The Project Gutenberg eBook of History of Civilization in England, Vol. 1 of 3
Title: History of Civilization in England, Vol. 1 of 3
Author: Henry Thomas Buckle
Release date: December 28, 2013 [eBook #44493]
Most recently updated: October 23, 2024
Language: English
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HISTORY OF CIVILIZATION IN ENGLAND.
BY
HENRY THOMAS BUCKLE.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. I.
NEW EDITION.
TORONTO:
ROSE-BELFORD PUBLISHING COMPANY,
60 YORK STREET.
1878.
ANALYTICAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
| CHAPTER I. | |
| STATEMENT OF THE RESOURCES FOR INVESTIGATING HISTORY, AND PROOFS OF THE REGULARITY OF HUMAN ACTIONS. THESE ACTIONS ARE GOVERNED BY MENTAL AND PHYSICAL LAWS: THEREFORE BOTH SETS OF LAWS MUST BE STUDIED, AND THERE CAN BE NO HISTORY WITHOUT THE NATURAL SCIENCES. | |
| PAGE | |
| Materials for writing history | 1–3 |
| Narrow range of knowledge possessed by historians | 4–5 |
| Object of the present work | 6 |
| Human actions, if not the result of fixed laws, must be due to chance or to supernatural interference | 8 |
| Probable origin of free-will and predestination | 9–12 |
| Theological basis of predestination, and metaphysical basis of free-will | 12–16 |
| The actions of men are caused by their antecedents, which exist either in the human mind or in the external world | 18–20 |
| Therefore history is the modification of man by nature, and of nature by man | 20–21 |
| Statistics prove the regularity of actions in regard to murder and other crimes | 22–26 |
| Similar proof respecting suicides | 27–29 |
| Also respecting the number of marriages annually contracted | 31–32 |
| And respecting the number of letters sent undirected | 32 |
| The historian must ascertain whether mind or nature has most influenced human actions; and therefore there can be no history without physical science | 33–35 |
| Note A. Passages from Kant on free-will and necessity | 35–38 |
CHAPTER II. |
|
| INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY PHYSICAL LAWS OVER THE ORGANIZATION OF SOCIETY AND OVER THE CHARACTER OF INDIVIDUALS. | |
| Man is affected by four classes of physical agents; namely, climate, food, soil, and the general aspect of nature | 39–41 |
| Operation of these agents on the accumulation of wealth | 41–51 |
| Their operation on the distribution of wealth | 51–64 |
| Illustrations of these principles from Ireland | 65–67 |
| From Hindustan | 69–82 |
| From Egypt | 82–93 |
| From Central America | 93–94 |
| And from Mexico and Peru | 95 |
| Operation of physical laws in Brazil | 101–108 |
| Influence of the general aspects of nature upon the imagination and the understanding | 118–119 |
| Under some aspects, nature is more prominent than man; under others, man more than nature | 120 |
| In the former case the imagination is more stimulated than the understanding, and to this class all the earliest civilizations belong | 120–121 |
| The imagination is excited by earthquakes and volcanoes | 122–124 |
| And by danger generally | 125–126 |
| Also by an unhealthy climate making life precarious | 126–130 |
| From these causes the civilizations exterior to Europe are mainly influenced by the imagination, those in Europe by the understanding | 130–132 |
| This proposition illustrated by a comparison between Hindustan and Greece | 132–147 |
| Further illustration from Central America | 147–148 |
| Chemical and physiological note on the connection between food and animal heat | 148–151 |
CHAPTER III. |
|
| EXAMINATION OF THE METHOD EMPLOYED BY METAPHYSICIANS FOR DISCOVERING MENTAL LAWS. | |
| In the last chapter, two leading facts have been established, which broadly separate Europe from other parts of the world | 152–156 |
| Hence it appears that of the two classes of mental and physical laws the mental are the more important for the history of Europe | 156–157 |
| Examination of the two metaphysical methods of generalizing mental laws | 158–165 |
| Failure of these methods | 165–167 |
CHAPTER IV. |
|
| MENTAL LAWS ARE EITHER MORAL OR INTELLECTUAL. COMPARISON OF MORAL AND INTELLECTUAL LAWS, AND INQUIRY INTO THE EFFECT PRODUCED BY EACH ON THE PROGRESS OF SOCIETY. | |
| The historical method of studying mental laws is superior to the metaphysical method | 168–174 |
| The progress of society is twofold, moral and intellectual | 174–175 |
| Comparison of the moral with the intellectual element | 175 |
| There is no evidence that the natural faculties of man improve | 176–177 |
| Progress, therefore, depends on an improvement in the circumstances under which the faculties come into play | 178 |
| The standard of action having varied in every age, the causes of action must be variable | 179 |
| But moral truths have not changed | 179 |
| And intellectual truths are constantly changing | 181 |
| Intellectual truths are the cause of progress | 182 |
| Ignorant men are mischievous in proportion to their sincerity | 183–185 |
| Illustrations of this from Rome and Spain | 185–188 |
| The diminution of religious persecution is owing to the progress of knowledge | 188–190 |
| The diminution of the warlike spirit is owing to the same cause | 190–192 |
| Illustrations from Russia and Turkey | 195–197 |
| As civilization advances, men of intellect avoid becoming soldiers | 198 |
| Illustrations of this from ancient Greece and modern Europe | 198–202 |
| The three principal ways in which the progress of knowledge has lessened the warlike spirit are: | |
| 1. The invention of gunpowder | 203–209 |
| 2. The discoveries made by political economists | 210–211 |
| 3. The application of steam to purposes of travelling | 219–223 |
| Inference to be drawn as to the causes of social progress | 224–226 |
CHAPTER V. |
|
| INQUIRY INTO THE INFLUENCE EXERCISED BY RELIGION, LITERATURE, AND GOVERNMENT. | |
| Recapitulation of preceding arguments | 227 |
| Moral feelings influence individuals, but do not affect society in the aggregate | 228–229 |
| This being as yet little understood, historians have not collected proper materials for writing history | 230 |
| Reasons why the present history is restricted to England | 231–235 |
| Comparison of the history of England with that of France | 235–236 |
| With that of Germany | 237–240 |
| With that of the United States of America | 240–242 |
| Necessity of ascertaining the fundamental laws of intellectual progress | 243 |
| Much may be gained in that respect from studying the histories of Germany, America, France, Spain, and Scotland | 244–246 |
| Deductive spirit in Scotland | 246–252 |
| Influence of religion on the progress of society | 253–266 |
| Illustration from the efforts of missionaries | 254–256 |
| Illustration from the Hebrews | 257–258 |
| Illustration from the early history of Christianity | 259–262 |
| And from Sweden and Scotland | 263–266 |
| Influence of literature on the progress of society | 268–272 |
| Influence of government on the progress of society | 272–287 |
| Illustrated by repeal of the corn-laws | 273–274 |
| The best legislation abrogates former legislation | 275 |
| The interference of politicians with trade has injured trade | 276–278 |
| Legislators have caused smuggling with all its attendant crimes | 278–280 |
| They have also increased hypocrisy and perjury | 281–283 |
| By their laws against usury they have increased usury | 283–284 |
| By other laws they have hindered the advance of knowledge | 284–285 |
| England has been less interfered with in these ways than other nations, and is therefore more prosperous than they | 286–287 |
CHAPTER VI. |
|
| ORIGIN OF HISTORY, AND STATE OF HISTORICAL LITERATURE DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. | |
| Conclusions arrived at by the preceding investigations | 288 |
| An inquiry into the changes in historical researches will throw light on the changes in society | 289–290 |
| The earliest histories are ballads | 291–295 |
| One cause of error in history was the invention of writing | 296–300 |
| A change of religion in any country also tends to corrupt its early history | 300–307 |
| But the most active cause of all was the influence of the clergy | 307–308 |
| Absurdities which were consequently believed | 309–317 |
| Illustration of this from the history of Charlemagne by Turpin | 318–321 |
| And from the history of the Britons by Geoffrey | 321–325 |
| The first improvement in writing history began in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries | 325 |
| But credulity was still prevalent, as is seen in Comines | 327–328 |
| And in the predictions of Stœffler respecting the Deluge | 330 |
| Also in the work of Dr. Horst on the Golden Tooth | 331–332 |
CHAPTER VII. |
|
| OUTLINE OF THE HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH INTELLECT FROM THE MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. | |
| This absurd way of writing history was the natural result of the state of the age | 333 |
| The spirit of doubt was a necessary precursor of improvement | 334 |
| Hence the supreme importance of scepticism | 335–336 |
| Origin of religious toleration in England | 337 |
| Hooker contrasted with Jewel | 339–343 |
| Scepticism and spirit of inquiry on other subjects | 343–346 |
| This tendency displayed in Chillingworth | 347–350 |
| Chillingworth compared with Hooker and Jewel | 350 |
| Subsequent movement in the same direction, and increasing indifference to theological matters | 352–355 |
| Great advantage of this | 356–358 |
| Under James I. and Charles I. this opposition to authority assumes a political character | 359–361 |
| Under Charles II. it takes a frivolous form at court | 363 |
| Influence of this spirit upon Sir Thomas Browne | 365–367 |
| Its influence upon Boyle | 367–370 |
| It causes the establishment of the Royal Society | 371 |
| Impetus now given to physical science, and attempts of the clergy to oppose it | 372 |
| The clergy are naturally hostile to physical science, because it lessens their own power | 372–373 |
| Illustration of this by the superstition of sailors and agriculturists as compared with soldiers and mechanics | 375–380 |
| Legislative improvements in the reign of Charles II. in spite of political degradation | 380–386 |
| These improvements were due to the sceptical and inquiring spirit | 387–388 |
| Aided by the vices of the king | 388 |
| And by his dislike of the church | 389 |
| He encouraged Hobbes, and neglected the ablest of the clergy | 390–393 |
| The clergy, to recover their ground, allied themselves with James II. | 394–396 |
| This alliance was dissolved by the Declaration of Indulgence | 397–399 |
| The clergy then united with the dissenters and brought about the Revolution of 1688 | 399–400 |
| Importance of the Revolution | 401–403 |
| But the clergy regretted it, and repented of their own act | 403 |
| Hostility between them and William III. | 405–410 |
| Hence a schism in the church | 410–413 |
| Fresh encouragement thus given to scepticism | 413–414 |
| Convocation first despised, and then abolished | 414–415 |
| After the Revolution the ablest men confine themselves to secular professions, and avoided entering the church | 415 |
| The clergy lost all offices out of the church, and their numbers diminished in both Houses of Parliament | 416–418 |
| The church rallied for a moment under Anne | 418–420 |
| But was weakened by the dissenters, headed by Wesley and Whitefield | 420–424 |
| Theology separated from morals and from politics | 424–426 |
| Rapid succession of sceptical controversies | 427–429 |
| Knowledge begins to be diffused, and takes a popular form | 430–433 |
| Political meetings, and publication of parliamentary debates | 433–434 |
| Doctrine of personal representation, and idea of independence | 436 |
| Corresponding change in the style of authors | 436–439 |
| Hence great reforms became inevitable | 439–440 |
| This tendency was aided by George I. and George II. | 441–443 |
| But discouraged by George III., under whom began a dangerous political reaction | 444–446 |
| Ignorance of George III. | 446 |
| Subserviency of Pitt | 446–449 |
| Incompetence of other statesmen, and the king's hatred of great men | 449–451 |
| Deterioration of the House of Lords | 451–455 |
| Ability and accomplishments of Burke | 458–461 |
| He opposed the views of George III., and was neglected by him | 462–467 |
| Burke's subsequent hallucinations and violence | 467–476 |
| The king now favoured him | 476–477 |
| Policy of George III. respecting America | 478–482 |
| This policy reacted upon England | 482–483 |
| Policy in regard to France | 483–486 |
| This also reacted upon England | 486 |
| And produced arbitrary laws against the liberties of England | 487–493 |
| Which were zealously enforced by the executive | 494–496 |
| Gloomy political prospects of England late in the eighteenth century | 496–498 |
| But, owing to the progress of knowledge, a counter reaction was preparing | 498–502 |
| To which, and to the increasing power of public opinion, England owes her great reforms of the nineteenth century | 502–505 |
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