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From Isolation to Leadership, Revised / A Review of American Foreign Policy

Chapter 17: INDEX
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About This Book

The book traces the evolution of American foreign policy from early warnings against entangling alliances and the Monroe Doctrine through twentieth-century debates over neutrality, the open-door policy, and relations with Britain and Latin America. It examines tensions between isolationist traditions and expanding international responsibilities, analyzes imperialistic tendencies and new pan‑Americanism, and critiques the failure of neutrality during World War I. Later chapters discuss American war aims, the Treaty of Versailles, and postwar diplomatic efforts including the Washington Conference, arguing that the United States must assume greater world leadership.

In the treaty relating to the open door, the Contracting Powers other than China pledged themselves to the following principles:

"(1) To respect the sovereignty, the independence, and the territorial and administrative integrity of China;

"(2) To provide the fullest and most unembarrassed opportunity to China to develop and maintain for herself an effective and stable government;

"(3) To use their influence for the purpose of effectually establishing and maintaining the principle of equal opportunity for the commerce and industry of all nations throughout the territory of China;

"(4) To refrain from taking advantage of conditions in China in order to seek special rights or privileges which would abridge the rights of subjects or citizens of friendly States, and from countenancing action inimical to the security of such States."

China on her part accepted fully the principle of the open door, and pledged herself for the first time to respect it. Pledges to respect the open door in China have been made by foreign powers upon various occasions in the past and broken as often as made. The expression "equal opportunity for the commerce and industry of all nations" is not new. It occurs in the Anglo-Japanese Alliance of 1902, in the Root-Takahira agreement of 1908, and in numerous other documents. In recent years, however, the United States has been the only power which has tried to preserve the open door in China. Most of the other powers have regarded the Chinese situation as hopeless, and have believed that the only solution was to let foreign powers come in and divide and rule the territory of the empire. In view of the new treaty the open door is no longer merely an American policy, but an international policy, and responsibility for its enforcement rests not on the United States alone but on all nine parties to the treaty.

The agenda or program of the Conference offered as one of the subjects to be considered the status of existing commitments in China. When Secretary Hughes brought this subject up before the Far Eastern Committee, Japan entered an emphatic objection to its consideration, and the matter was dropped immediately without argument. The treaty, therefore, is not retroactive, for it recognizes the status quo in Manchuria and to a less extent in other parts of China. The saving clause of the new agreement is, however, a resolution providing for the establishment of an international board of reference, to which questions arising in regard to the open door may be referred.

Will Japan respect the pledges she has made and live up to the spirit of her promises? If she does, the Washington Conference will prove to be a great success. If, on the contrary, Japan does not intend to live up to her pledges or intends to fulfill them only in part, her position in Asia has been greatly strengthened. She is more firmly intrenched in Manchuria than ever. She holds the Maritime Province of Siberia under a promise to get out, which she has repeatedly made and repeatedly broken, as was plainly stated by Secretary Hughes before the full Committee on Far Eastern Affairs, and repeated at a plenary session of the Conference. His statement was one of the most remarkable, by reason of its directness and unvarnished truth, in the history of American diplomacy. After reviewing the correspondence between the two governments and the reiterated assurances of Japan of her intention to withdraw from Siberia, assurances which so far had not been carried out, Mr. Hughes expressed his gratification at the renewal of these assurances before the Conference in plenary session. Unless Japan is utterly devoid of moral shame, she will have to make good her word this time.

When the treaties drafted by the Conference were submitted by the President to the Senate, they encountered serious opposition, but were finally ratified. The Republican leaders, particularly Senator Lodge, were twitted with charges of inconsistency in advocating certain features of these treaties when they had violently opposed the League of Nations. The Four-Power Treaty is much more of an entangling alliance than the Covenant of the League, and the Naval Treaty deprives Congress for a period of fifteen years of its constitutional right to determine the size of the navy and to provide for the defense of Guam and the Philippines. In fact, there were very few objections raised to the League of Nations which could not with equal force be applied to the Four-Power and Naval Treaties. The Four-Power Treaty was the main object of attack, and Senators Lodge and Underwood were greatly embarrassed in attempting to explain its meaning. Its "baffling brevity" demanded explanations, but no satisfactory explanations were forthcoming. They talked in general terms about the tremendous importance of the treaty, but they dared not state the real fact that the treaty was drafted by Mr. Balfour and Baron Kato as the most convenient method of terminating the Anglo-Japanese Alliance without making it appear to the Japanese public that their government had surrendered the alliance without due compensation. According to an Associated Press Dispatch from Tokio, January 31, 1922, Baron Uchida, the Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, replying to interpolations in the House of Peers, said: "The Four-Power Treaty was not intended to abrogate the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, but rather to widen and extend it." The real quid pro quo for the termination of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance was the agreement of the United States not to construct naval bases or new fortifications in Guam and the Philippines, and the clause terminating the Anglo-Japanese Alliance might just as well have been attached to the Naval Treaty, but this would not have satisfied Japanese public opinion. Great Britain and Japan were permitted to terminate their alliance in any way that they might deem best. After the Four-Power Treaty was accepted by the American delegates, they feared that it would look too much as if the United States had merely been drawn into the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. It was decided, therefore, at the eleventh hour to give the agreement a more general character by inviting France to adhere to it. France agreed to sign, although she resented not having been consulted during the negotiation of the treaty.

The achievements of the Conference, although falling far short of the extravagant claims made by the President and the American delegates, are undoubtedly of great importance. The actual scrapping of millions of dollars' worth of ships in commission or in process of construction gives the world an object lesson such as it has never had before. One of the most significant results of the Conference was the development of a complete accord between England and the United States, made possible by the settlement of the Irish question and furthered by the tact and gracious bearing of Mr. Balfour. One of the unfortunate results was the increased isolation of France, due to the failure of her delegates to grasp the essential elements of the situation and to play any but a negative role. The success of the Conference was due largely to Secretary Hughes who, though handicapped at every point by fear of the Senate and by the unfortunate commitments of President Harding during the last campaign, may be said on the whole to have played his hand reasonably well.

Meanwhile we are still drifting, so far as a general European policy is concerned. President Harding's idea of holding aloof from "Europe's league," as he prefers to designate the League of Nations, and of having a little league of our own in the Pacific, will not work. The world's problems cannot be segregated in this way. Europe's league includes all of the principal American nations except the United States and Mexico, while our Pacific league includes the two leading European powers. As soon as the American people realize—and there are indications that they are already waking up to the reality—that the depression in domestic industry and foreign commerce is due to conditions in Europe and that prosperity will not return until we take a hand in the solution of European problems, there will be a general demand for a constructive policy and America will no longer hesitate to reassume the leadership which she renounced in the referendum of 1920, but which the rest of the world is ready to accord to her again.

INDEX

ABC alliance, 162, 165.

Aberdeen, Lord, opposes annexation of Texas by United States, 108.

Adams, Charles Francis, 114.

Adams, Henry, letter from Hay to, 90.

Adams, John Quincy, opposes joint action with England, 31; accepts invitation to send delegates to Panama Congress, 154.

"Alabama Claims," 66, 113, 114.

Alaskan Boundary Dispute, 122, 124.

Algeciras Conference, 74; American participation in, 76, 77.

Alliance, of 1778 with France, 5-8; proposed alliance with England, 13, 26; Holy Alliance, 22, 24; Anglo-Japanese alliance, 92, 120. See "Entangling Alliances."

Alverstone, Lord, member of Alaskan boundary commission, 123.

American Colonisation Society, 59.

American delegation to Peace Conference, 225.

American Institute of International Law, 157.

American Republics, Bureau of, 156.

American Revolution, significance of, 99.

Anglo-American ideals, 126, 127.

Anglo-Japanese Alliance, 92, 120, 265, 279, 288.

Arbitration, international, 64. See Hague Court, Olney-Pauncefote
Treaty.

Armistice, negotiations preceding, 213-217.

Arms and ammunition. See Munitions of war.

"Aroostook War," 106.

Austria-Hungary, protests against trade in munitions, 182.

Balfour, Arthur James, 274, 288, 289.

Beer, George L., quoted, 99.

Belgium, German invasion of, 79; restoration of, demanded, 207.

Beresford, Lord Charles, advocates open door in China, 86.

Berlin Conference of 1884, 6l.

"Big Four," at Peace Conference, 230.

Bingham, Hiram, on Monroe Doctrine, 131.

Bismarck, Prince, on Monroe Doctrine, 45; on English control of North
America, 126; forces war on Austria, 47; forces war on France, 48.

Blaine, James G., efforts to modify Clayton-Bulwer treaty, 115; issues invitation to International Conference of American States, 155, 156.

Bliss, Gen. Tasker H., 225.

Board of Reference, in China, 286.

Bolivar, Simon, 153.

Bolsheviki, 203.

Bonaparte, Napoleon, acquires Louisiana, 12; fails to establish control over Spain's Colonies, 25.

Bowen, Herbert, 51.

Boxer uprising in China, 88

Brest-Litovsk, peace negotiations at, 203, 210, 212.

Brussels Conference on African slave trade, 62.

Bryan, William Jennings, negotiates treaty with Nicaragua, 135; with Colombia, 144; refuses to modify neutrality laws at demand of Germany, 182.

Bryce, Lord, quoted, 125, 126.

Bülow, Prince von, 75, 91.

California, danger of English occupation of, 109.

Canada, insurrection of 1837, 103.

Canning, George, British foreign secretary, proposes Anglo-American alliance, 26; delays recognition of South American republics, 33, 34; interview with Prince Polignac, 35; boasts of calling new world into existence, 39; opposes Pan-American movement, 155.

Caribbean Sea, American supremacy in, 121; advance of United States in, 132; new American policies in, 132, 137, 144.

Caroline, the, 103.

Carranza, Venustiano, 162, 163.

Castlereagh, Viscount, 20.

China, treaties relating to tariff and open door, 282-285. See
Open-door policy.

Choate, Joseph H., at Second Hague Conference, 68, 69.

Civil War, foreign policy of United States during, 65; disputes with
England, 112.

Clay, Henry, opposes joint action with England, 31; instructions to delegates to Panama Congress, 154.

Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 44, 111.

Cleveland, Grover, intervenes in Venezuelan boundary dispute, 48; withholds Kongo treaty from Senate, 61; Venezuelan policy justified by events, 115; favours general arbitration treaty with England, 116.

Cobden, Richard, essay on America, 102.

Colby, Bainbridge, secretary of state, 259, 260.

Colombia, aggrieved at seizure of Canal Zone, 142; attempts of United
States to settle controversy, 143, 144.

Consuls, status of, in European leases in China, 87, 88.

Continuous voyage, doctrine of, 72, 124, 176, 177.

Cowdray, Lord, seeks concession from Colombia, 142.

Cox, James M., candidate for President, 255.

Crampton, British Minister to United States, dismissal of, 111.

Declaration of London, 71-73, 175, 177.

Declaration of Paris, 64, 65.

Declaration of Rights and Duties of Nations, adopted by American
Institute of International Law, 158, 159.

Democracy against autocracy, 198.

Dewey, Admiral George, on withdrawal of Germany from Venezuela, 51; demands apology from German admiral in Manila Bay, 119.

Dickens, Charles, "American Notes," 102.

Diederichs, German Admiral, 119.

Diplomacy, secret, 76, 77.

Dunning, William A., "British Empire and the United States," quoted, 102, 111.

Durfee, Amos, 103.

Egypt, financial administration of, by Great Britain, 134.

England. See Great Britain.

"Entangling Alliances," warning of Jefferson against, 12; Wilson's views on, 187.

Entente treaty of 1904 between England and France, 74.

European balance of power, interest of United States in preserving, 76; disturbed by Japan, 171.

Fenian movement, encouraged in United States, 112, 113.

Ferdinand VII, king of Spain, 20, 25.

Fish, Hamilton, secretary of state, renews negotiations for settlement of "Alabama Claims," 113, 114.

Fiume, and Treaty of London, 195.

Foch, Ferdinand, 217-219, 236.

Fonseca Bay, United States acquires naval base on, 135, 136.

Forsyth, John, secretary of state, 104.

Fortifications in the Pacific, limitation of, 272.

Foster, John W., letter from Hay, to, 89.

Four-power Treaty, 278-280, 287-289.

Fourteen Points, 205-210, 220, 221.

France, treaty of alliance with, 5-8; refuses to accept plan for limitation of navies, 270, 271; isolation of, 289.

Gases, use of poisonous, prohibited, 274, 275.

Gênet, Edmond C., minister of the French Republic, 6.

George, David Lloyd, defines British war aims, 204-205; pre-election pledges of, 227; opposes French demand for Left Bank of Rhine, 234.

Germany, intervenes in Venezuela, 50; excluded from South America by aid of England, 53; designs of, on Philippine Islands, 85; adopts naval policy, 120; influence of, in America, 126; submarine policy of, 178, 179; attempts of, to justify, 181; protests against munitions trade, 181; organizes propaganda and conspiracy in United States, 184.

Great Britain, withdraws from European alliance, 22; intervenes in Mexico, 46; not unfavorable to Monroe Doctrine, 52, 53; forms alliance with Japan, 92; points of contact with United States, 100; unfriendly attitude, 101; change of attitude in Spanish War, 118; naval policy of, 120; interference with shipments to Germany resented in United States, 124; size of navy, 127; so-called blockade of Germany, 174-178. See Anglo-American ideals.

Great Lakes, disarmament on, 103.

Guarantee treaties, offered to France, 235.

Gummeré, S. R., delegate to Algeciras Conference, 75.

Hague Conference, of 1899, 67; of 1907, 68.

Hague Conventions, status of, 71.

Hague Court of Arbitration, 68.

Haiti, Republic of, United States acquires financial supervision over, 136, 137.

Hamilton, Alexander, opinion on French treaty of 1778, 6.

Harding, Warren G., elected president, 255; ignores League of Nations, 262; calls Washington Conference, 266; differs with Hughes as to meaning of Four-Power Treaty, 279; attitude toward Europe, 290.

Harris, Townsend, 95.

Hay, John, secretary of state, protests against persecution of Jews in Rumania, 78; formulates open-door policy for China, 85; defines status of consuls in European leases in China, 88; insists on "territorial and administrative entity" of China, 89; private correspondence on Chinese situation, 89-91.

Hay-Pauncefote treaty, 120, 121.

Henry, of Prussia, Prince, visit of, to United States, 118.

Hitchcock, Senator G. H., 252.

Holy Alliance, 22, 24.

House, Edward M., 225, 233.

Huerta, Victoriano, 160, 162, 193.

Hughes, Charles E., suggests changes in Covenant of League, 232; asserts rights of the United States in mandated areas, 261; proposes reduction of navies, 267; details of plan, 268, 269; offends the French delegates, 270; takes personal charge of Far Eastern question, 281; success of Washington Conference, due to, 290.

International Conference of American States, 156.

International Court of Arbitral Justice, plan for, 70; Permanent Court of International Justice, 263.

International Law, attitude of United States toward, 64; attempts to codify, 68, 72.

International Law, American Institute of, 157.

International Prize Court, plan for, adopted by Second Hague
Conference, 68.

Isolation, policy of, distinct from Monroe Doctrine, 3, 5; policy no longer possible, 170.

Jameson Raid, in the Transvaal, 50.

Japan, beginning of American intercourse with, 83, 84; forms alliance with Great Britain, 92; goes to war with Russia, 94; disturbing factor in world politics, 171; advocates principle of racial equality, 233, 238; demands German leases in Shantung, 239; secures consent of Allies, 240; reluctantly accepts invitation to Washington Conference, 266; objects to 5-5-3 ratio, 269; expansion of, 276.

Jefferson, Thomas, opinion on French treaty of 1778, 7; warns against "entangling alliances," 12; plans alliance with England against France, 12-14; favors joint action with England against Holy Alliance, 28-30; author of doctrine of recognition, 161.

Jews, diplomatic protests against harsh treatment of, 78, 79.

Johnson, Senator Hiram, 246.

Johnson-Clarendon convention, 113.

Knox, Philander C., proposes neutralisation of railways of Manchuria, 95; negotiates treaties with Honduras and Nicaragua, 134, 135; proposes settlement with Colombia, 143; opposes League of Nations, 228, 231.

Kongo Free State, treaty establishing, signed by American delegates but withheld from Senate by President Cleveland, 6l, 62.

Kruger, Paul, 50.

Lansing, Robert, secretary of state, replies to Austro-Hungarian note on munitions trade, 182, 183; dismisses Austrian Ambassador and German military and naval attachés, 185; delegate to Peace Conference, 225, 233.

Lansing-Ishii agreement, 95.

League of Nations, 188, 196, 205, 209, 211, 230, 244-254.

League to Enforce Peace, 197, 232.

Left Bank of Rhine, French demand for, 234.

Liberia, Republic of, 59

Limitation of Armament, commission of League on, 265; Conference on, 266-290.

Liverpool, Lord, 20.

Livingston, Robert R., minister to France, 12.

Lodge, Senator Henry Cabot, on Oregon dispute, 110, 111; denies existence of secret treaty with England, 120; stands for unconditional surrender of Germany, 217; issues round robin, 231; presents reservations to Treaty of Versailles, 248; presents Four-Power Treaty, 278, inconsistency of, 287.

London Naval Conference, 71.

Lusitania, sinking of, 179.

Madero, Francisco, 160.

Madison, James, favors joint action with England against Holy Alliance, 30.

Mahan, Alfred T., 99.

Maine, boundary dispute with New Brunswick, 106.

Manchuria, Russian encroachments on, 91-93, 95.

Marcy, William L., secretary of state, views on Declaration of Paris, 65.

Maximilian, Prince, placed by Louis Napoleon on throne of Mexico, 46.

Merchant vessels, proposal to arm, 185.

Mexico, French intervention in, 46; Huerta revolution in, 160; American policy toward, 160-164.

Monroe, James, sent to Paris to aid Livingston in negotiations for purchase of New Orleans and West Florida, 13; consults Jefferson and Madison on subject of British proposals for joint action against Holy Alliance, 26-28; message of December 2, 1823, 36-39; emphasizes separation of European and American politics, 43.

Monroe Doctrine, compared with policy of isolation, 3; justification of, 4; formulation of, 19; text of, 36-39; reception of, in Europe, 39; basis of, 43; sanction of, 45; relation of, to European balance of power, 46, 52; attitude of England toward, 52; negative side of, 57; adverse criticism of, 131; not a self-denying declaration, 147; reservation of, 232, 249.

Moore, John Bassett, 263.

Moroccan question. See Algeciras Conference.

Motley, John L., 113.

Munitions of war, sale of to belligerents, 181-184.

McKinley, William, reasons for retaining Philippine Islands, 84, 85.

McLeod, Alexander, arrest of, 104; acquittal of, 105.

Napoleon, Louis, intervenes in Mexico, 46; decides to withdraw, 47, 48.

Neutral prizes, destruction of, 72, 180.

Neutrality, Washington's proclamation of 1793, 8; failure of, in Napoleonic wars, 14, 15; Wilson's proclamation of, 172; nature of, 172, 173; so-called ethical neutrality, 174; abandonment of, 186.

New Brunswick, boundary dispute with Maine, 106.

Niagara conference on Mexican question, 162.

Olney, Richard, on Monroe Doctrine, 43; conducts correspondence on
Venezuelan boundary dispute, 48; signs general arbitration treaty with
England, 116.

Olney-Pauncefote treaty, 116, 117.

Open-door policy in China, Hay's note of September 6, 1890, 85;
Anglo-American origin of, 87; guaranteed by treaty, 284.

Oregon, joint occupation of, 107.

O'Shaughnessy, Nelson, 162.

Pacific and Far Eastern Questions, Conference on, 266-290.

Panama Canal, effect of, on naval policy, 132.

Panama Canal Zone, seizure of, 142.

Panama Congress of 1826, 153, 154.

Panama Tolls Act, 121.

Pan-American Financial Congress, 157.

Pan-American Scientific Congress, 157.

Pan-American Union, 156.

Pan-Americanism, 153-157.

Pauncefote, Sir Julian, signs general arbitration treaty with United
States, 116; signs Canal treaty, 120.

Platt Amendment, provisions of, 144, 145.

Peace Conference of Paris, 225-242. See Hague Conference.

Perry, Commodore Matthew C. commands expedition to Japan, 83, 84, 95.

Philippine Islands, McKinley's reasons for retaining, 84, 85.

Polignac, Prince, interview with Canning on subject of the Spanish colonies, 35.

Polk, James K., settles Oregon dispute, 110.

Portsmouth, treaty of, 94.

Prize Court. See International Prize Court.

Prizes, destruction of, 179, 180.

Recognition, doctrine of, discussed with reference to Mexican question, 161.

Reparations, 236, 237.

Reservations to Treaty of Versailles, 248-251, 254.

Roosevelt, Theodore, forces Germany to withdraw from Venezuela, 51; sends delegates to Algeciras Conference, 75; exerts influence to preserve European balance of power, 76; protests against persecution of Jews in Rumania and Russia, 78, 79; invites Russia and Japan to peace conference, 94; incurs ill will of Japan, 95; submits Alaskan boundary dispute to limited arbitration, 123; establishes financial supervision over Dominican Republic, 133, 138; Big-Stick policy, 139; extension of Monroe Doctrine, 140; seizure of Canal Zone, 142.

Root, Elihu, proposes international court of justice, 69; author of
Platt Amendment, 146; visits South America, 156; suggests changes in
Covenant of League, 232; member of commission to draft statute of
Permanent Court of International Justice, 263; presents resolutions on
China, 277.

Rush, Richard, conferences with Canning on South American situation, 26, 33, 34.

Russia, occupies Manchuria, 91, 92; opposes opening of Manchurian ports to American commerce, 93; goes to war with Japan, 94; revolution, of March, 1917, 198; of November, 1917, 203.

Russo-Japanese war, 94.

Sackville-West, Lord, dismissal of, 115.

Salisbury, Lord, backs down in Venezuelan dispute, 50; warns President
McKinley of Germany's designs on Philippines.

San Remo agreement, 259, 260.

Santo Domingo, financial supervision over, 133, 134.

Secret Treaties, 193.

Self-determination, 198, 203, 205.

Senate of the United States, debates Treaty of Versailles, 244-254.

Seward, William H., protests against French occupation of Mexico, 47.

Shantung question, at Peace Conference of Paris, 239-242; at Washington
Conference, 280-282.

Siberia, Japanese troops in, 276; promise of Japan to evacuate, 286.

Slave trade, provision for suppression of, in Webster-Ashburton treaty, 59, 60; Brussels conference on, 62.

Slavery, and isolation, 58.

South America, neglected by United States as field for commercial development, 52; open door in, 53.

Spanish colonies, revolt of, 25.

Spanish revolution of 1820, 20.

Spanish War, turning point in relations of United States and England, 118.

Submarines, question of, discussed at Washington Conference, 271, 272; use of, limited by treaty, 274, 275.

Sumner, Charles, 113.

Taft, William H., proposes to bring Nicaragua and Honduras under financial supervision of United States, 134, 135; tries to reëstablish friendly relations with Colombia, 143; suggests changes in Covenant of League, 232.

Tardieu, André, report of Algeciras Conference, 76; quoted on Armistice negotiations, 217, 218.

Temperley, H. W. V., "History of the Peace Conference of Paris," 191.

"Ten Points," 278.

Texas, annexation of, opposed by Great Britain, 107, 108.

Thayer, William R., gives version of Roosevelt-Holleben interview, 51.

Tocqueville, Alexis de, "Democracy in America," 102.

Treaty of London, 195.

Treaty of Peace with Austria, 263.

Treaty of Peace with Germany, 263.

Treaty of Versailles, signed, 242; laid before Senate, 243; debate on, 244-254; votes on, 252-254.

Twenty-One Demands, 276.

Vera Cruz, American occupation of, 162; evacuation of, 163.

Verona, Congress of, 19, 21, secret treaty of, 22-24.

Vienna, Congress of, 19.

Villa, Francisco, 162, 163.

War aims, of Allies, 196; British, 204.

War of 1812, 15.

Washington, George, requests opinions of cabinet on French treaty, 6; issues proclamation of neutrality, 8; Farewell Address, 9-11.

Washington Conference, 266-290.

Washington, treaty of, 66, 114.

Webster, Daniel, secretary of state, 104, 105.

Webster-Ashburton treaty, 59, 60, 107.

Wellington, Duke of, at Congress of Verona, 21; protest and withdrawal, 22.

West Indies, American supremacy in, 120.

White, Henry, delegate to Algeciras Conference, 75; to Peace
Conference, 225.

William II, German Kaiser, telegram to President Kruger, 50; forced to withdraw from Venezuela, 51; visits Morocco, 74; demands retirement of Delcassé, 75; insists on general conference on Morocco, 75; thwarted in efforts to humiliate France, 77; abdicates and flees to Holland, 219.

Williams, Talcott, on McKinley's reasons for retaining Philippines, 85.

Wilson, Henry Lane, 160.

Wilson, Woodrow, secures modification of Panama Tolls Act, 121; extends financial supervision over Nicaragua and Haiti, 136, 137; warns Latin-American states against granting concessions to European syndicates, 140, 141; attitude of, on questions of international law and diplomacy, 151, 152; general Latin-American policy, 152, 165; New Pan-Americanism, 153; Mexican policy, 160-164; asks for declaration of war on Germany, 185; views on extension of Monroe Doctrine, 187; political philosophy of, 192; refusal to recognize Huerta, 193; reasons for neutrality, 194; calls on all belligerents to state war aims, 195; first discussion of war aims, 196; war address, 199; draws distinction between German people and German Government, 200-202; reply to Pope, 201; announces Fourteen Points, 205-210; decides to go to Paris, 225; suffers political defeat, 226, 227; greeted with enthusiasm in Europe, 228; proposes League of Nations, 230; returns temporarily to the United States, 231; makes concessions to French and British, 238; returns to the United States and lays treaty before Senate, 242; tours the country on behalf of League of Nations, 246; illness of, 247; letter read at Jackson day dinner proposing referendum on Treaty of Versailles, 252, 253; awarded Nobel Peace Prize, 255; withdraws from participation in European affairs, 259.

Wood, General Leonard, 146.

Yap, island of, 260-262.