy Ghost.
The Holy Ghost, proceeding from the Father and the Son, is of one substance, majesty, and glory with the Father and the Son, very and eternal God.	The Holy Ghost is very and eternal God, of one substance, majesty, and glory with the Father and the Son, proceeding from the Father and the Son.
VI.	VI.
Of the Sufficiency of the Holy Scriptures for Salvation.	Of the Sufficiency of the Holy Scriptures for Salvation.
Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation; so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby, is not to be required of any man, that it should be believed as an article of the faith, to be thought requisite or necessary to salvation. In the name of the holy Scripture we do understand those canonical Books of the Old and New Testament, of whose authority was never any doubt in the Church. Of the names and number of the canonical Books, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, &c. And the other books (as Hierome saith) the Church doth read for example of life and instruction of manners; but yet doth it not apply them to establish any doctrine: Such are these following:—Third of Esdras, Fourth of Esdras, Book of Tobias, Judith, &c. All the Books of the New Testament, as they are commonly received, we do receive, and account them for canonical.	Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation, so that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved thereby, is not to be believed as an article of faith, or necessary to salvation. By the name of holy Scripture we understand all the canonical Books of the Old and New Testament which follow. Of the Old Testament—Genesis, Exodus, &c. Of the New Testament—The Gospel of St. Matthew, &c. All which Books, as they are commonly received, we do receive, and acknowledge them to be given by the inspiration of God, and in that regard to be of most certain credit, and highest authority.
VII.	VII.
Of the Old Testament.	Of the Old Testament.
The Old Testament is not contrary to the New; for both in the Old and New Testament everlasting life is offered to mankind by Christ, who is the only mediator between God and man, being both God and man. Wherefore they are not to be heard which fain that the old Fathers did look only for transitory promises. Although the law given from God by Moses, as touching ceremonies and rites, do not bind Christian men, nor the civil precepts thereof ought of necessity to be received in any Commonwealth; yet, notwithstanding, no Christian man whatsoever is free from the obedience of the Commandments which are called moral.	The Old Testament is not contrary to the New, in the doctrine contained in them, for both in the Old and New Testament everlasting life is offered to mankind by Christ, who is the only mediator between God and man, being both God and man. Wherefore they are not to be heard which feign that the old Fathers did look only for temporary promises. Although the law given from God by Moses, as touching ceremonies and rites, do not bind Christians; nor the civil precepts given by Moses, such as were peculiarly fitted to the Commonwealth of the Jews, are of necessity to be received in any Commonwealth; yet, notwithstanding, no Christian man whatsoever is free from the obedience of the Commandments which are called moral. By the moral law we understand all the Ten Commandments, taken in their full extent.
VIII.
Of the Three Creeds.
The Three Creeds, Nice Creed, Athanasius' Creed, and that which is commonly called the Apostles' Creed, ought throughly to be received and believed; for they may be proved by most certain warrants of holy Scripture.
IX.	IX.
Of Original or Birth Sin.	Of Original or Birth Sin.
Original sin standeth not in the following of Adam (as the Pelagians do vainly talk), but it is the fault and corruption of the nature of every man, that naturally is engendered of the offspring of Adam, whereby man is very far gone from original righteousness, and is of his own nature inclined to evil, so that the flesh lusteth always contrary to the Spirit, and therefore in every person born into this world, it deserveth God's wrath and damnation. And this infection of nature doth remain, yea in them that are regenerated, whereby the lust of the flesh, called in Greek Φρόνημα σαρκὸς, which some do expound the wisdom, some sensuality, some the affection, some the desire of the flesh, is not subject to the law of God. And although there is no condemnation for them that believe and are baptized, yet the Apostle doth confess that concupiscence and lust hath of itself the nature of sin.	Original sin standeth not in the following of Adam, as the Pelagians do vainly talk; but together with his first sin imputed, it is the fault and corruption of the nature of every man, that naturally is propagated from Adam; whereby man is wholly deprived of original righteousness, and is of his own nature inclined only to evil, so that the lust of the flesh, called in Greek Φρόνημα σαρκὸς, which some do expound the wisdom, some sensuality, some the affection, some the desire of the flesh, is not subject to the law of God, and therefore in every person born into this world it deserveth God's wrath and damnation. And this infection of nature doth remain, yea in them that are regenerate, whereby the flesh lusteth always contrary to the Spirit. And although there is no condemnation for them that are regenerate, and do believe, yet the apostle doth confess that concupiscence and lust is truly and properly sin.
X.	X.
Of Free Will.	Of Free Will.
The condition of man after the fall of Adam is such, that he cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good works to faith and calling upon God. Wherefore we have no power to do good works, pleasant and acceptable to God, without the grace of God by Christ preventing us, that we may have a good will, and working with us, when we have that goodwill.	The condition of man after the fall of Adam is such that he cannot turn or prepare himself, by his own natural strength and good works, to faith and calling upon God, wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasing and acceptable to God, without the grace of God by Christ, both preventing us, that we may have a good will, and working so effectually in us, as that it determineth our will to that which is good, and also working with us when we have that will unto good.
XI.	XI.
Of the Justification of Man.	Of the Justification of Man before God.
We are accounted righteous before God, only for the merit of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, by faith, and not for our own works or deservings. Wherefore, that we are justified by faith only is a most wholesome doctrine, and very full of comfort, as more largely is expressed in the homily of justification.	We are justified, that is, we are accounted righteous before God, and have remission of sins, not for, nor by our own works or deservings, but freely by His grace, only for our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ's sake, His whole obedience and satisfaction being by God imputed unto us, and Christ with His righteousness being apprehended and rested on by faith only. The doctrine of justification by faith only is an wholesome doctrine, and very full of comfort, notwithstanding God doth not forgive them that are impenitent, and go on still in their trespasses.
XII.	XII.
Of Good Works.	Of Good Works.
Albeit that good works, which are the fruits of faith, and follow after justification, cannot put away our sins, and endure the severity of God's judgment, yet are they pleasing and acceptable to God in Christ, and do spring out necessarily of a true and lively faith, insomuch that by them a lively faith may be as evidently known as a tree discerned by the fruit.	Good works, which are the fruits of faith, and follow after justification, cannot put away our sins, and endure the severity of God's judgment; yet are they, notwithstanding their imperfections, in the sight of God pleasing and acceptable unto Him in and for Christ, and do spring out necessarily of a true and lively faith, insomuch that by them a lively faith may be evidently known, as a tree discerned by the fruits.
XIII.	XIII.
Of Works before Justification.	Of Works before Justification.
Works done before the grace of Christ, and the inspiration of His Spirit, are not pleasant to God, forasmuch as they spring not of faith in Jesus Christ, neither do they make men meet to receive grace, or (as the school authors say) deserve grace of congruity; yea, rather, for that they are not done as God hath willed and commanded them to be done, we doubt not but they have the nature of sin.	Works done before justification by Christ, and regeneration by His Spirit, are not pleasing unto God, forasmuch as they spring not of faith in Jesus Christ; neither do they make men meet to receive grace, or (as the school authors say) deserve grace of congruity; yea rather, for that they are not done as God hath willed and commanded them to be done, they are sinful.
XIV.	XIV.
Of the Works of Supererogation.	Of Works of Supererogation.
Voluntary works besides, over and above God's commandments, which they call works of supererogation, cannot be taught without arrogancy and impiety. For by them men do declare that they do not only render unto God as much as they are bound to do, but that they do more for His sake than of bounden duty is required; whereas Christ saith plainly, When ye have done all that are commanded to you, say, we be unprofitable servants.	Voluntary works, besides, over and above God's commandments, which they call works of supererogation, cannot be taught without arrogancy and impiety; for by them men do declare that they do not only render unto God as much as they are bound to do, but that they do more for His sake than of bounden duty is required; whereas Christ saith plainly, When you have done all those things that are commanded you, say, we are unprofitable servants, we have done that which was our duty to do.
XV.	XV.
Of Christ alone without Sin.	Of Christ alone without Sin.
Christ, in the truth of our nature, was made like unto us in all things (sin only except) from which He was clearly void, both in His flesh and in His spirit. He came to be a lamb without spot, who by sacrifice of Himself once made, should take away the sins of the world; and sin (as St. John saith) was not in Him. But all we the rest (although baptized, and born again in Christ) yet offend in many things; and if we say we have no sin we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us.	Christ in the truth of our nature was made like unto us in all things, sin only excepted, from which He was clearly void both in His flesh and in His spirit. He came to be the lamb without spot, who by sacrifice of Himself once made, should take away the sins of the world, and sin (as St. John saith) was not in Him. But all we the rest, although baptized and regenerate, yet offend in many things, and if we say we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us.
	Charles Herle, Prolocutor.
	Henry Robrough, Scriba.
	Adoniram Byfield, Scriba.

N.B.—The Assembly proceeded no further in the revisal."—Neal, iii. 555-563.

IV.—Vol. I. 294.

Copy of the Solemn League and Covenant.

We Noblemen, Barons, Knights, Gentlemen, Citizens, Burgesses, Ministers of the Gospel, and Commons of all sorts in the kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by the Providence of God living under one King, and being of one reformed religion, having before our eyes the glory of God, and the advancement of the kingdom of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the honour and happiness of the King's majesty and his posterity, and the true public liberty, safety, and peace of the kingdoms, wherein every one's private condition is included, and calling to mind the treacherous and bloody plots, conspiracies, attempts, and practices of the enemies of God against the true religion and professors thereof in all places, especially in these three kingdoms, ever since the reformation of religion, and how much their rage, power, and presumption are of late, and at this time increased and exercised, whereof the deplorable estate of the Church and kingdom of Ireland, the distressed estate of the Church and kingdom of England, and the dangerous estate of the Church and kingdom of Scotland, are present and public testimonies, we have (now at last) after other means of supplication, remonstrance, protestations, and sufferings, for the preservation of ourselves and our religion from utter ruin and destruction, according to the commendable practice of these kingdoms in former times, and the example of God's people in other nations, after mature deliberation, resolved and determined to enter into a mutual and solemn League and Covenant, wherein we all subscribe, and each one of us for himself, with our hands lifted up to the most high God, do swear:—

I.—That we shall sincerely, really, and constantly, thro' the grace of God, endeavour in our several places and callings, the preservation of the reformed religion in the Church of Scotland, in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, against our common enemies; the reformation of religion in the kingdoms of England and Ireland, in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, according to the Word of God, and the example of the best reformed churches; and we shall endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three kingdoms to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion, confessing of faith, form of Church government, Directory for worship and catechising, that we, and our posterity after us, may, as brethren, live in faith and love, and the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us.

II.—That we shall in like manner, without respect of persons, endeavour the extirpation of Popery, Prelacy, (that is, Church-government by Archbishops, Bishops, their Chancellors and Commissaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons, and all other ecclesiastical officers, depending on that hierarchy), superstition, heresy, schism, profaneness, and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound doctrine and the power of godliness, lest we partake in other men's sins, and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues, and that the Lord may be one, and His Name one in the three kingdoms.

III.—We shall with the same sincerity, reality, and constancy, in our several vocations, endeavour with our estates and lives mutually to preserve the rights and privileges of the Parliaments, and the liberties of the kingdoms, and to preserve and defend the King's Majesty's person and authority, in the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, that the world may bear witness with our consciences of our loyalty, and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesty's just power and greatness.

IV.—We shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the discovery of all such as have been or shall be incendiaries, malignants, or evil instruments, by hindering the reformation of religion, dividing the King from his people, or one of the kingdoms from another, or making any faction or parties amongst the people, contrary to the League and Covenant, that they may be brought to public trial, and receive condign punishment, as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve, or the supreme judicatories of both kingdoms respectively, or others having power from them for that effect, shall judge convenient.

V.—And whereas the happiness of a blessed peace between these kingdoms, denied in former times to our progenitors, is by the good providence of God granted unto us, and hath been lately concluded and settled by both Parliaments, we shall each one of us, according to our places and interest, endeavour that they may remain conjoined in a firm peace and union to all posterity, and that justice may be done upon the wilful opposers thereof in manner expressed in the precedent articles.

VI.—We shall also, according to our places and callings, in this common cause of religion, liberty, and peace of the kingdom, assist and defend all those that enter into this League and Covenant, in the maintaining and pursuing thereof, and shall not suffer ourselves directly or indirectly, by whatsoever combination, persuasion, or terror, to be divided and withdrawn from this blessed union and conjunction, whether to make defection to the contrary part, or give ourselves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in this cause, which so much concerneth the glory of God, the good of the kingdoms, and the honour of the King; but shall all the days of our lives zealously and constantly continue therein, against all opposition, and promote the same according to our power against all lets and impediments whatsoever; and what we are not able ourselves to suppress or overcome we shall reveal and make known, that it may be timely prevented or removed; all which we shall do as in the sight of God.

And because these kingdoms are guilty of many sins, and provocations against God, and His Son Jesus Christ, as is too manifest by our present distresses and dangers, the fruits thereof, we profess and declare before God and the world our unfeigned desire to be humbled for our sins, and for the sins of these kingdoms, especially that we have not, as we ought, valued the inestimable benefit of the Gospel, that we have not laboured for the purity and power thereof, and that we have not endeavoured to receive Christ in our hearts, nor to walk worthy of Him in our lives, which are the causes of other sins and transgressions so much abounding amongst us; and our true and unfeigned purpose, desire, and endeavour for ourselves, and all others under our power and charge, both in public and in private, in all duties we owe to God and man, to amend our lives, and each one to go before another in the example of a real reformation, that the Lord may turn away His wrath and heavy indignation, and establish these Churches and kingdoms in truth and peace; and this covenant we make in the presence of Almighty God, the searcher of all hearts, with a true intention to perform the same, as we shall answer at that great day, when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed, most humbly beseeching the Lord to strengthen us by His Holy Spirit for this end, and to bless our desires and proceedings with such success as may be a deliverance and safety to His people, and encouragement to the Christian Churches groaning under, or in danger of the yoke of anti-Christian tyranny, to join in the same or like association and Covenant, to the glory of God, the enlargement of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, and the peace and tranquillity of Christian kingdoms and commonwealths.—Rushworth v. 478.

V.—Vol. I. 329.

Respecting the Minutes of the Westminster Assembly.

The question has often been asked, "What became of the minutes of the Assembly kept by the scribes?" It has been said by some, they were burnt in the fire of London; by others, that they were destroyed (1834) in the fire which burnt down the House of Commons ("Hetherington's Hist. of the Westminster Assembly," preface v.) Whether it be the case that some MS. records of the proceedings were so consumed I have no means of ascertaining. But certainly there exist in Dr. Williams' library, minutes of the Assembly's business, in the handwriting of Adoniram Byfield, one of the scribes. As so many incorrect accounts of these MSS. have been given, I am glad to be able to present the following description of them, drawn up from the carefully-prepared but unprinted catalogue of Dr. Williams' MSS. by Mr. Black, and from my own examination of the papers. They consist of three volumes, and contain minutes of the sessions of the Assembly of Divines from August the 4th, 1643, to April the 24th, 1652, and what are, apparently, the rough notes of proceedings, debates, and orders of the Assembly, taken for the most part by Adoniram Byfield, one of the scribes.

On the fly-leaf of the first volume is a list of members, amongst whom the sum of £100 had been distributed in sums of £5 each, according to the decision of a Committee (Sept. 8th, 1643) "appointed to dispose of the £100, allotted by the order of Parliament, to such persons as they shall find to have most need thereof, for supply of their present necessities."—Vol. i. 24.

This volume contains heads and particulars, in many cases very brief, of speeches delivered in the Assembly, with the names of speakers appended in the margin, as well as lists of resolutions passed, and various other memoranda. The proceedings of sessions thus reported extend from August the 4th, 1643, to April the 11th, 1644.

The second volume embraces similar minutes from the 12th of April to the 15th of August, 1644, with a list of members prefixed. Some of the notes are written in shorthand by a different scribe; but however unintelligible the shorthand may be, it is not much more so than Mr. Byfield's longhand in some places.

Vol. iii. gives further minutes from November the 18th, 1644, to March the 25th, 1652. The late ones are briefly, but more distinctly recorded, in the handwriting of better scribes than Byfield.

"The latest sessions relate almost exclusively to examinations for ordinations for livings, in relation to which an original paper was found loose in the book, now inserted in its proper place, where the name occurs—viz.: testimonial from R. Robinson in favour of Mr. Gilson, M.A., and fellow of C.C.C., Oxon., 14th March, 1650-51."

Some of the papers in this volume are carelessly arranged, but they contain only trivial memoranda.

There are bound up in this volume Minutes of Provincial Assemblies holden at Sion College, and elsewhere in London, from the 27th of November, 1650, to the 9th of April, 1655.

"It does not appear when these volumes were deposited in this library. They came most probably with Morrice's MSS."

Mention has often been made of there being in Dr. Williams' library fourteen or fifteen small volumes of the Assembly's transactions, by Dr. Thomas Goodwin. No manuscript notes by Goodwin can there be found. The three volumes just described contain a number of distinct thin MSS. bound up together. Do not they after all contain the fourteen or fifteen small (thin?) MSS. incorrectly ascribed to Dr. Goodwin?

In the Advocate's library, Edinburgh, there are two volumes of manuscript notes, by Gillespie, which—according to Dr. Hetherington, who inspected them—"corroborate the printed accounts of Lightfoot and Baillie."

VI.—Vol. I. 434.

Number of the Ejected Clergy.

The number of clergymen ejected during the Civil Wars and under the Commonwealth is a question commonly discussed in a party spirit. The Churchman is anxious to swell the number, and the Nonconformist labours to reduce it; each thinking his ecclesiastical principles at stake in the controversy. Yet it is curious that the former should not see, that the more sequestrations there might be, the more open to censure must have been the conduct of the clergy; the more likely must be the charges of immorality brought against them; and the more completely must they have alienated from themselves the sympathies of the nation—otherwise how can we account for their being swept out of the Church in such swarms? For it is incredible that the enormous number imagined by some could have been expelled on political or ecclesiastical grounds alone, without any demerit on the score of irreligion or uselessness. It is equally curious that the Nonconformist should regard his own cause as helped, and the opposite side as damaged, by making the sequestrations under Puritan ascendancy appear to have been few; for, if few, then either the clergy of that age could not be so bad as they have been represented, or the Puritans allowed clergymen to remain in the Church notwithstanding their immorality. The interests of Church or of dissent are really not at all involved in this enquiry. Even if it were to the interest of the one that the Puritans should be represented as bad as possible, and to the interest of the other that they should be represented as good as possible, still the proper subject of investigation would be found, not in numerical statistics, but in the rules laid down to regulate the sequestrations, and in the spirit of equity, or otherwise, in which they were carried out. Of those rules we have spoken already.

Walker hazards the statement, that if we add "such as would have suffered had not death prevented," it would "in all probability make the total nothing short of ten thousand."[586] To pass over the absurdity of including those who might have suffered, but were prevented by death, it is enough to remark that he entirely invalidates his own calculations by candidly confessing that he possessed no satisfactory data on which to proceed. He apologizes for the defectiveness of his lists, and endeavours to give colour to his conjectures by quoting broad royalist assertions, in which "thousands" are dealt with in the loosest way: and a report is cited, that the party in power "destroyed all the principal ministers throughout the kingdom, and of ten thousand scarce left one thousand of the old clergy." If nine thousand were ejected, the question naturally occurs, what became of them all? Making allowance for mere curates, and for unusual mortality owing to hardship, and for those who went abroad, and for those who, having betaken themselves to other means of livelihood, did not care to seek their old cures, how came it about that so small a proportion re-entered the Church upon the re-establishment of Episcopacy?[587] If, on Walker's reckoning, all survivors (with such exceptions as were just now indicated) had been reinstated, then, to make room for them all, many more ejectments, between the Restoration and Bartholomew's-day, must have occurred than can be reconciled with the facts of history.

Nor do I see my way to the opposite extreme. It has been argued that although two thousand episcopal clergymen might altogether first and last suffer ejectment during the period, half were allowed to return before its expiration. To establish the point that one-half the ejected Episcopalians were re-admitted by Presbyterians or Independents under the Commonwealth, requires positive statistical evidence such as I cannot discover.

General references to the preaching of malignant ministers may be met with in Commonwealth tracts, but they are not sufficient to decide the matter.[588] Moreover, it must be remembered that if some individuals, ejected during the wars, were replaced when the wars were over, others who had escaped under the Presbyterians were turned out by the Independents.

Walker mentions White's assertion that 8,000 of the clergy "were unworthy and scandalous, and deserved to be cast out;" and the addition made to this by Mr. Stephens, that "he (White) and his committee have come little short of that number." Sir Henry Yelverton too is quoted as saying: "If I mistake not there were 8,000 forsook all for the Covenant." Walker afterwards insists on Dr. Gauden's calculation of 6,000 or 7,000 persons expelled. With respect to which Coleridge says: "I presume that no party will regard any assertion of Gauden's as other than==O—nay, nay, this is saying too little. It is==evidence in the same sense as debts are algebraically designated==capital.—'Southey's Life of Wesley.'" This is too severe, yet Gauden's testimony in the matter does not prove anything. The reports quoted by Walker will appear to every impartial reader of his "Sufferings" quite insufficient to sustain his conclusions. He makes out a list of 1,339 names of the several persons mentioned in the cathedrals, collegiate churches, chapels, and the two universities. He also gives, without numbering, lists of some of the loyal and Episcopal clergy of London and of the provinces. All these lists he acknowledges are imperfect, and he admits that some names may be given more than once, and that many of the cathedral clergy held parochial benefices. Nothing can be determined on such grounds. It may be further stated that he and Anthony Wood do not agree. Walker says that about 400 were ejected from Oxford (part ii. 139). Wood states that 334 (see Neal, iii. 455) did not submit, but they were not immediately expelled. Walker, p. 138, represents Wood as meaning 334 at one time, besides more at other times, but I cannot trace his references.

Now let us turn to data supplied from other sources.

Baillie, in his "Letters" (vol. ii. 224), August 28th, 1644, speaks as if many churches were at the time unsupplied, for he says, that after all which can be done by a pure ordination, and what more Scotland "can afford of good youths for the ministry here, are provided; it is thought some thousands of churches must vaik (be vacant) for fault of men."

There is a tract in the "Harleian Miscel." (vii. 181), giving a total list of 115 London clergy expelled. "In the ninety-seven parishes within the walls, besides St. Paul's, outed eighty-five, and dead, sixteen." Out of sixteen without the walls, fourteen expelled, two dead. Out of eleven out parishes, nine expelled, two dead. Adjacent towns, besides those of the Abbey Church and Islington, seven expelled, two dead. This list differs somewhat from "Walker's" (p. ii. 164-180). There is a list of sequestrations in Essex (Add. MSS. Brit. Museum. 15,669, &c.), amounting to 153, out of the 415 parishes in that county.

Withers, of Exeter—a Nonconformist—computed that in Suffolk, Norfolk, and Cambridge, out of 1,398 parishes, there were 253 sequestrations, and in his own county of Devon, out of 394 parishes there were 139 ejected, thirty-nine were deducted for pluralities ("Neal," iii. 134). Pluralists must be allowed for throughout the country, so also must cathedral dignitaries and members of the universities, not holding parochial benefices. But what was done in the Eastern counties, where the Puritan party had great power, is no rule for judging of what was done in other counties where the Puritan party had little power.

After repeatedly pondering what has been said on all sides, it appears to me impossible to come to a definite conclusion; but computing the clergy at about ten thousand, and reckoning from the loose data just given, I venture to suggest that perhaps about one fifth of the whole might be ejected. I see no ground for believing that less than 2,000 or more than 2,500 were expelled from the Establishment.

VII.—Vol. II. 150.

Draft of a Bill for revising the English Translation of the Scriptures.

Since the account given p. 150 was printed, the following document in the State Paper Office, (Domestic Interreg., Bundle 662, f. 12.,) has been pointed out to me:—

"Whereas by the reverend, godly, and learned Dr. Hill, it was publicly declared in his sermon before an honourable assembly,[589] and by himself since that time published in print, that when the Bible had been translated by the translators appointed, the New Testament was looked over by some Prelates (that he could name) to bring it to speak the prelatical language, and he was informed by one that lived then, a great observer of those times, fourteen places in the New Testament, whereof he instanceth these in five or six places by them corrupted.

The like testimony of those Prelates so wronging that new and best translation being given by some other ancient and godly preachers also, who lived in those times.

And some appearance hereof may yet be seen in part of that very copy of those translators.

And whereas in the original text of the Holy Scriptures there is so great a depth, that only by degrees there is a progress of light towards the attaining of perfection of the knowledge in the bettering of the translation thereof; and hence the most learned translators have found cause again and again of reviving and still rectifying and amending within a few years of what they themselves had translated and published. And this hath been the commendable practice even of some Papists,[590] and of sundry of the reformed religion.[591]

And it being now above forty years since our new translation was finished,[592] divers of the heads of colleges and many other learned persons (that coming later have the advantage to stand as on the heads of the former) in their public sermons (and in print also) have often held out to their hearers and readers that the Hebrew or Greek may better be rendered, as they mention, than as it is in our newest and best translation: some of the places seeming to be very material, and crying aloud for the rectifying of them, if the truth be as it is so affirmed, and published by them, and here in some MSS. presented to us.

And forasmuch as the translation by Mr. H. Ainsworth of Moses and the Psalms, and Song of Solomon, is greatly commended by many of the learned as far more agreeable to the Hebrew than ours; and it is said that there are MSS. of his translations of some other Scriptures both of the Old and New Testament. And also in other parts of the Holy Scriptures, some have translated verses and some chapters; and we hear that some have translated the New Testament, if not the Old also, and would have them printed and published in our nation. Which if it should be done on their own heads, without due care for the supervising thereof by learned persons sound in the fundamentals of the Christian religion, might be a precedent of dangerous consequence, emboldening other to do the like, and might tend at last to bring in other Scriptures or another Gospel instead of the oracles of God and the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ.

For the reforming, rectifying, and repairing of the former injury to the new translation, and for preventing of so great inconveniences of such dangerous consequence, and for the furtherance (what in us lieth) and the benefit and edification of many, Be it [enacted,] that no person or persons whatsoever within the dominions of England, Scotland, and Ireland, without the approbation of persons hereafter named or to be named by authority, shall presume to print or publish any such translation of the Bible or of the New Testament.

And that these persons, viz: Dr. John Owen,[593] Dr. Ralph Cudworth, Mr. Jenkins, Mr. William Greenhill, Mr. Samuel Slater, Mr. William Cowper, Mr. Henry Jessey, Mr. Ralph Venninge, and Mr. John Row, Hebrew professor in Aberdeen, in Scotland, shall be and hereby are constituted, appointed, and authorized in and about all these particulars following to be performed by them in the fear of the Lord, for the good of His people, namely:—

That these or any three or more of them may search and observe wherein that last translation appears to be wronged by the Prelates, or printers, or others; that in all such places, as far as in them is, it may be rectified and amended therein, and the evident and most material failings that do in a special manner call for reformation, (some particulars whereof to us have been presented for consideration;) and that this may be performed with all speed before there be any further printing of the Bible.

And further, because it is our duty to endeavour to have the Bible translated in all places as accurately and as perfectly agreeing with the original Hebrew and Greek as we can attain unto, to remove (whatever in us lieth) the stumbling-blocks and offence of the weak, or the cavils of others when they hear in sermons preached or printed, or in other treatises, that the original bears it better thus and thus. Be it [enacted] that the persons beforesaid may seriously consider the translation of Mr. H. Ainsworth, and of any other translations, annotations, or observations made or that may be made by any of themselves, or of any others that they know of, or may confer withal (who are desired to add unto them their best assistance for the general good of all), and consider of the marginal readings in Bibles, whether any of them should rather be in the line. And what they, after serious looking up to the Lord for His gracious assistance in so weighty a work, and advising together amongst themselves, shall judge to be nearest to the text, and to the mind of the Lord, they may give thereunto their approbation, and this with all speed that conveniently they are able.

And be it further [enacted], that Dr. Thomas Goodwin, Dr. Tuckney, and Mr. Joseph Caryl, are hereby appointed and authorized to be supervisors of what is so approved, and that what those persons shall so approve of, shall accordingly be printed and published for the general edification and benefit of the whole nation, to be read both privately and in the public congregations."

Vol. II. 207.

Anno Domini, 1655.

For the following extract from the Records of the Church at Bury St. Edmund's, dating from 1646, I am indebted to the Rev. Alfred Tyler, the present minister.

"Thos. Taylor, sometimes a member of the Church of Christ which is at Norwich, and, afterwards, by dismission from them, a foundation member of the Church which is at Godwick and Stanfield, in the county of Norfolk, being a publick preacher and dispenser of the Gospell, approved therein by both those Churches, was called by the Church to preach and dispense the Gospell of Christ unto them in the year 1653, and after neare two yeares experience and tryall, his dismission being first obtained from the Church of Godwick and Stanfield, was by commendation from the said Church and brethren at Godwick, and also by giving in a relation of the dealings of God with his soul, of the work of grace upon his heart, received into fellowship as a brother upon the 18th day of the 9th month, 16—." (The other figures are worn off.)

After this follows a somewhat lengthy confession of faith, and then:—

"Upon the 3rd day of the eleventh month, commonly called January, the Church did, by election and holding up of hands, and by fasting and prayer, ordain Thomas Taylor, a publick preacher and member of the Church, after neare two yeares tryall and experience, unto the office of a pastor, and John Hayward, a member of the same Church, unto the office of a Deacon, at a very solemn and publick meeting, where were present the messengers sent from nine generall Churches, viz.: 1, Coggeshall, in the county of Essex; 2, Sudbury, that whereof Saml. Crossman is pastor; 3, two Churches in Ipswich, meeting at St. Peters (?) and Hellens; 4,——ham (?); 5, Weston; 6, Rattlesden; 7, Pulham; 8, H——en, both in the county of Norfolk; in which meeting the Church did also make a publick profession of their faith according to the foregoing copy, and had the unanimous, clear, and full concurrence of the spirits, judgments, and approbation of all the messengers, both as to their confession of faith, church-state, and order, not one dissenting; and did, at the same meeting, receive the right hand of fellowship from the Churches of Rattlesden, Weston, and Coggeshall: and the messengers from H——en and Pulham declared that the Church had formerly received the right hand of fellowship from them, at or soone after their first sitting down together in fellowship; and the messengers from ——ham, Sudbury, and Hellens, in Ipswich, promised, on the behalf of those Churches, that they would make report of our faith and order unto the Churches to whom they did belong, and to give us the right hand of fellowship at some convenient time, but could not then doe it because they had received no such power from the Church."

Additional Note on Ritualism.

The whole of this work was prepared and much of it printed before the present controversy on Ritualism arose. This will account for the omission in the early part of the first volume of any comparison between the Ritualism of Anglo-Catholics under the Stuarts, and the Ritualism of Anglo-Catholics at the present day. Judging from ceremonial worship now performed in certain quarters, and from the publications of persons who represent the party, we may say that Archbishop Laud never attempted to go so far in the adoption of Roman Catholic rites and vestments as his modern successors have done.