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Franco-Gallia

Chapter 54: CHAP. IV.
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A historical and constitutional survey reconstructs the political organization of Gaul and the Frankish kingdoms, examining ancient languages, the origin and name of the Franks, and how their rule transformed Gallic institutions. It analyzes whether kingship was hereditary or elective, procedures for choosing rulers, customary rights of nobles and communities, and the legal limits on sovereign power. Drawing on medieval sources and legal precedent, the work argues that popular assemblies and traditions established checks on monarchical authority and defends the right of communities to resist oppression. Chapters combine historical narrative, legal argument, and comparative observations about governance across early medieval Europe.

 

CHAP. II.

Probable Conjectures concerning the ancient Language of the Gauls.

In this Place it seems proper to handle a Question much disputed and canvass'd by Learned Men; viz. What was the Language of the Gauls in those old Times? For as to what belongs to their Religion, Laws, and the Customs of the People, Cæsar, as I said before, has at large given us an account. In the first place we ought to take notice, that Cæsar, in the Beginning of his Commentaries, where he divides the Gauls into Three Nations, the Belgæ, the Aquitanæ, and the Celtæ, tells us they all differ'd, not only in their Customs, but in their Language: [Footnote: αλλ ένίους μικρόν παραλλάττοντας ταϊς γλώτταις] Which also Strabo confirms, lib. 4. where he says they were not όμογλώττους of one Language, but a little differing in their Languages. And the same thing Ammianus Marcellinus testifies in his 15th Book. But what many Learned Men (especially of our own Country) have maintain'd, viz. That the Gauls commonly used the Greek Tongue, may be refuted by this single Instance which Cæsar takes notice of lib. 5. cap. 12. That when Q. Cicero was besieged in his Camp, he dispatched Letters written in the Greek Language, "Lest (if they were intercepted) his Designs shou'd be discover'd by the Gauls." But to this some object, what Strabo writes, lib. 4. viz. "That all Sorts of good Literature (and especially that of the Greek Language) flourish'd at Marseilles to such a degree, that the Gauls, by the Example of the Massilians, were mightily delighted with the Greek Tongue, insomuch that they began to write their very Bargains and Contracts in it." Now to this there is a short and ready Reply: For, in the first place, if the Gauls learnt Greek by the Example of the Massilians, 'tis plain, 'twas none of their Mother-tongue. Secondly, Strabo in the same place clearly shows us, that the Fashion of writing their Contracts in Greek began but in his Time, when all Gallia was in Subjection to the Romans. Besides, he speaks precisely only of those Gauls who were Borderers and next Neighbours to the Massilians, of whom he says, that not only many of their private Men, but even their Cities (by publick Decrees, and proposing great Rewards) invited several Learned Men of Massilia to instruct their Youth.

It remains that we shou'd clear that place in Cæsar, where he tells us the Gauls, in their publick and private Reckonings, Græcis literis usos fuisse. But let us see whether the word Græcis in that place ought not to be left out, not only as unnecessary but surreptitious. Since it was sufficient to express Cæsar's Meaning to have said, that the Gauls made no use of Letters or Writing in the Learning of the Druids, but in all other Matters, and in publick and private Accounts, they did make use of Writing: For uti litteris, to use Letters, is a frequent Expression for Writing among Latin Authors. Besides, it had been a Contradiction to say the Gauls were unskill'd in the Greek Tongue, as Cæsar had averr'd a little before; and afterwards to say, that they wrote all their publick and private Accounts in Greek. As to what many suppose, that the words literis Græcis in that place, are not to be taken for Writing Greek, but only for the Characters of the Letters; I can less approve of this Explanation than the former; because though many ancient Writers (as we just now said) frequently used the Expression, Uti litteris for Scribere; yet I never observ'd, that any of them ever used it to signify the Forms and Fashions of the Characters. Neither does it make at all for their Opinion, what Cæsar says in the First Book of his Commentaries, viz. That there were found in the Helvetian Camp, Tablets, literis Græcis conscriptas; as if the same Person, who had learnt to make use of the Greek Forms of Characters, might not as easily have learnt the Greek Language; or as if there might not be among the Helvetii, Priests or Gentlemens Sons, who might then have learnt Greek, as our's now learn Latin; Greek being at that Time a Language in Vogue and Esteem. The very Neighbourhood of the School of Massilia is sufficient to confute that Opinion: And therefore Cæsar, when he speaks of his own Letter to Cicero, tells us, he sent that Letter written in Greek Characters, lest (in case it were intercepted) his Designs shou'd be discover'd by the Enemy. Justinius, lib. 20. says, there was a Decree of the Senate made, that no Carthaginian, after that Time, shou'd study the [Footnote: Græcis literas.] Greek Language or Writing, lest he shou'd be able to speak or write to the Enemy without an Interpreter. Tacitus, in his Book de moribus Germanorum, tells us, that several Tombs and Monuments were yet to be seen in the Confines of Germany and Swisserland with Greek Inscriptions on them. Livius, lib. 9. says, The Roman Boys formerly studied the Tuscan Language, as now they do the Greek. And in his 28th Book,—"Hanibal erected an Altar, and dedicated it with a large Inscription of all his Atchievements, in the Greek and Punick Tongues. Idem Lib. 40. Both Altars and Inscriptions on them in the Greek and Latin Tongues." Lastly, I cannot imagine, that Cæsar wou'd have expressed himself (if he had meant, as these wou'd have him) Græcis literis scribere; but rather, Græcarum literarum formâ, as we see in Tacitus, Lib. 11. "Novas literarum formas addidit." He added new Characters of Letters: Having found, that the Greek Literature was not begun and perfected at once. And again,—"Et forme literis latinis quæ veterrimis Græcorum, &c."

Now lest any body shou'd wonder, how the Word Græcis crept into Cæsar's Text, I will instance you the like Mischance in Pliny, lib. 7. cap. 57. where 'tis thus written,—"Gentium consensus tacitus primum omnium conspiravit ut IONUM literis uterentur." And afterwards,—"Sequens gentium consensus in tonsoribus fuit." And again,—"Tertius consensus est in Horarum observatione." Now who is there that sees not plainly the Word IONUM ought to be left out, as well because 'tis apparently unnecessary, (for Pliny had no farther Design than to let us know, that Men first of all consented in the Writing and Form of their Letters) as because 'tis false, that the Ionian Letters were the first invented; as Pliny himself in his foregoing Chapter, and Tacitus, lib. 11. have told us? I have observed however two Places, (Gregorius Turonensis, lib. 5. and Aimoinus, lib. 3. cap. 41.) wherein 'tis intimated, that the Gauls used the Forms of the Greek Letters: For where they speak of King Chilperick,—"He added (say they) some Letters to our Letters; and those were, ω, ψ, ζ, φ; and sent Epistles to the several Schools in his Kingdom, that the Boys should be so taught." Aimoinus mentions only three Letters, χ, θ, φ. But we must understand, that these were Franks, not Gauls; or rather Franco-gauls, who made use of their own native Language, the German Tongue; not that ancient Language of the Gauls, which had grown out of use under the Roman Government: Besides, if the Francogalli had made use of the Greek Letters, how came they at first to except these, when they made use of all the rest? But we have said enough, and too much of this Matter. As for their Opinion who believe that the Gauls spoke the German Language, Cæsar confutes it in that single place, wherein he tells us, that Ariovistus, by Reason of his long Conversation in Gallia, spoke the Gallick Tongue.

Now for two Reasons their Opinion seems to me to be most probable, who write, that the Ancient Gauls had a peculiar Language of their own, not much differing from the British: First, because Cæsar tells us it was the Custom for these Gauls who had a mind to be thoroughly instructed in the Learning of the Druyds, to pass over into Britain; and since the Druyds made no use of Books, 'tis agreeable to Reason, that they taught in the same Language which was used in Gallia. Secondly, because Tacitus in his Life of Agricola, writes, that the Language of the Gauls and Britains differ'd but very little: neither does that Conjecture of Beatus Rhenanus seem unlikely to me, who believes the Language which is now made use of in Basse Bretayne [Britones Britonantes] to be the Remains of our ancient Tongue. His Reasons for this Opinion may be better learn'd from his own Commentaries, than told in this Place. The Language which we at present make use of, may easily be known to be a Compound of the several Tongues of divers Nations. And (to speak plainly and briefly) may be divided into four Parts. One half of it we have from the Romans, as every one that understands Latin ever so little, may observe: For besides, that the Gauls being subject to the Romans, wou'd naturally fall into their Customs and Language, 'tis manifest that the Romans were very industrious to propagate their Tongue, and to make it universal, and (as it were) venerable among all Nations. And to that End settled Publick Schools up and down, at Autan, Besancon, Lyons, &c. as Valerius Maximus, Tacitus, and Ausonius tell us. The other half of it may be subdivided thus. One third of it we hold from the Ancient Gauls, another from the Franks, and the last from the Greek Language: For it has been demonstrated long since by many Authors, that we find innumerable Frank (that is, German) Words (as we shall hereafter prove) in our daily Speech. And several learned Men have shewn us, that many Greek Words are adapted to our common Use, which we do not owe to the Learning and Schools of the Druyds, (who I believe spoke no Greek); but to the Schools and Conversation of the Massilians, whom we formerly mentioned.

 

CHAP. III.

The State of Gaul, after it was reduced into the form of a Province by the Romans.

'Tis very well known to all learned Men, that Gaul, after having been often attempted with various Success, during a ten Years War, and many Battels, was at last totally subdued by Cæsar and reduced into the Form of a Province. It was the Misfortune of this most valiant and warlike People, to submit at length to the Great Beast, as it is called in Scripture, with which however they so strove for Empire for eight hundred Years, (as Josephus informs us) that no Wars with any other Nation, so much terrified Rome. And Plutarch in his Lives of Marcellus and Camillus; Appian in his 2d Book of the Civil Wars; Livius, lib. 8. & 10. have recorded, that the Romans were so afraid of the Gauls, that they made a Law, whereby all the Dispensations (formerly granted to Priests and old Men, from serving in their Armies) were made void, in Case of any Tumult or Danger arising from the Gauls: which Cicero takes notice of in his 2d Philippick. Cæsar himself in his 6th Book, and after him Tacitus, lib. de moribus Germanorum, do testify, That there was a time wherein the Gauls excell'd the Germans in Valour, and carried the War into their Territories, settling Colonies (by reason of their great Multitudes of People) beyond the Rhine.

Now Tacitus in his Life of Agricola, attributes, the Loss of this their so remarkable Valour, to the Loss of their Liberty. "Gallos in bellis floruisse accepimus, mox segnities cum otio intravit, amissa Virtute pariter ac Libertate—." And I hope the Reader will excuse me, if the Love of my Country makes me add that remarkable Testimony of the Valour of the Gauls, mentioned by Justin, lib. 24.—"The Gauls (says he) finding their Multitudes to increase so fast, that their Lands cou'd not afford them sufficient Sustenance, sent out Three hundred thousand Souls to seek for new Habitations. Part of these: seated themselves in Italy; who both took and burnt the City of Rome. Another part penetrated as far as the Shores of Dalmatia, destroying infinite Numbers of the Barbarians, and settled themselves at last in Pannonia. A hardy bold and warlike Nation; who ventured next after Hercules, (to whom the like Attempt gave a Reputation of extraordinary Valour, and a Title to Immortality) to cross those almost inaccessible Rocks of the Alps, and Places scarce passable by Reason of the Cold: Where after having totally subdued the Pannonians they waged War with the bordering Provinces for many Years.—And afterwards—being encouraged by their Success, subdivided their Parties; when some took their Way to Græcia some to Macedonia, destroying all before them with Fire and Sword. And so great was the Terror of the Name of the Gauls, that several Kings (not in the least threatned by them) of their own accord, purchased their Peace with large Sums of Money—. And in the following Book, he says,—So great was the Fruitfulness of the Gauls at that time, that like a Swarm they fill'd all Asia. So that none of the Eastern Kings either ventured to make War without a mercenary Army of Gauls, or fled for Refuge to other than the Gauls, when they were driven out of their Kingdoms." And thus much may suffice concerning their warlike Praises and Fortitude, which (as Tacitus tells us) was quite gone, as soon as they lost their Liberty. Yet some Cities, or Commonwealths, (as Plinius, lib. 4. cap. 11. tells us) were permitted to continue free, after the Romans had reduced Gallia to the Form of a Province. Such were the Nervii, Ulbanesses, Suessiones and Leuci. Also some of the Confederates: and among these he reckons the Lingones, Rhemi, Carnutes and Ædui.

But we may easily learn from these Words of Critegnatus the Arvernian, mentioned by Cæsar, lib. 7. what the Condition was of those Commonwealths, which had the Misfortune to be reduced into the Form of a Province. "If" (says he) "you are ignorant after what manner far distant Nations are used by the Romans, you have no more to do, but to look at our neighbouring Gallia, now reduced into the Form of a Province: Which having its Laws and Customs chang'd, and being subjected to the Power of the Axes, is oppress'd with perpetual Slavery."

We are to understand, there were three kinds of Servitude, or Slavery. First, To have a Garison of Soldiers imposed upon them, to keep them in Awe; yet such Provinces as seemed peaceable and quiet, had no great Armies maintained in them. For Josephus writes in his 2d Book of the Hist. of the Jews, "That in the Emperor Titus's time, the Romans had but 1200 Soldiers in Garison in all Gaul, altho'" (says he) "they had fought with the Romans for their Liberty, almost 800 Years, and had near as many Cities, as the Romans had Garison-Soldiers." A Second Sort of Servitude was, when any Province was made Tributary, and compelled to pay Taxes; and to that End were forced to endure a Number of Tax-gatherers, that is, Harpies and Leeches, which suck'd out the very Blood of the Provincials. Eutropius tells us, in his 6th Book, That Cæsar, as soon as he had subdued Gaul, impos'd a Tax upon it, by the Name of a Tribute, which amounted to H. S. Quadringenties: which is about a Million of our Crowns. A Third Sort of Servitude was, when the Provinces were not permitted to be govern'd by their own Laws; but had Magistrates and Judges, with full Power and Authority (cum imperio & securibus) over Life and Estate, sent them by the People of Rome. This Threefold Slavery not only our Gallia, but all the other Provinces, took most bitterly to heart; and therefore in Tiberius's Reign, not long after Cæsar's Conquest, Tacitus tells us, That the Cities of Gaul rebell'd, because of the Continuance of Taxes, the Extortions of Usurers, and Insolence of the Soldiery. And afterwards in Nero's Reign, Suetonius writes, "That the Gauls being weary of his Tyranny, revolted. The World" (says he) "having for near 13 Years, endured such a Sort of Prince, at last shook him off: The Gauls beginning the Defection." Now all Gallia was divided by the Romans into 16 Provinces, viz. Viennensis, Narbonensis prima, Narbonensis secunda, Aquitania prima, Aquitania secunda, Novempopulana, Alpes maritimæ, Belgica prima, Belgica secunda, Germania prima, Germania secunda, Lugdunensis prima, Lugdunensis secunda, Lugdunensis tertia, Maxima Sequanorum, & Alpes Græcæ, as Antoninus in his Itinerary, and Sextus Rufus, give an Account of them. But Ammianus Marcellinus treats of them more particularly.

But to return to what we were speaking of: 'Tis not to be imagined how grievously, and with what Indignation the Gauls bore the Indecencies and Plunderings of the Romans; nor how frequently they revolted upon that Account and because they were not strong enough of themselves to shake off the Roman Tyranny, 'twas common Custom with them, to hire German Auxiliaries. These were the first beginnings of the Colonies of the Franks; For those Germans, whether they were beaten by the Romans, or (which is more likely) were bought off by them, began by little and little, to settle themselves in the borders of Gallia. This gave to Suetonius, in his Life of Augustus, to say,—"He drove the Germans beyond the River Elb; but the Suevi and Sicambri (submitting themselves); he transplanted into Gallia where he assign'd them Lands near the river Rhine."—Also in his Life of Therius,—"He brought (says he) forty thousand of those that had surrendred themselves in the German War, over into Gallia, and allotted them Settlements upon the Banks of the Rhine."—Neither must we omit what Flavius Vepiscus records, concerning the Reign of Probus the Emperor; in whose time almost all Gallia, that is, sixty Cities, revolted from the Romans; and with common Consent, took up Arms for the Recovery of' their Liberty:—"Having done these things (says he) he march'd with a vast Army into Gaul, which after Posthumus's Death was all in Commotion, and when Aurelianus was kill'd, was In a Manner possessed by the Germans; there he gain'd so many Victories, that he recover'd from the Barbarians sixty of the most noble Cities of Gallia: And whereas they had overspread all Gallia without Controul, he slew near four hundred thousand of those that had seated themselves within the Roman Territories, and transplanted the Remainders of them beyond the Rivers Neckar, and Elb."

But how cruel and inhuman the Domination of the Romans was in Gallia: How intolerable their Exactions were: What horrible and wicked Lives they led; and with how great Inveteracy and Bitterness they were hated upon that Account by the Gauls, (especially by the Christians) may best be learn'd from the Works of Salvianus, Bishop of Marseilles, which treat of Providence: Therefore 'tis incredible to tell, what Multitudes of Germans pour'd themselves into Gallia; the Gauls not only not hindring, but even favouring and calling them in. Latinus Pacatus, in his Speech to Theodesius, has this Passage; "From whence shou'd I begin my Discourse, but from thy Mischiefs, O Gallia! who may'st justly challenge a Superiority in Sufferings, above all the Nations of the Earth, that have been vexed with this Plague?"—Now 'tis most plain both from Sidonius Apollinaris, and especially from the above-mentioned Salvianus, in many Places of his Writings, that our Franks were a Part of those German Nations, who thus entred into Gallia.

 

CHAP. IV.

Of the Original of the Franks; who having possessed themselves of Gallia, changed its Name, into that of Francia, or Francogallia.

The Order of our Discourse requires, that we should now enquire into the Original of the Franks, and trace them from their first Habitations, or (as it were) their very Cradles: In which Disquisition 'tis very much to be admired, that no mention has been made of them by Ptolomy, Strabo, or even by Tacitus himself, who of all Writers was most accurate in describing the Names and Situations of all the German Nations: and 'tis plain, the Franks were a German People, who possessed most part of Europe for many Years, with great Reputation; of which we will quote but a few Instances out of many.

First, Johannes Nauclerus says thus,—"Charles the Great was call'd King of the Franks; which is as much as to say, King of Germany and France." Now 'tis demonstrable, that at that time all Gallia Transalpina, and all Germany from the Pyrenæen Mountains, as far as Hungary, was called Francia: This last was called Eastern France, the former Western France; and in this all true Historians agree.

Eguinarthus, in his Life of Charlemain, says,—"The Banks of the River Sala, which divides the Taringi from the Sorabi, were afterwards inhabited by those called the Eastern Franks." Otto Frising. Chron. 5. cap. 4. speaking of King Dagaber's Reign, "The Bounds of the Franks Dominions reach'd now (says he) from Spain, as far as Hungary, being two most noble Dukedoms, Aquitania and Bavaria";—but much more at large, lib. 6. cap. 17. And after him Godfrey of Viterbo, in his Chronic. part. 17. sub Anno 881, "Arnulphus (says he) ruled all Eastern Francia, which is now called the Teutonick Kingdom, or Germany; that is to say, Bavaria, Suabia, Saxonia, Turingia, Frisia and Lotharingia; but Odo was king of Western France." Again, sub Anno 913. "It is apparent by the Authority of many Writers, that the Kingdom of Germany, which the Emperor Frederick at present holds, is part of the Kingdom of the Franks; for there (on both sides of the Rhine) the first Franks were seated; which as far as to the Limits of Bavaria, is now called Eastern France: But Western France is that Kingdom which lies on both Sides the Rivers Seine and Loire"—And again he says, "In the time of Charles the Great, King of the Franks, all Gallia, that is, Celtica, Belgica, and Lugdunensis and all Germany which reaches from the Rhine as far as far as Dalmatia, made but one Kingdom; which was called Francia"—Almost all which Quotations have been taken out of Otto, as I said before. 'Tis to be noted, that Rhegino writes thus, in Chron. anni 577.—"After the Death of King Pipin, Lewis his Son (who had been present at his Father's Decease and celebrated his Funerals) kept his Residence at Francfort, the principal Seat of the Eastern Kingdom." Luitprandus Ticinensis says, lib. 1. cap. 6.—"It was order'd that Wido shou'd have for his Share, that which Men call the Roman France, and Berengarius shou'd have Italy." And a little after,—"When he had march'd thro' the Territories of the Burgundians, he purposed to enter Roman France, &c." Now it was call'd Roman France, first, because the Franks had possessed themselves of that Gallia, which was under the Roman Obedience. Secondly, because the Roman Language prevail'd in that Country, as we formerly told you: Whence arose the Saying, Loqui Romanum, of such as used not the German or Frank; but the Latin Tongue. Otto Frisingius, chron. 4. cap. penult. says,—"It seems to me, that those Franks who dwell in Gallia, borrowed the Language, which they make use of to this Day, from the Romans; for the others who stay'd about the Rhine, and in Germany use the Teutonick Tongue."—And in Imitation of him, Godfridus, part. 17. cap. 1.—"The Franks (says he) seem to me to have learn'd the Language which they make use of to this Day, from the Romans, who formerly dwelt in those Parts—." From all these 'tis apparent, that the Reputation and Power of the Franks was extraordinary great; as 'twas fitting for such as were Masters of a great Part of Europe.

Moreover we find, that those Germans which were transplanted by the Emperor Frederick the IId, into the Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, and establish'd there as a presidiary Colony, were called Franks. Petrus de Vineis, lib. epist. 6. cap. 25. [Footnote: These are only broken pieces of Sentences, to prove, that the Germans (establish'd in Naples and Sicily) were called, and actually were Franks.] —"Following (says he) the Law and Custom of the Franks, in this Instance, that the Eldest Brother to the Exclusion of all the Younger succeeds, even in the Camp it self." Imp. Freder. 2. Neapol. constit. lib. 2. tit. 32. speaking of those Franks, "who upon Occasion trusted the Fortune of their Lives, and of all their Estates, to the Event of a Duel, or single Combat." And again,—"The aforesaid manner of Proof, which all who observe the Rites of the Franks made use of"—.Also lib. 2. tit. 33.—"which Law, our Will is, shall in all Causes be common both to the Franks and Longobards."

Matters being thus plain, 'tis strange that Gregory Bishop of Tours (who writ concerning the Original of the Franks 800 Years ago) shou'd say, in the first Part of his History, That altho' he had made diligent Enquiry about the Rise and Beginning of the Franks, he could find nothing certain: notwithstanding he had seen an ancient Book of a certain Historian of theirs, called, Salpitius Alexander; who affirms nothing, either of their first Habitations, or the Beginnings of their Domination.

But we have found out, that these People originally came from that Country which lies between the Rhine and the Elb, and is bounded on the West by the Sea, almost in the same Tract where the greater and the lesser Chauci dwelt. "A People (says Tacitus) the most noble among all the Germans, who founded their Greatness and maintained it by Justice." These were next Neighbours to the Batavians; for 'tis agreed on all Hands, that the Franks had their first Seats near the Sea-shore, in very marshy Grounds; and were the most skilful People in Navigation, and Sea-fights, known at that time: Whereof we have the following Testimonies. First, in Claudian, who congratulating Stilicon's Victory, writes thus;

Ut jam trans fluvium non indignante Chayco Paseat Belga pecus, mediumque ingressa per Albin Gallica Francorum montes armenta pererrent.

In which Place he makes use of a Poetical License, and calls those People Chayci, which the Geographers call Chauci. Now that they were seated near the Sea, that Panegyrical Oration made to Constantine the Great, is a Testimony: "Quid loquar rursus, &c. What should I speak more of those remote Nations of the Franks, transplanted not from Places which the Romans of old invaded; but plucked from their very original Habitations, and their farthest Barbarous Shores, to be planted in the waste Places of Gallia; where with their Husbandry, they may help the Roman Empire in time of Peace; and with their Bodies, supply its Armies in time of War—." And in another Panegyrick, by Eumenius the Rhetorician, we find this Passage, "Aut hæc ipsa, &c. Or this Country, which was once overspread with the Fierceness of the Franks, more than if the Waters of their Rivers, or their Sea, had cover'd it;" but now ceases to be barbarous, and is civilized. To the same Purpose is Procopius Testimony, in his first Book of the Gothick War; for where he describes the place where the Rhine falls into the Ocean; "In these Parts (says he) there are great Marshes, where of old the Germans dwelt; a barbarous People, and at that time of small Reputation, which now are called Franks—." And Zonaras, in the 3d Tome of his Annals, quotes this very Passage of Procopius. Also Flavius Vopiscus, in his Life of Probus, tells us, That the Franks were discomfited by Probus in their inaccessible Marshes.—Testes sunt Franci inviis strati paludibus. Also Sidonius Apollinaris says thus;

"Francorum & penitissimas paludes,
Intrares venerantibus Sicambris."

Now what we have said concerning the Neighbourhood of the Franks to the Chauci, may be plainly proved by comparing of Places, and the Descriptions of their particular Seats. Those of the Chauci are described by Pliny, lib. 16. cap. 1. Those of the Franks by the Rhetorician Panegyrist, above mentioned: For Pliny says thus, "We have seen in the Northern parts the Nations of the Chauci, called Majores & Minores, where twice every 24 Hours the Ocean is forcibly driven in a great way over the Land; thro' a vast Passage which is there, making it a perpetual Controversy of Nature; and a Doubt, whether it ought to be reckon'd part of the Land or of the Sea."

The Panegyrist speaks in these Terms, "—Quanquam illa Regio, &c. When thy noble Expeditions, O Cæsar, have proceeded so far, as to clear and conquer that Country, which the Rhine runs through, with his cunning Mæanders or Windings, [Meatibus callidis, for so it must be read, and not Scaldis, as in some Copies,] and embraces in his Arms a Region, which I can scarce call Land; 'tis so soak'd with Water, that not only the Marshy part of it gives way, but even that which seems more firm, shakes when trod upon, and trembles at a Distance under the Weight of the Foot."

We think therefore we have made it plain from what Seats the Nation of the Franks first came into Gallia; that is to say, from that marshy Country which lies upon the Ocean, between the Rivers Elb and Rhine: which may be further confirm'd by this Argument. That the Franks were very well skill'd in maritime affairs, and sail'd far and near all about those Coasts; For so says Eutropius, lib. 9. where he gives a short History of the Emperor Galienus. "After this time, when Carausius had in charge to scour the Sea-coasts of Belgia and Armorica, then infested by the Franks and Saxons, &c." The very same thing Paulus Orosius mentions, lib. 7. Also what the Panegyrist, before cited, says in a certain Place, has Reference to this.— "The Franks (says he) are cruel above all others; the tide of whose warlike Fury surmounting that of their very Ocean it self, carried them to the Sea-coasts of Spain, which they very much infelted with their Depredations." And therefore the Emperor Justinian, when he explains to the General Governor of Africk the duty of his Office, makes mention of those Franks which were seated in a certain part of Gallia, bordering upon Spain.

But we find a very memorable Passage; which highly sets forth the great Glory of their war-like Atchievements, in another place of that Panegyrick; viz. That a small Body of Franks, which Probus, the Emperor had overcome and carried captive into Pontus, seiz'd on some Ships, wandred all about the Sea-coasts of Græcia and Asia, invaded Sicily, took Syracusa, and afterwards laden with Booty, return'd into the Ocean thro' the Streights of Gibraltar. "Recursabat in animos sub Divo Probo & paucorum ex Francis Captivorum incredibilis audacia, & indigna foelicitas: qui à Ponto usque correptis navibus, Græciam Asiamque populati, nec impunè plerisque Lybiæ littoribus appulsi, ipsas postremò navalibus quondam victoriis nobiles ceperant Syracusas: & immenso itinere permensi, Oceanum, qua terras rupit intraverant: atque ita eventu temeritatis, offenderant, nihil esse clausum piraticæ desperationi quò navigiis pateret accessus."

And, as farther Arguments of what I have been proving, may be added all those Places in several Authors, which inform us that the Habitations of the Franks were Bordering upon the Batavians. The same Rhetorician, in his Speeches to Maximianus and Constantine, says,—"Many thousand Franks, who had crossed the Rhine, and invaded Batavia, with other Countries on this Side, were slain, driven out, or carried away captive."

Besides there is a notable Instance in Corn. Tacitus, lib. 20. where speaking of the Neighbourhood of Frisia and Batavia to each other, he mixes the Caninesates among them, whose Custom in Electing their Kings was, (as I shall hereafter shew) the very same with that of the Franks.—"Ambassadors (says he) were sent to the Caninesates, to persuade them to enter into the Confederacy: That People inhabit one part of the Island, equal as to their Descent, Laws and Valour, to the Batavians; but inferior in Number.—And again—Brinnio being set upon a Shield (according to the Custom of the Country) and hoisted up on Men's Shoulders, was chosen their Commander." Which Words will prove of no small Authority for us, when we come hereafter to that Part of the Controversy.

The Case being so; I cannot forbear wondring at the Opinion of the Learned Andreas Tarnebus, who despising the Authority of so many grave and ancient Writers, says, that he thinks the Franks were originally of Scandinavia: because in Ptolomy he finds the Phirassi seated in that Peninsula, which Word he will needs suppose to be corrupted; and that, instead of it, the Word Franci ought to be there: but brings no Reason for his Opinion more than his own mere guess, tho' this Opinion differs manifestly from all other ancient Authors.

As to all those who are pleas'd with Fables, and have deduced the Original of the Franks from the Trojans, and from one Francion, a Son of Priam, we can only say, that they furnish Materials for Poets rather than Historians: And among such, William Bellay deserves the first Place; who, tho' he was a Person of singular Learning and extraordinary Ingenuity; yet in his Book, which treats of the Antiquities of Gallia and France, seems rather to have design'd a Romance, like that of Amadis, than a true History of the Francogallican Affairs.

 

CHAP. V.

Of the Name of the Franks, and their sundry Excursions; and what time they first began to establish a Kingdom in Gallia.

But I think it requisite that we should enquire a little more carefully into this Name of Franks; which, as we told you before, is not to be found in any of the ancient Descriptions of Germany. That I may no longer detain the Reader in Suspence, it must needs be, that either the Nation of the Franks, by which such mighty things were done, was at first very obscure and mean, (as we see in Switz, an ordinary Village) yet because the first beginning of the Liberty of those Countries proceeded from thence, gave the name of Switzers to all the rest of the Cantons: Or (which seems to me most probable) this Appellation had its Original from the Occasion; viz. When those that set up for the prime Leaders and Beginners, in recovering the publick Liberty, called themselves Franks; by which name the Germans understood such as were Free, and under no Servitude; as the Writers of that Nation do unanimously hold: And therefore in ordinary Speech, by a Frank was meant a Freeman, by a Franchise, an Asylum, or Place of Refuge; and Francisare signified to restore to liberty and freedom. The first Proof we shall give of this, is, what Procopius in his first Book of the Gothick Wars relates. The Franks (says he) were anciently by a general name call'd Germans; but after they exceeded their Limits, they obtain'd the name of Franks: Of the same Opinion I find Gregory of Tours, the Abbot of Ursperg; Sigibertus and Ado of Vienne, and Godfrey of Viterbo to have been, viz. That they had the Name of Franks from their freedom, and from their ferocity, (alluding to the sound, of the words Francos Feroces), because they refused to serve as Soldier under Valentinian the Emperor, and to pay Tribute as other Nations did. A second Proof may be that of Cornelius Tacitus, who in his 20th Book, speaking of the Caninesates, whom we have formerly demonstrated to have been the very-next Neighbours, if not the true Franks themselves, and, of their Victory over the Romans, he has this expression: Clara ea victoria, &c. "That Victory (says he) was of great Reputation to them immediately after it, and of great Profit in the Sequel; for having by that Means got both Weapons and Ships into their Possession, which before they were in great want of; their Fame was spread over all Germany and Gaul, as being the first beginners of liberty;" Libertatis Auctores celebrabantur. For the Germans thereupon sent Ambassadors, offering their Assistance. May the Omen prove lucky! and may the Franks truly and properly deserve that name; who after having shaken off that Yoke of Slavery, imposed upon them by Tyrants, have thought fit to preserve to themselves a commendable liberty even under the Domination of Kings: For to obey a King is not servitude: neither are all who are govern'd by Kings, presently for that Reason to be counted Slaves, but such as submit themselves to the unbounded Will of a Tyrant, a Thief, and Executioner, as Sheep resign themselves to the Knife of the Butcher. Such as these deserve to be called by the vile names of Servants and Slaves.

Therefore the Franks had always Kings, even at that very time when they profess'd themselves the vindicators and assertors of the publick liberty: And when they constituted Kings, they never intended they shou'd be Tyrants or Executioners, but keepers of their Liberties, Protectors, Governors and Tutors. Such, in short, as we shall describe hereafter, when we come to give an Account of the Francogallican Government.

For, as to what a certain, foolish and ignorant Monk, called John Turpin, has wrote (in his Life, or rather Romance of Charlemagn) concerning the Origins of the Word Frank, viz. That whoever contributed Money towards the Building of St. Denis's Church, should be called Francus, that is, a freeman, is not worthy of being remembred, no more than all the rest of his trifling Works; stuft'd full of old Wives Tales, and meer Impertinencies.

But this may be truly affirm'd, that this name of Franks, or (as Corn. Tacitus interprets it) Authors of Liberty, was an Omen so lucky and fortunate to them, that through it they gain'd almost innumerable Victories. For after the Franks had quitted their ancient Seats upon that glorious Design, they deliver'd not only Germany, their common Country, but also France from the Tyranny and Oppression of the Romans; and at last (crossing the Alps) even a great part of Italy itself.

The first mention made of this illustrious name, we find in Trebellius Pollios Life of the Emperor Gallienus, about the 260th Year after Christ. His Words are these: "Cum, &c. Whilst Gallienus spent his time in nothing but Gluttony and shameful Practices, and govern'd the Commonwealth after so ridiculous a manner, that it was like Boys play, when they set up Kings in jest among themselves; the Gauls, who naturally hate luxurious Princes, elected Posthumus for their Emperor, who at that time was Gallienus's Lieutenant in Gaul with imperial Authority. Gallienus thereupon commenced a War with Posthumus; and Posthumus being assisted by many Auxiliaries, both of the Celtæ and the Franks, took the Field along with Victorinus—." By which Words we may plainly perceive, that the Gauls crav'd the Assistance of the Franks; that is, of these Authors or Beginners of liberty, to enable them to shake off the Tyrant Gallienus's Yoke: Which same thing Zonaras hints at in his Life of Gallienus, when he says, ἐπολέμισε δὲ ϕράγγοις &c.—We find another mention made of the same People in Flavius Vopiscus's Life of Aurelian, in these Words:—"At Mentz the Tribune of the 6th Legion discomfited the Franks, who had made Incursions, and overspread all Gallia; he slew 700, and sold 300 Captives for Slaves."—For you must not expect that our Franks, any more than other Nations in their Wars, were constantly victorious, and crown'd with Success. On the contrary, we read that Constantine, afterwards call'd the Great, took Prisoners two of their Kings, and exposed them to the Wild Beasts at the publick shews. Which Story both Eutropius in his 9th Book, and the Rhetorician in that Panegyrick so often quoted, make mention of.

And because the same Rhetorician in another place speaks of those Wars in the Confines of the Batavi, which we have shewn not to be far distant from the Franks, I will set down his Words at Length. Multa Francorum millia, &c. "He slew, drove out, and took Prisoners many thousand Franks, who had invaded Batavia, and other Territories on this side the Rhine." And in another Place says, "He clear'd the Country of the Batavians, which had before been possess'd by several Nations and Kings of the Franks; and not satisfied with only overcoming them, he transplanted them into the Roman Territories, and forced them to lay aside their Fierceness as well as their Weapons." From which place we are given to understand, not obscurely, that Constantine, (being constrain'd to do so by the Franks) granted them Lands within the Bounds of the Roman Empire. Ammianus, lib. 15. writes, that the Franks, during the Civil Wars between Constantine and Licinius, sided with Constantine, and fought very valiantly for him. And in other places of the same Book he records, that during the Reign of Constantine, the Son of Constantine, great numbers of Franks were at that Court in high favour and authority, with Cæsar. "Afterwards, says he, Malarichus on a sudden got power, having gained the Franks; whereof at that time great numbers flourish'd at Court."—During the Reign of Julian, call'd the Apostate, the same Franks endeavour'd to restore the City of Cologne (which was grievously oppress'd by Roman Slavery) to its liberty: and forced it, after a long Siege, to surrender thro' Famine; as the same Ammianus tells us, lib. 12. And because one Band of those Franks fix'd their Habitations upon the Banks of the River Sala, they were thereupon called Salii; concerning whom he writes in the same Book,—"Having prepar'd there things, he first of all march'd towards the Franks; I mean those Franks which were commonly called Salii, who had formerly with great boldness fix'd their Habitations within the Roman Territories, near a place called Toxiandria." Again, in his 20th Book he makes mention of that Country possess'd by the Franks beyond the Rhine, and called Francia.—"Having on a sudden pass'd the Rhine, he enter'd the Country of those Franks called Attuarii, a turbulent sort of People, who at that time made great Havock on the Frontiers of Gallia."—And in his 30th Book, where he speaks of King Macrianus, with whom Valentinian the Emperor had lately made a Peace on the Banks of the Rhine, in the Territory of Mentz,—"He died, says he, in Francia, whilst he was utterly wasting with Fire and Sword all before him, being kill'd in an Ambush laid for him by that valiant King Mellobandes." Now of this Mellobandes, King of the Franks, the same Author in his following Book gives this Character; "That he was brave and valiant, and upon the score of his Military Virtue constituted great Master of the Houshold by the Emperor Gratianus, and Lieutenant-General (in conjunction with Nannienus) of that Army which was sent against the Lentiates, a People of Germany." Afterwards, by virtue of a Treaty concluded between the Franks and the Emperor Honorius, they defended the Frontiers of the Roman Gallia against Stilicon: For Orosius tells us in his last Book, "That the Nations of the Alani, Suevi and Vandali, being (together with many others) encouraged by Stilicon; pass'd the Rhine, wasted the Territories of the Franks, and invaded Gallia."

After the Emperor Honorius's time, we have very little in History extant concerning the Frank's Warlike Deeds. For to those Times must be apply'd what St. Ambrose writes in his Letter (the 29th) to Theodesius the Emperor: That the Franks both in Sicily and many other Places, had overthrown Maximus the Roman General. "He (says he, speaking of Maximus) was presently beaten by the Franks and Saxons in all places of the Earth." But in the Reign of Valentinian the 3d, that is, about the 450th Year of Christ, 'tis plain, by the consent of all Writers, that Childeric, the Son of Meroveus, King of the Franks, compleated the Deliverance of Gallia from the Roman Tyranny, after a continued Struggle of more than 200 Years; and was the first that established in Gallia a firm and certain Seat of Empire: For altho' some reckon Pharamond and Clodio-crinitus as the first Kings of the Franks, yet without doubt there were many before them, who (like them) had cross'd the Rhine, and made Irruptions into Gallia: but none had been able to settle any peaceable Dominion within the Limits of Gallia. Now Meroveus, who is commonly reckon'd the 3d King; tho' he was indeed King of the Franks, yet he was a Stranger and a Foreigner, not created King in Gallia, not King of the Francogalli; that is to say, not elected by the joint Suffrages of both Nations united: In short, all these were Kings of the Franci, and not of the Francogalli. But Childeric, the Son of Meroveus, was (as we said before) the first that was elected by the publick Council of the associated Franks and Gauls, and he was created King; of Francogallia presently after his Father Meroveus had been kill'd in a Battel against Attila, during the Reign of Valentinian the Third, a dissolute and profligate Prince. At which time the Angli and Scoti took Possession of Great Britain; the Burgundians of Burgundy, Savoy and Dauphine; the Goths of Aquitain: the Vandals of Africk and Italy, nay of Rome it self; the Hanni under their Leader Attila wasted Gallia with Fire and Sword. This Attila having an Army of about Five hundred thousand Men, over-ran all Gallia as far as Thoulouse. Ætius was at that time Governor of Gallia, who fearing the Power of Attila, made a League with the Goths, and by their assistance defeated Attila in a Battel; wherein, 'tis said, they slew no fewer than a Hundred and eighty thousand Men. But the Conqueror Ætius being suspected by Valentinian of aspiring to the Empire, was afterwards, by his Command, put to Death; and within a little while after, he himself was slain by Maximus before-mention'd.

During these Transactions, Meroveus, King of the Franks, taking his Opportunity, pass'd the Rhine, with a great Army; and joyning in Confederacy with many Cities, who assisted in the common Cause of the publick Liberty, possess'd himself at length of the innermost Cities belonging to the Celtæ, between the Seine and the Garonne. He being dead, and both Nations (the Gauls and Franks) united into one Commonwealth; they unanimously elected Childeric, the Son of Meroveus, for their King, placing him upon a Shield according to ancient Custom; and carrying him upon their Shoulders thrice round the place of Assembly, with great Acclamations of Joy, and universal Congratulation, saluted him King of Francogallia. Of all which particulars, Sidonius Apollinaris, Gregorius Turonensis, Otto Frising, Aimoinus and others are Witnesses; whose Testimonies we shall further produce, when we come to treat of the Manner of the Inauguration of the King.

The Words of the same Otto, in the last Chapter but one of his 4th Book concerning their taking possession of several Cities, are these.—"The Franks, after having pass'd the Rhine, in the first place put to flight the Romans, who dwelt thereabouts; afterwards they took Tournay and Cambray, Cities of Gallia; and from thence gaining ground, by degrees they subdued Rheims, Soissons, Orleans, Cologne and Triers." And thus much may briefly be said touching the first King of Francogallia. To which we shall only subjoin this Remark: [Footnote: Hotoman's Francogallia was written Anno 1573.] That altho' the Francogallican Kingdom lasted from that time to this, almost One thousand two hundred Years; yet during so long a space, there are but three Families reckon'd to have possess'd the Throne, viz. the Merovingians; who beginning from Meroveus, continued it to their Posterity two hundred eighty three Years. The Carlovingians, who drawing their Original from Charles the Great, enjoy'd it 337 Years: And lastly, the Capevignians, who being descended from Hugh Capet, now rule the Kingdom, and have done so for Five hundred and eighty Years past.