Another subject in which he continued to feel a great interest was theology. He had begun as an Arminian, and the more he had read and thought, and the older he grew to be, the freer views he took. Though clinging with tenacity to the religious institutions of New England, it would seem from his correspondence that he finally curtailed his theology to the ten commandments and the sermon on the mount. Of his views on this point, he gave evidence in his last public act, to which we now approach.
Mrs. Adams had died in 1818, but even that shock, severe as it was, did not loosen the firm grasp of the husband on life, its enjoyments and its duties. When, in consequence of the erection of the district of Maine into a State, a convention was to meet in 1820 to revise the constitution of Massachusetts, in the framing of which Mr. Adams had taken so leading a part, though in his eighty-sixth year, he was chosen a delegate by his townsmen. Upon his first appearance, with a form yet erect, though tremulous with age, in this Convention, which was composed of the very cream of the great minds with which the State abounded, Mr. Adams was received by members standing, and with every demonstration of affection and esteem; and a series of resolutions were forthwith passed, containing an enumeration and warm acknowledgement of some of his principal public services, and calling on him to preside. But this, while duly acknowledging the compliment, he declined, on the score of his age and infirmities. The same cause also prevented his taking any active part in the proceedings. Yet he labored to secure a modification of the third article of the bill of rights, on the subject of public worship and its support, an article which, when originally drafting the rest of that instrument, he had passed over to other hands.
But the time had not yet come for such changes as he wished. The old puritan feeling was still too great to acknowledge the equal rights, political and religious, of other than Christians. Yet, however it might be with his colleagues and fellow-citizens, Mr. Adams, in this movement, expressed his own ideas. One of his latest letters, written in 1825, and addressed to Jefferson, is a remarkable protest against the blasphemy laws, so-called, of Massachusetts, and the rest of the Union, as being utterly inconsistent with the right of free inquiry and private judgment. It is in the letters of Mr. Adams, of which but few have ever been published, that his genius as a writer and a thinker, and no less distinctly his character as a man, is displayed. Down even to the last year of his protracted life, his letters exhibit a wonderful degree of vitality, energy, playfulness, and command of language.
As a writer of English—and we may add as a speculative philosopher—little as he ever troubled himself with revision and correction, he must be placed first among Americans of all the several generations to which he belonged, excepting only Franklin; and if Franklin excelled him in humor and geniality, he far surpassed Franklin in compass and vivacity. Indeed, it is only by the recent publication of his letters that his gifts in these respects are becoming well known. The first installment of his private letters published during his lifetime, though not deficient in these characteristics, yet having been written under feelings of great aggravation, and in a spirit of extreme bitterness against his political opponents, was rather damaging to him than otherwise. In the interval from 1804 to 1812, Mr. Cunningham, a maternal relative, had drawn him into a private correspondence in which, still smarting under a sense of injury, he had expressed himself with perfect unreserve and entire freedom as to the chief events of his presidential administration and the character and motives of the parties concerned in them.
By a gross breach of confidence, of which Mr. Adams, like other impulsive and confiding persons, often had been the victim, those letters were sold by Cunningham's heir in 1824, while the writer and many of the parties referred to were still alive. They were published as a part of the electioneering machinery against John Quincy Adams. They called out a violent retort from Colonel Pickering, who had been secretary of State to Washington and Adams, till dismissed from office by the latter; but though Mr. Jefferson was also severely handled in them, they occasioned no interruption to the friendly relation which had been re-established between him and Mr. Adams.
Those two leading actors in American politics, at first so co-operative and afterward so hostile, again reunited in friendly intercourse, having outlived almost all of their fellow-actors, continued to descend hand in hand to the grave. Adams lived to see his son president, and to receive Jefferson's congratulations on the same. By a remarkable coincidence, they both expired on the fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence, in which they both had taken so active a part, Adams, however, being the survivor by a few hours.
Of Adams' personal appearance and domestic character in his old age, his grandson gives the following account: "In figure, John Adams was not tall, scarcely exceeding middle height, but of a stout, well-knit frame, denoting vigor and long life, yet as he grew old inclining more and more to corpulence. His head was large and round, with a wide forehead and expanded brows. His eye was mild and benignant, perhaps even humorous when he was free from emotion, but when excited it fully expressed the vehemence of the spirit that stirred within."
"His presence was grave and imposing on serious occasions, but not unbending. He delighted in social conversation, in which he was sometimes tempted to what he called rodomontade. But he seldom fatigued those who heard him; for he mixed so much of natural vigor of fancy and illustration with the store of his acquired knowledge, as to keep alive their interest for a long time."
"His affections were warm, though not habitually demonstrated toward his relatives. His anger, when thoroughly aroused, was for a time extremely violent, but when it subsided it left no trace of malevolence behind. Nobody could see him intimately without admiring the simplicity and truth which shone in his actions, and standing in some awe of the power and energy of his will. It was in these moments that he impressed those around him with a sense of his greatness. Even the men employed on his farm were in the habit of citing instances, some of which have been remembered down to the present day."
"At times his vehemence became so great as to make him overbearing and unjust. This was apt to happen in cases of pretension and any kind of wrong-doing. Mr. Adams was very impatient of cant, or of opposition to any of his deeply established convictions. Neither was his indignation at all graduated to the character of the individuals who might happen to excite it. He had little respect of persons, and would hold an illiterate man or raw boy to as heavy a responsibility for uttering a crude heresy, as the strongest thinker or the most profound scholar."
The same writer makes the following remarks on his general character: "His nature was too susceptible to emotions of sympathy and kindness, for it tempted him to trust more than was prudent in the professions of some who proved unworthy of his confidence. Ambitious in one sense he certainly was, but it was not the mere aspiration for place or power. It was a desire to excel in the minds of men by the development of high qualities, the love, in short, of an honorable fame, that stirred him to exult in the rewards of popular favor. Yet this passion never tempted him to change a course of action or to suppress a serious conviction, to bend to a prevailing error or to disavow one odious truth."
In these last assertions we do not fully concur. They involve some controverted points of history; however, they may be made with far more plausibility of Mr. Adams than of the greater portion of political men.
There is much in the life of John Adams worthy of careful consideration. He rose from poverty to distinction; he was a capable man, capable of filling the highest place in the estimation of his posterity, yet his serious faults led to his political ruin. The careful perusal of his life will enable one to understand the principles of the two great parties of to-day, modified though they be, the fundamental principles remaining the same.
Thomas Jefferson.
The subject of this narrative was born in Virginia, in the year 1743, on the 2nd day of April. As young Jefferson was born to affluence and was bountifully blessed with all the educational advantages which wealth will bring, many of our young readers may say—well, I could succeed, perhaps, had I those advantages. We will grant that you could provided you took means similar to those used by Jefferson, for while we must admit that all cannot be Jeffersons, nor Lincolns, nor Garfields, still we are constantly repeating in our mind the words of the poet:—
We can make our lives sublime,
And, departing, leave behind us
Footprints on the sands of time,"
it has been said that where twenty enter the dry-goods trade nineteen will fail and from their despair behold the odd one succeed—utilizing the very weapons within their own grasp to bring about his success. This is true, not only of the dry-goods trade but of all trades, of all professions, and to resume our subject—Jefferson had much with which to contend.
He finally attended school at William and Mary College for two years. Here he strove to cultivate friendly feelings with all whom he met, with excellent success, becoming very popular with both companions and teachers. It was while a student that he heard the famous speech of Patrick Henry; and those immortal words, "give me liberty or give me death," seemed to kindle within him a patriotic spirit which grew until it burst forth in that noble statue to his memory,—the Declaration of Independence, which was the work of his pen. He studied law for a time, after a two years' college course, when, in 1767 he began its practice.
As Mr. Jefferson is described as tall and spare with gray eyes and red hair, surely his success is not due to his personal appearance. At the beginning of his practice he was not considered what might be termed brilliant, but the fact that he was employed on over two hundred cases within the first two years of his practice proves the secret of his success to have been his undefatigable energy. It is also stated that he rarely spoke in public which shows his good sense in discovering where his strength lay,—then pushing on that line to success.
He was elected by his countrymen to the house of Burgesses where he at once took a decided stand against parliamentary encroachment. It was in this first of his legislative efforts that he brought forward a bill tending to the freedom of slaves, provided their masters felt so disposed, but this measure was defeated. The house of Burgesses appointed him a member of the committee of correspondence. The duty of this committee was to disseminate intelligence upon the issues of the day, notably the system of taxation which the mother-country was trying to impose upon the colonies.
His article entitled: "A Summary View of the Rights of British America," was a masterly production, clearly defining the right of the colonies to resist taxation, and it was the principles here set forth that were afterwards adopted as the Declaration of Independence. This, paper was printed, not only in America, but in England, where its author was placed on the roll of treason and brought before parliament. This document also placed Jefferson in America among the foremost writers of that age; it also showed him to be a bold and uncompromising opponent of oppression, and an eloquent advocate of constitutional freedom.
He was sent to the Continental Congress. On the floor he was silent but he had the 'reputation of a masterly pen,' says John Adams, and in committee was a most influential member. He drafted the Declaration of Independence, and on June 28th it was laid before Congress and finally adopted, with but a few verbal changes. This document probably has the greatest celebrity of any paper of like nature in existence.
He now resigned his seat in Congress to push needed reform in his State preparatory to the new order of affairs. The first thing needed was a State constitution. Jefferson aided much in the framing of this. He was placed on the committee to reorganize the State laws, and to Jefferson is due the abolition of Primogenitureship—the exclusive right of the first-born to all property of the family. The measure establishing religious freedom, whereby people were not to be taxed for the support of a religion not theirs, was also the work of his hand. These measures were very democratic indeed and owing to the aristocratic views of the people at that time, excited great opposition, but they were finally passed and since have been law.
Thus it will be seen that Jefferson was the author of many of our dearest ideas of equality. In 1778 he procured the passage of a bill forbidding future importation of slaves and the next year he was elected governor of Virginia, to succeed Patrick Henry. He assumed the duties of this office in a most gloomy time. The enemy were preparing to carry the war into the South, and Jefferson knew they would find Virginia almost defenseless. Her resources were drained to the dregs to sustain hostilities in South Carolina and Georgia, and her sea coast was almost wholly unprotected. The State was invaded by the enemy several times and once the Governor was almost captured by Tarleton.
Jefferson declined a re-election as he perceived that a military leader was needed, and he was succeeded by General Nelson. Jefferson was appointed one of the Ministers of the Colonies to Europe to assist Adams and Franklin in negotiating treaties of commerce. He was the means which brought about our system of coins, doing away with the old English pounds, shillings and pence, substituting the dollar and fractions of a dollar, even down to a cent. He became our Minister to France in 1785 in place of Franklin who had resigned. Here he did good service for his country by securing the admission into France of tobacco, flour, rice and various other American products.
Being offered the head of Washington's cabinet, he accepted it. Immediately upon his entrance into the cabinet, in 1790, began the struggle between the Federalist and Republican parties, their leaders, Hamilton and now Jefferson, both being members of the cabinet. Jefferson was probably the real originator of the State sovereignity idea, and the constitution did not wholly meet his approval. He thought better of it, however, when he became President and felt more forcibly the need of authority in such a trying position.
He had just returned from an extended trip through Europe, and he contended that the world was governed too much. He was intensely Democratic in his belief and as the head of the then rising Republican party—now the Democratic—opposed all measures which tended toward centralizing in one government, characterizing all such measures as leading to monarchy.
Washington was a Federalist, and in all the leading measures gave his support to Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Jefferson's opponent. As it was out of the question for Jefferson to remain in the cabinet of an executive wholly at variance with him politically, he accordingly resigned in 1793 and retired to his farm at 'Monticello' to attend to his private affairs as he was embarrassed financially at this time, and his attention was very much needed.
In 1796, Washington designing to retire from public service, the two great parties decided upon Adams and Jefferson as their standard-bearers; the electoral votes being counted, it was found that Adams stood first and Jefferson next. Adams was therefore declared president and Jefferson, according to existing law, vice-president. Then followed the alien and sedition laws and the war demonstrations against France by the federal party, which was objected to by the Republicans. The bearing of France became so unendurable that Washington offered to take his place at the head of the army. Finding all else of no avail, the Republicans resorted to the State Arenas; the result was the 'Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of '98,' the former of which was the work of Jefferson, the latter that of Madison. As is well known these were the foundation, years after, of Calhoun's Nullification Views. It was a principle of Jefferson, which was never effectually settled, until civil war had rent the nation almost in twain.
Happily peace triumphed, and in the campaign that followed, the Republicans were successful, Mr. Jefferson becoming president—Aaron Burr vice-president. Jefferson's ascension to the presidency caused a complete revolution in the politics of the country. The central idea around which the party revolved was the diffusion of power among the people. To this idea they would bend every question indiscriminately, whether it related to a national bank, tariff, slavery, or taxes. It held that in the States themselves rested the original authority, that in the government lay the power only for acts of a general character. Jefferson, their first president, now came to Washington.
President Washington came to the capitol with servants in livery, in a magnificent carriage drawn by four cream-colored horses, Jefferson came on horseback, hitching his horse to a post while he delivered a fifteen minute address. He abolished the presidential levees, and concealed his birthday to prevent its being celebrated. He even detested the word minister prefixed to one's name, and eschewed breeches, wearing pantaloons. It was during his administration that Louisiana was purchased, although, according to his own theory, he had no constitutional right to do so, but the great benefit derived from this purchase soon silenced all opposition.
It was during his administration that the piratical Barbary States were cured of their insolence, and in his second term that Burr's trial occurred. At the close of this second term he retired to private life to become the 'Sage of Monticello.' He now turned his attention to the establishing of the University of Virginia. He was a believer in the free development of the human powers so far as was consistent with good government. He subjected the constitution of the United States to a careful scrutiny governed by this theory, and became convinced that the doctrine of State sovereignty was right and he fought for it persistently when called to the head of the government.
His inaugural address breathed that idea, but when Aaron Burr bearded the authority of his government he began to realize the rottenness of such a foundation, and when it came to the purchase of Louisiana, his doctrine had to be stretched, and he finally became convinced, as he expressed it, that the Government must show its teeth.
On July 4th, 1826, at a little past noon, he died, a few hours before his political opponent, but fast friend, John Adams. How strange to think that about that hour fifty years before they had each signed the declaration of the freedom of the country which they had so ably served. The granite for his monument lies unquarried nor is its erection needed. The Declaration of Independence is a far greater monument than could be fashioned from brass or stone.
John Marshall.
America has been bountifully blessed with great and good men. Washington 'The father'—I was about to say—'founder of his country'; Jefferson who taught us the beauty of plain dress but rich manners; Hamilton who placed a tottering treasury upon a strong foundation,—Great indeed were all of these, but there was born in Fouquier county, Virginia, on the 24th day of September, 1755, a child who was to be known to all posterity as the great Chief Justice of the United States. This was John Marshall.
He was the eldest of a family of fifteen children. In early boyhood he took an interest in poetry and was perfectly familiar with Dryden, Pope, Milton and Shakespeare. He was for many years full of dreamy romance and poetical enthusiasm, and his solitary meditations were usually amid the wildest scenery.
After a short college course at West Moreland, where he had as a fellow-student James Monroe, and a further classical education under a resident clergyman; he, at eighteen, began the study of law, but enlisted to fight the British before he obtained a license to practice. He soon took a part with his regiment, of which his father was major, in the battle of Great Bridge leading, as lieutenant, in a flanking party which advanced in the face of a murderous fire and put an end to the engagement.
He belonged to the Culpepper Minute-men, who wore green hunting shirts with "Liberty or Death" on the bosom in white letters, and who carried a banner which displayed a coiled rattlesnake with the motto, "Don't tread on me." He took a part in the battle of Brandywine, Germantown and Monmouth; he shared the hardships of Valley Forge; in fact saw almost continuous service from the time he enlisted at the beginning until the glorious end, for which he had so sanguinely waited, came.
Meanwhile he had studied some, and had attended a course of lectures delivered by the renowned Mr Wythe at William and Mary College, and had secured a license to practice. At the close of hostilities he commenced business as an attorney; with marked success from the first.
That extraordinary comprehension and grasp of mind by which difficulties were seized and overcome without parade, commended the attention of the courts of justice; and his sweet temper and loving ways gained for him a host of friends. Such a man, who possessed not only ability but a perfect control of himself, must succeed. He soon rose to distinction, being elected to a seat in the council of the State. He was married in 1783 to the daughter of the State treasurer and moved to Richmond.
In spite of this removal his old neighbors re-elected him to represent their county, and in 1787 he became a member from his adopted county, Henrico. As is well-known, the Federal constitution was considered by many an approach to monarchy. It was held by Jefferson and many of his followers as tending toward that state of things of which they had so much to fear. At the Virginia Convention, assembled to discuss the constitution drawn up at Philadelphia, where great opposition was developed, Mr. Marshall's speech had a crushing effect on its assailants. He next became a member from Richmond, that city now being entitled to a representative, where he remained for three years.
Virginia was the headquarters of the State rights party, headed by Jefferson. Mr. Marshall supported the administration of Washington, defining the Federal view so clearly that it carried conviction, yet so calmly and with such moderation of tone, that when he retired from that body in 1792 he left not an enemy behind. He now devoted himself to his profession with unbounded success. While attending to a large legal practice, he also frequently appeared at public meetings in support of the administration of Washington.
In 1795 he was again a member of the House. In the violent debate over Jay's treaty he became its champion, and by a most eloquent speech, before a body that had condemned it, he secured an amendment to their resolution, reversing their former decision, and the passage of one favorable to the policy. Washington offered him a place in his Cabinet, but he refused, as it would interfere with his profession; later he was offered the mission to France, which he also declined. In 1797 President Adams sent another delegation to France, which he accepted, and with Pickney and Gerry proceeded to Paris.
Upon his return he immediately resumed his practice, but was urged to defend his party. Washington finally prevailed upon him to run for Congress, to which he was elected in 1799. Even during the canvass Adams offered him a seat on the Supreme Bench, which he declined. Within a few weeks from the time of his entrance upon his duties as Congressman, he was called upon to announce in that body the death of Washington. His words were few, but were ever remembered as producing a profound impression.
Washington, the great Federal leader was dead. Virginia had passed the resolution of 1798, recording her solemn protest, and the Republicans were flushed with the daily increasing revulsion against the Federal Government. At this crisis John Marshall appeared in Congress and stepped to the front as the leader of his party. In 1800 he was appointed Secretary of War. Before he entered upon his duties he is placed at the head of the Cabinet as Secretary of State, and a few months later his name is sent by the President to Congress, and is unanimously confirmed for the position of Chief Justice of the United States.
John Marshall has been heretofore recognized as a man of great ability, and now he takes a position which he holds for life, and where his influence is paramount. On one occasion a young house-keeper was swearing lustily because he could find no one to carry his turkey home for him. A plain man standing by offered to perform the service, and when they arrived at the door the young man asked, 'What shall I pay you, sir'? 'O nothing,' replied the old man; 'It was on my way, and no trouble.' 'Who is that polite old gentleman,' asked the young man of a bystander. The reply was, 'That is the Chief Justice of the United States.' The young man drank the bitter cup without further comment.
An eminent writer once said of him: Here is John Marshall, whose mind seems to be an inexhaustible quarry from which he draws the materials and builds his fabrics rude and Gothic, but of such strength that neither time nor force can beat them down; a fellow who would not turn off a single step from the right line of his argument, though a paradise should rise to tempt him.
What more could be said of him,—only that he died at Philadelphia on the 6th of July, 1835; more would be superfluous.
Alexander Hamilton.
Upon the accession of the Republicans to the control of the government, Jefferson ordered the books of Hamilton searched to ascertain what charges could be made against him, and to discover the alleged blunders and frauds perpetrated by the Federal official while in office. Albert Gallatin, himself one of the greatest financiers of his age, undertook the task with a hearty relish as he at that time entertained no great esteem for the great Federalist. Struck by the almost absolute perfection of the system, Gallatin reported to the President that any change would certainly injure it and that no blunders or frauds had been committed.
This great man was born on one of the West India Islands, January 11th, 1757. His father failed when he was young and his mother died leaving the poor child in actual want. He was taken by friends at Santa Cruz. He had no great educational advantages there, but being able to read both English and French he devoured all such books as fell in his way. He was placed in a counting-house in Santa Cruz and, although he detested the business, applied himself diligently to his task and the knowledge here gained was no small factor of his future great success as a financier.
He applied every spare moment to study and early began to use his pen. In 1772 a hurricane passed through St. Christophers, and an account which young Hamilton then wrote for the papers attracted so much attention that his friends decided to give him a better chance. They accordingly raised the money with which to send him to New York to school, and after a few months spent at a grammar school in Elizabethtown, New Jersey, he entered Columbia College, New York—then called Kings College. Here he began study preparatory to a medical course.
About this time his attention became drawn toward the struggle which was about to commence between Great Britain and America, and at a public meeting he made a short speech which attracted general attention. He was now but seventeen years of age, yet his pen was keenly felt in the interest of America, through the columns of Holts Journal, to which he had become a regular contributor. He entered the army as captain of an artillery company which he was the chief means of raising, and did good service at White Plains, Trenton and Princeton.
He secured this position through the influence of General Schuyler and, although but nineteen years of age, he was well qualified for the position, having made a study of artillery tactics. His ability had not escaped the attention of the army, and he was placed upon Washington's staff with rank of lieutenant-colonel. Washington needed some one to take charge of his great correspondence,—some one who could think for himself. Young as Hamilton was he assumed the entire responsibility of chief secretary, besides rendering much valuable assistance as aid. He married one of General Schuyler's daughters, and this alliance with one of the wealthiest families in the State proved a most fortunate epoch in his life. A difference arising between Washington and himself he resigned and, although Washington sent an apology, he refused to recall his resignation however their mutual esteem was continued. He subsequently commanded a brigade at the battle of Yorktown.
He now took up his residence at Albany and began the study of law with his wife's father. He was soon licensed to practice, and was chosen one of the delegates to the Continental Congress. He realized the necessity of vesting more power in congress and secured the adoption, by the State of New York, of a resolution urging the amendment of the constitution with that object in view. He now moved to New York where he soon acquired an immense practice. His efforts in behalf of the constitution were untiring and useful.
When Washington became president he selected Hamilton as his Secretary of Treasury. It was a wise choice as financial difficulties were the most formidable of any in the way of the administration, and no man was more capable of bringing order out of chaos than Alexander Hamilton. All parties agreed that the debts incurred abroad must be met according to contract, but as a large amount of the domestic debt was in the hands of men who had bought it for a rise it had been suggested that these obligations be settled upon the basis of the amount paid for them by their present holders. This measure Hamilton opposed. While acknowledging that speculation was an evil, still he saw that such a measure would tend to weaken our financial credit. He also brought about the assumption by the government of the entire State debt incurred during the war. This measure was strongly opposed by Jefferson, and its passage had a marked effect on our system tending to centralize authority.
It will thus be seen that to Alexander Hamilton belongs no small share of founding and shaping the destiny of this powerful country of to-day. Like many other great and good men, he was obliged to suffer the slander of the press, which charged him with a misappropriation of the public money, but as has already been shown in this narrative, it proved nothing but a foul story concocted through jealousy and partisan hate, and is no longer countenanced. His salary being insufficient for his support, he resigned his position and resumed the practice of his profession in New York. In the warlike demonstration of 1798 he became, upon the death of General Washington, the Commander-in-Chief of all the armies of America, but happily the war with France was averted and peace restored.
Now we come to the saddest page of American history. We have followed this poor homeless boy from childhood; we have seen him rise from obscurity to a leading position at the bar, become a gallant soldier and the greatest financier in America. And yet, when his country most needs his council and help, we see him, at the age of fifty-seven, stricken down by an assassin.
Aaron Burr was an ambitious politician. His alleged intrigues with the Federalists, whereby he sought to effect the election of himself to the presidency instead of Jefferson, the people's choice, cost him the confidence of his own party. Knowing New York to be the pivotal State, he sought the gubernatorial chair through an independent vote, hoping to secure Federal support, as it was conceded that they could not elect a candidate of their own. Hamilton, himself as pure as the bright sunshine, felt his party to be imposed upon by this intruder who, while professing to be a Republican, was seeking to thrust himself upon the other party.
At a caucus Hamilton warmly opposed the endorsement of a man whom he characterized as dangerous and who had not ought to be trusted with the reins of government. Hamilton took no active part in the campaign, but his opinion was frequently quoted by those who did, and the result was Burr's defeat by Morgan Lewis. Attributing his defeat to Hamilton, and feeling him to be his greatest political rival, he early sought a duel with him. Hamilton detested this practice, and sought by all honorable means, as he wrote to his wife, to avoid it. But finally he accepted, not in the spirit of a professed duelist, but in the character of a public man. They met on the morning of July 11th, 1804, on the fatal field of Weehawken, New Jersey.
At the first fire Hamilton sprang on his tip-toes, and, after a convulsive movement, fell forward on his face. At the same time his weapon was accidentally discharged, his missile flying wide of its mark. Indeed, Hamilton did not fire; in reality, he had resolved not to return his antagonist's fire, and never knew that his weapon was discharged, as he was insensible when he fell. He died within thirty hours, and his funeral was the most imposing ever witnessed in that day. Around the name of Hamilton there glows a halo which has brightened in the ages. Thus was America robbed of her brave soldier and pure statesman.
James Madison.
The subject of this narrative, James Madison, was born at King George, Virginia, March 16th, 1751. His father was a planter, descended from John Madison, an Englishman who settled in Virginia about the year 1656. The maiden name of his mother was Eleanor Conway. He was the eldest of seven children. He received a fairly good education but better still, he applied himself very closely at college, so much so as to make him noted in this respect; the result was seen in after years.
In 1772 he returned to Virginia and commenced a course of legal study. He particularly studied up on public affairs, and in the spring of 1776 he was elected a member of the Virginia convention from the county of Orange, and procured the passage of the substance of an amendment to the declaration of rights, by George Mason, which struck out the old term 'toleration' and inserted a broader exposition of religious rights. In the same year he was a member of the general assembly, but lost his election in 1777, from his refusal to treat the voters, and the general want of confidence in his powers of oratory. Thus, it is seen, that as James Madison's natural abilities could not have been very marked, his success was the natural result of great exertion.
The legislature, however, on meeting in November of the same year, elected him a member of the council of the State; and in the winter of 1779 he was chosen by the assembly a delegate to congress. He took his seat in March, 1780, and remained in that body for three years. He strongly opposed the issue of paper money by the States, and was in favor of a formal recommendation on the part of congress against the continuance of the system. As chairman of the committee to prepare instructions to the ministers at Versailles and Madrid, in support of the claims of the confederacy to western territory and the free navigation of the Mississippi, he drew an elaborate and able paper which was unanimously adopted by congress. He zealously advocated in 1783 the measure proposed to establish a system of general revenue to pay the expenses of the war, and as chairman of the committee to which the matter was referred, prepared an able address to the State in support of the plan, which was adopted by congress and received the warm approval of Washington.
The people of Virginia now began to realize the value of his services; a striking proof of which is exhibited by the fact that the law rendering him inelligible after three years' service in Congress was repealed, in order that he might sit during the fourth. On his return to Virginia he was elected to the Legislature, and took his seat during 1784. In this body he inaugurated the measures relating to a thorough revision of the old statutes, and supported the bills introduced by the revisors, Jefferson, Wyth, and Pendleton, on the subject of entails, primogeniture (exclusive heirship belonging to the first born) and religious freedom.
He aided in the separation of Kentucky from Virginia, and the formation of the new State, opposed the further issue of paper money, and favored the payment of debts due British creditors. His greatest service at this time was his preparation, after the close of the assembly, of a "Memorial and Remonstrance" against the project of a general assessment for the support of religion, which caused the utter defeat of the measure, against which it was directed. In January, 1786, he obtained the passage of a bill by the General Assembly inviting the other States to appoint commissioners to meet at Annapolis and devise a new system of commercial regulations. He was chosen one of the commissioners, and attended at Annapolis in September of the same year. Five States only were represented, and the commissioners recommended a convention of delegates from all the States to meet at Philadelphia, in May, 1787. The recommendation was generally adopted and, of course, Madison was chosen one of the delegates from Virginia.
The convention assembled and the result was the abrogation of the old articles and the formation of the Constitution of the United States. Madison was prominent in advocating the Constitution and took a leading part in the debates, of which he kept private notes, since published by order of congress. His views of a federal government are set forth at length in a paper still extant in the hand-writing of Washington, which contains the substance of a letter written to Washington by Madison before the meeting of the convention, proposing a scheme of thorough centralization. The writer declares that he is equally opposed to 'the individual independence of the States,' and to 'the consolidation of the whole into one simple republic.'
He is nevertheless in favor to invest in congress the power to exercise 'a negative in all cases whatever on the legislative acts of the States, as heretofore exercised by the kingly prerogative.' He says further 'that the right of coercion should be expressly declared; but the difficulty and awkwardness of operating by force on the collective will of a State, render it particularly desirable that the necessity of it should be precluded.' From these extreme views Madison conscientiously departed, but in the convention he supported them with zeal and vigor.
The scheme known as the 'Virginia Plan' was adopted instead, and the convention adjourned. The subsequent adoption of the Constitution was in a large measure due to a series of essays, now familiar in their collected form as "The Federalist." They were commenced in a New York newspaper soon after the adjournment of the Convention, and continued to appear until June, 1788. The public journals everywhere republished them, and it was soon known that they were the work of Hamilton, Madison, and Jay. The volume remains the forcible exposition upon the side which it espoused. The whole ground is surveyed, generally and in detail; the various points at issue are discussed with the utmost acuteness, and the advantages of the adoption of the instrument urged with logical force and eloquence which place "The Federalist" beside the most famous political writings of the old English worthies.
The Virginia convention, of which Madison was a member, assembled in June. He had completely overcome his natural diffidence and, although deficient as an orator, exerted a powerful influence over his associates, contributing as much to the final triumph of the constitution as any one in the body. The instrument was adopted by a vote of eighty-nine to seventy-nine and the convention closed. The part which he had taken in its deliberations very greatly increased Madison's reputation; and he was brought forward as a candidate for United States Senator but was defeated. He was, however, chosen a member of congress and took his seat in that body in 1789.
Alexander Hamilton was at the head of the treasury department and Madison was obliged either to support the great series of financial measures initiated by the secretary, or distinctly abandon his former associate and range himself on the side of the republican opposition. He adopted the latter course. Although he had warmly espoused the adoption of the constitution, he was now convinced of the necessity of a strict construction of the powers which it conferred upon the general government. He accordingly opposed the funding bill, the national bank, and Hamilton's system of finance generally.
His affection for Washington, and long friendship for Hamilton, rendered such a step peculiarly disagreeable to a man of Madison's amiable and kindly disposition, but the tone of his opposition did not alienate his friends. Occupying, as he did, the middle ground between the violent partisans on both sides he labored to reconcile the antagonism of the two parties, and always retained the same cordial regard for Washington.
On Jefferson's return from France, Madison was solicited to accept the mission and it was kept open for twelve months awaiting his decision. He declined the place, as he afterwards did the position of Secretary of State on the retirement of Jefferson, from a firm conviction that the radical antagonism of views between himself and a majority of the members of the cabinet would render his acceptance of either office fruitful in misunderstandings and collisions.
He remained in congress, becoming thoroughly identified with the Republicans, and soon became the avowed leader in congress. In 1794 he gave his full support to its foreign policy by moving a series of resolutions, based upon the report of Jefferson, advocating a retaliatory policy toward Great Britain, and commercial discriminations in favor of France. These resolutions he supported in a speech of great ability. In March, 1797, his term expired, and he returned to Virginia.
The insulting treatment of the American envoys to France and the war message of President Adams were about to be followed by the passage of the alien and sedition laws. The Republicans vainly tried to stem the popular current in favor of the measures of the administration. The passing of the alien and sedition laws in July, 1798, gave them the first opportunity to make a stand. Opposition to even these violent measures was however ineffectual in the Federal legislature; and the Republican leaders determined to resort to the State arenas for the decisive struggle.
It commenced in Kentucky, and resulted there in the adoption of a series of resolutions, which were followed, in December, 1798, by similar resolves of the Virginia Assembly. The latter, now known as "the resolutions of 1798-'9," were drawn up by James Madison, not then a member. They declared the determination of the Assembly to defend the Constitution of the United States, but to resist all attempts to enlarge the authority of the federal compact by forced constructions of general clauses, as tending to consolidation, the destruction of the liberties of the States, and finally to a monarchy.
In case of a "deliberate, palpable, and dangerous" exercise of powers not clearly granted to the General Government, the States had a right to interpose; and as the passing of the alien and sedition laws was such an infraction of right, the assembly protested against those laws. The seventh resolution called upon the other States to join with the State of Virginia 'in declaring, as it does hereby declare, that the acts aforesaid are unconstitutional, and that the necessary and proper measures will be taken by each for co-operating with this State in maintaining unimpaired the authorities, rights and liberties reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.'
The resolutions passed the House by a vote of 100 to 63, and were duly communicated to the several States of the Union. They met with little favor, especially in the Northern States. Massachusetts and New England generally remonstrated against them, and declared the obnoxious laws both constitutional and expedient. This drew forth, in the winter of 1799-1800, Madison's "Report" in defence of his resolutions. This elaborate paper subjected the resolves to an exhaustive analysis and defended them with masterly vigor. It is the most famous of his political writings and will rank with the greatest state papers written in America.
Although the resolutions met with an unfavorable reception throughout the States, they exerted a powerful influence on public opinion. Virginia had shown how deeply in earnest she was by directing the establishment of two arsenals, and an armory sufficiently large to store 10,000 muskets and other arms; but a wholesome change in the sentiment of the country happily restored good feeling and softened down all bitterness.
The alien and sedition laws found few supporters ultimately, and Madison's views were fully vindicated. The revulsion against the Federal party and in favor of the Republicans, terminated in the election of Jefferson, who entered upon the presidency in 1801. Madison was Secretary of State during Jefferson's entire administration, and his opinions on public affairs closely agreed with those of the President.
He became still more popular with, and acceptable to, his party and toward the close of Jefferson's second term was generally spoken of as his successor. A caucus of the majority of the Republican members of Congress was finally held, and Madison was nominated. This met with bitter opposition from a wing of the party, headed by John Randolph, who were friendly to the nomination of Monroe. They published a caustic 'Protest' against the action of the caucus and denounced Madison for his 'want of energy,' his connection with the 'Federalist,' and his report upon the Yazoo claims.
His friends defended him against all charges and retorted so strongly upon the authors of the "Protest" that they were silenced. The action of the caucus was generally approved by the party, and Madison was elected by a vote of 123 out of 175, and took his seat as president, March 4, 1809.
President Madison entered upon his duties at a crisis in public affairs which required the utmost foresight, resolution and prudence. Great Britain and the United States were on the verge of war. In 1807 the long series of wrongs inflicted by England upon the commerce of America, and the rights of her seaman, had been consummated by the affair of the Leopard and Chesapeake. This wanton insult had thrown the country into violent commotion, and occasioned the embargo act, which had been succeeded by the non-intercourse act, prohibiting all commerce with France and England, until the decrees of the French emperor and the British orders in council in relation to the seizure of neutrals and the impressment of seamen were repealed.
The first of the British cabinet did not encourage peace. Mr. Erskine, the English minister, in promising reparation for the affair of the Chesapeake, and a repeal of the obnoxious orders in council, on condition of a renewal of intercourse on the part of the United States, was declared to have exceeded his authority, and was recalled. He was succeeded by Mr. Jackson who was authorized to enter into a commercial treaty, but speedily became embroiled with the Secretary of State. The president directed the secretary to have no further communication with him, and soon afterward requested his recall. This was complied with, but no censure was visited upon the envoy, and no other was sent in his place.
In May, 1810, congress approved the course of the executive, declared the official communications of Mr. Jackson highly indecorous and insolent, and passed a new act of non-intercourse. This provided that if either France or England repealed her hostile decree, and the other did not within three months do likewise, then intercourse should be resumed with the one, while with the other non-intercourse should be persisted in.
In August the French minister for Foreign Affairs gave notice to the American minister that the Berlin and Milan decrees had been revoked by the Emperor; and in November Madison issued a proclamation declaring the fact, and announcing that the act of non-intercourse would be revived as to Great Britain unless her orders in council should be revoked within three months from the date of the proclamation.
The British government resisted this demand, on the ground that there was no official evidence of the repeal of the French decrees, and the act of non-intercourse was accordingly declared in full force against Great Britain. In March, 1811, the Emperor Napoleon disavowed the statement of the Duke of Cadore, and declared that "the decrees of Berlin and Milan were the fundamental laws of the empire." American vessels had been seized and held by France even after the president's proclamation, and every overture on the part of the American minister at Paris toward the re-establishment of friendly relations between the two countries was viewed with indifference and utterly failed. The country was slowly but surely drifting toward a war, which no exertions on the part of the administration seemed adequate to prevent.
Madison pushed his pacific views to an extent that proved displeasing to many of the most prominent men of the Republican party. Bills were passed for augmenting the army, repairing and equipping ships of war, organizing and arming the militia, and placing the country in an attitude to resist an enemy; for all which congress appropriated $1,000,000.
Madison acquiesced in this policy with extreme reluctance, but on June 1, 1812, transmitted a special message to congress in which he reviewed the whole controversy, and spoke in strong terms of the aggressions of Great Britain upon commercial rights. The act declaring war between Great Britain and America speedily followed. The president gave it his approval on June 18, and promptly issued his proclamation calling upon the people to prepare for the struggle, and to support the government.
A short delay would probably have defeated the policy of the war party, and re-opened the old negotiations. A decree of the French emperor had been exhibited to the United States minister to France, dated April 28, 1811, which declared the definite revocation of the Berlin and Milan decrees, from and after November 1, 1810. In consequence of this, Great Britain, on June 23, within five days after the declaration of war, repealed the obnoxious orders in council in relation to the rights of neutrals, and thus removed one of the main grounds of complaint on the part of the American government.
On June 26, before the course of the British Cabinet was known in America, Mr. Monroe, Secretary of State, wrote to Mr. Russell proposing the terms of armistice. These were a repeal of the orders in council, with no illegal blockades substituted, and a discontinuance of the impressment of seamen. In the latter part of August, Mr. Russell, our representative at London, received from the English Government a definite refusal to accede to these propositions, as 'on various grounds absolutely inadmissible,' he therefore returned to the United States.
In September Admiral Warren arrived at Halifax. In addition to his naval command, he was invested with powers to negotiate a provisional accommodation with the United States. A correspondence on the subject ensued between himself and Mr. Monroe, as the representatives of the two countries. The admiral proposed an immediate cessation of hostilities, with a view to the peaceful arrangement of the points at issue.
Monroe replied that his government was willing to accede to this proposition, provided Warren was authorized and disposed to negotiate terms for suspending in the future the impressment of American seamen. The British Government refused to relinquish the claim to this right and nothing remained but war.
On March 4, 1813, Madison entered upon his second term of service. He had received 128 electoral votes; his opponent DeWitt Clinton, 89 votes. The congressional elections had resulted in a large majority in favor of the administration, and the war policy seemed to be acceptable to a large majority of the people, though a strong party was opposed to it, and endeavored to obstruct the measures necessary to the vigorous prosecution of hostilities. The war commenced in earnest with the appearance, in 1813, of a British fleet in Chesapeake Bay, and in March the whole coast of the United States, with the exception of Rhode Island, New Hampshire and Massachusetts, was declared in a state of blockade. The long series of engagements on land and water during the war which followed, find their proper place in the general history of our country.
In March, 1813, soon after the commencement of hostilities, the Russian minister to the United States communicated to the American government a proposal from the Emperor Alexander to mediate between the belligerents. The proposition was accepted, and the president appointed commissioners to go to St. Petersburg to negotiate under the mediation of the emperor. Great Britain declined the Russian mediation in September; but in November the American government was informed that that power was prepared to negotiate the terms of a treaty of peace.
Steps were at once taken to meet this proposal. Mr. Clay and Mr. Russell were added to the commission previously appointed, and in January, 1814, joined their associates in Europe. In August of the same year the country was deeply aroused by the attack on the capitol. A British force of 5,000 men ascended the Chesapeake, landed on the shores of the Patuxent, and marched on Washington. The few troops hastily collected were wholly unable to offer any effective resistance and retired before the enemy, who proceeded to the city, burned the capitol, the president's house, and other public buildings, and returned without loss to their ships. The president and several members of his cabinet were in the American camp, but were compelled to abandon the city in order to avoid capture.
The enemy gained little by their movement, and the wanton outrage only increased the bitterness of the people. Among the public occurrences of the year 1814, the meeting of the Hartford convention, in opposition to the continuance of the war, occupies a prominent place. The victory at New Orleans, however, and the intelligence of the conclusion of the treaty of peace, terminated the popular indignation. A treaty of peace had been signed by the United States commissioners at Ghent, on December 4, 1814, and being communicated by the president to the senate, was ratified by that body in February, 1815.
It was silent on the paramount question of impressment, and left the commercial regulations between the two countries for subsequent negotiation. But the country was tired of the war, and the treaty was hailed with acclamation. In this general joy no one person joined more heartily than did Madison. He had acquiesced reluctantly to the commencement of hostilities, and had longed for peace since the beginning. The country came out of a war, which cost her 30,000 lives and $1,000,000, stronger and more honored than before; thoroughly convinced of her own power and resources, and regarded with increased respect by all the nations of the world.
In 1815 a commercial treaty was concluded with Great Britain based upon a policy of perfect reciprocity. The subjects of impressment and blockades were not embraced in it. The return of peace disbanded the organized opposition to the administration, and the remainder of Madison's term was undisturbed by exciting events.
In April, 1816, congress incorporated a national bank with a capital of $35,000,000, to continue for twenty years. The president had vetoed a similar bill in January of the preceding year, but now approved of it, from a conviction that the derangement of the currency made it necessary. It encountered strong opposition, but was supported by Henry Clay and other friends of the president, and passed both houses.
In December, 1816, Madison sent in his last annual message to congress. Its recommendations were considered judicious and liberal, and secured the general approbation of the country.
On March 4, 1817, his long official relations with the country terminated, and he retired to his farm at Montpelier, Virginia. In this pleasant retreat he passed the remainder of his days in agricultural pursuits. Like most of our famous men, his matrimonial connection was a source of great advantage to him. During his later years, in spite of his ill-health, Madison still busied himself in service to his neighbors.
While at school, for months together, he had slept but three hours out of the twenty-four. He was not an orator naturally; many others of his schoolmates, it is stated, were far superior to him in natural abilities. Why, then, did he succeed, while so many others failed? The strong feature whereby he won success was, like that of many others, his capacity for hard work.
As to Madison's principles, it will be remembered that he was defeated in 1777, because he refused to treat the people to liquor. In 1829 he sat in the Virginia Convention to reform the old constitution. When he rose to utter a few words the members left their seats and crowded around the venerable figure dressed in black, with his thin gray hair powdered as in former times, to catch the low whisper of his voice. This was his last appearance in public.
If not endowed with the very first order of ability, Madison had trained his mind until it was symmetrical and vigorous. An unfailing accuracy and precision marked the operation of his faculties. He was naturally deficient in powers of oratory, and yet made himself one of the most effective speakers of his time, although the epoch was illustrated by such men in his own State as Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, George Mason and Edmund Pendleton, to say nothing of Jefferson and Monroe.
Jefferson's testimony on this point is strong: He says: "Mr. Madison came into the house in 1776, a new member, and young; which circumstances, concurring with his extreme modesty, prevented his venturing himself in debate before his removal to the council of state in November, 1777. Thence he went to Congress, then consisting of but few members. Trained in these successive schools, he acquired a habit of self-possession which placed at ready command the rich resources of his luminous mind, and of his extensive information, acquired by intense application, which rendered him eventually the first of every assembly of which he afterward became a member."
"Never wandering from his subject into vain declamation, but pursuing it closely, in language pure, classical, and copious, always soothing the feelings of his adversaries by civilities and softness of expression. He steadily rose to the high station which he held in the great national convention of 1787. In that of Virginia which followed, he sustained the new constitution in all its parts, bearing off the palm against the logic of George Mason, and the burning eloquence of Mr. Henry. With these consummate powers was united a pure and spotless virtue which no calumny has ever attempted to sully."
From his earliest years he was an intense scholar. His memory was singularly tenacious, and what he clearly understood was ever afterward retained. He thus laid up that great store of learning which, in the conventions of 1787-8 especially proved so effective, and later made him president. After Washington, no public man of his time was more widely known or more highly loved and respected.
The public confidence in, and respect for his honesty and singleness of aim toward the good of the country ripened into an affectionate attachment. His bearing and address were characterized by simplicity and modesty. He resembled a quiet student, rather than the head of a great nation. He was a perfect gentleman.
At another time Jefferson said of him: "From three and thirty years' trial I can say conscientiously that I do not know in the whole world a man of purer integrity, more dispassionate, disinterested, and devoted to true republicanism; nor could I in the whole scope of America and Europe point out an abler head." What more could be said? O that we could have such a monument left to mark our memory.