Paris Exhibition of 1889.
The Aramæans in particular gave them a great deal of trouble. The states on the banks of the Euphrates had found them awkward neighbours; was this the moment chosen by the Pukudu, the Eutu, the Gambulu, and a dozen other Aramaean tribes, for a stealthy march across the frontier of Elam, between Durilu and the coast? The tribes from which, soon after, the Kaldi nation was formed, were marauding round Eridu, Uru, and Larsa, and may have already begun to lay the foundations of their supremacy over Babylon: it is, indeed, an open question whether those princes of the Countries of the Sea who succeeded the Pashê dynasty did not come from the stock of the Kaldi Aramaeans. While they were thus consolidating on the south-east, the bulk of the nation continued to ascend northwards, and rejoined its outposts in the central region of the Euphrates, which extends from the Tigris to the Khabur, from the Khabur to the Balîkh and the Apriê. They had already come into frequent conflict with most of the victorious Assyrian kings, from Eammânirâri down to Tiglath-pileser; the weakness of Assyria and Chaldæa gave them their opportunity, and they took full advantage of it. They soon became masters of the whole of Mesopotamia; a part of the table-land extending from Carchemish to Mount Amanus fell into their hands, their activity was still greater in the basin of the Orontes, and their advanced guard, coming into collision with the Amorites near the sources of the Litany, began gradually to drive farther and farther southwards all that remained of the races which had shown so bold a front to the Egyptian troops. Here was an almost entirely new element, gradually eliminating from the scene of the struggle other elements which had grown old through centuries of war, and while this transformation was taking place in Northern and Central, a similar revolution was effecting a no less surprising metamorphosis in Southern Syria. There, too, newer races had gradually come to displace the nations over which the dynasties of Thûtmosis and Ramses had once held sway. The Hebrews on the east, the Philistines and their allies on the south-west, were about to undertake the conquest of the Kharu and its cities. As yet their strength was inadequate, their temperament undecided, their system of government imperfect; but they brought with them the quality of youth, and energies which, rightly guided, would assure the nation which first found out how to take advantage of them, supremacy over all its rivals, and the strength necessary for consolidating the whole country into a single kingdom.
THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES—DAMASCUS
THE ISRAELITES IN THE LAND OF CANAAN: THE JUDGES—THE PHILISTINES AND THE HEBREW KINGDOM—SAUL, DAVID, SOLOMON, THE DEFECTION OF THE TEN TRIBES—THE XXIst EGYPTIAN DYNASTY—SHESHONQ OR SHISHAK DAMASCUS.
The Hebrews in the desert: their families, clans, and tribes—The Amorites and the Hebrews on the left bank of the Jordan—The conquest of Canaan and the native reaction against the Hebrews—The judges, Ehud, Deborah, Jerubbaal or Gideon and the Manassite supremacy; Abimelech, Jephihdh.
The Philistines, their political organisation, their army and fleet—Judah, Dan, and the story of Samson—Benjamin on the Philistine frontier—Eli and the ark of the covenant—The Philistine dominion over Israel; Samuel, Saul, the Benjamite monarchy—David, his retreat to the desert of Judah and his sojourn at Zilclag—The battle of Gilboa and the death of Saul—The struggle between Ish-bosheth and David—David sole king, and the final defeat of the Philistines—Jerusalem becomes the capital; the removal of the ark—Wars with the peoples of the East—Absalom’s rebellion; the coronation of Solomon.
Solomon’s government and his buildings—Phoenician colonisation in Spain: Hiram I. and the enlargement of Tyre—The voyages to Ophir and Tarshish—The palace at Jerusalem, the temple and its dedication: the priesthood and prophets—The death of Solomon; the schism of the ten tribes and the division of the Hebrew kingdom.
The XXIst Egyptian dynasty: the Theban high priests and the Tanite Pharaohs—The Libyan mercenaries and their predominance in the state: the origin of the XXIInd (Bubastite) dynasty—Sheshonq I. as king and his son Aûpûti as high priest of Amon; the hiding-place at Deîr el-Baharî—Sheshonq’s expedition against Jerusalem.
The two Hebrew “kingdoms”; the fidelity of Judah to the descendants of Solomon, and the repeated changes of dynasty in Israel—Asa and Baasha—The kingdom of Damascus and its origin—Bezon, Tabrimmon, Benhadad I.—Omri and the foundation of Samaria: Ahab and the Tyrian alliance—The successors of Hiram I. at Tyre: Ithobaal I.—The prophets, their struggle against Phonician idolatry, the story of Elijah—The wars between Israel and Damascus up to the time of the Assyrian invasion.
CHAPTER III—THE HEBREWS AND THE PHILISTINES—DAMASCUS
The Israelites in the land of Canaan: the judges—The Philistines and the Hebrew kingdom—Saul, David, Solomon, the defection of the ten tribes—the XXIst Egyptian dynasty—Sheshonq—Damascus.
After reaching Kadesh-barnea, the Israelites in their wanderings had come into contact with various Bedawin tribes—Kenites, Jerahmelites, Edomites, and Midianites, with whom they had in turn fought or allied themselves, according to the exigencies of their pastoral life. Continual skirmishes had taught them the art of war, their numbers had rapidly increased, and with this increase came a consciousness of their own strength, so that, after a lapse of two or three generations, they may be said to have constituted a considerable nation. Its component elements were not, however, firmly welded together; they consisted of an indefinite number of clans, which were again subdivided into several families. Each of these families had its chief or “ruler,” to whom it rendered absolute obedience, while the united chiefs formed an assembly of elders who administered justice when required, and settled any differences which arose among their respective followers. The clans in their turn were grouped into tribes,* according to certain affinities which they mutually recognised, or which may have been fostered by daily intercourse on a common soil, but the ties which bound them together at this period were of the most slender character. It needed some special event, such as a projected migration in search of fresh pasturage, or an expedition against a turbulent neighbour, or a threatened invasion by some stranger, to rouse the whole tribe to corporate action; at such times they would elect a “nasi,” or ruler, the duration of whose functions ceased with the emergency which had called him into office.**
“branch.”
** The word nasi, first applied to the chiefs of the
tribes (Exod. xxxiv. 31; Lev. iv. 22; Numb. ii. 3),
became, after the captivity, the title of the chiefs of
Israel, who could not be called kings owing to the foreign
suzerainty (Esdras i. 8).
Both clans and tribes were designated by the name of some ancestor from whom they claimed to be descended, and who appears in some cases to have been a god for whom they had a special devotion; some writers have believed that this was also the origin of the names given to several of the tribes, such as Gad, “Good Fortune,” or of the totems of the hyena and the dog, in Arabic and Hebrew, “Simeon” and “Caleb.” * Gad, Simeon, and Caleb were severally the ancestors of the families who ranged themselves under their respective names, and the eponymous heroes of all the tribes were held to have been brethren, sons of one father, and under the protection of one God. He was known as the Jahveh with whom Abraham of old had made a solemn covenant; His dwelling-place was Mount Sinai or Mount Seîr, and He revealed Himself in the storm;** His voice was as the thunder “which shaketh the wilderness,” His breath was as “a consuming fire,” and He was decked with light “as with a garment.” When His anger was aroused, He withheld the dew and rain from watering the earth; but when His wrath was appeased, the heavens again poured their fruitful showers upon the fields.***
denotes a hyena, at others a cross between a dog and a
hyena, according to Arab lexicography. With regard to Caleb,
Renan prefers a different interpretation; it is supposed to
be a shortened form of Kalbel, and “Dog of El” is a strong
expression to denote the devotion of a tribe to its patron
god.
** Cf. the graphic description of the signs which
accompanied the manifestations of Jahveh in the Song of
Deborah (Judges v. 4, 5), and also in 1 Kings xix. 11-13.
*** See 1 Kings xvii., xviii., where the conflict between
Elijah and the prophets of Baal for the obtaining of rain is
described.
He is described as being a “jealous God,” brooking no rival, and “visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto the third and fourth generation.” We hear of His having been adored under the figure of a “calf,” * and of His Spirit inspiring His prophets, as well as of the anointed stones which were dedicated in His honour. The common ancestor of the nation was acknowledged to have been Jacob, who, by his wrestling with God, had obtained the name of Israel; the people were divided theoretically into as many tribes as he had sons, but the number twelve to which they were limited does not entirely correspond with all that we know up to the present time of these “children of Israel.” Some of the tribes appear never to have had any political existence, as for example that of Levi,** or they were merged at an early date into some fellow-tribe, as in the case of Reuben with Gad;*** others, such as Ephraim, Manasseh, Benjamin, and Judah, apparently did not attain their normal development until a much later date.
or bull (Exod. xxxii.; Deut. ix. 21; and in the kingly
period, 1 Kings xii. 28-30; 2 Kings x. 29); we are not told
the form of the image of Micah the Ephraimite (Judges xviii.
14, 17, 18, 20, 30, 31).
** Levi appears to have suffered dispersion after the events
of which there are two separate accounts combined in Gen.
xxxiv. In conjunction with Simeon, he appears to have
revenged the violation of his sister Dinah by a massacre of
the Shechemites, and the dispersion alluded to in Jacob’s
blessing (Gen. xlix. 5-7) is mentioned as consequent on this
act of barbarism.
*** In the IXth century Mesha of Moab does not mention the
Reubenites, and speaks of the Gadites only as inhabiting the
territory formerly occupied by them. Tradition attributed
the misfortunes of the tribe to the crime of its chief in
his seduction of Bilhah, his father’s concubine (Gen. xlix.
3, 4; cf. xxxv. 22)
The Jewish chroniclers attempted by various combinations to prove that the sacred number of tribes was the correct one. At times they included Levi in the list, in which case Joseph was reckoned as one;* while on other occasions Levi or Simeon was omitted, when for Joseph would be substituted his two sons Ephraim and Manasseh.** In addition to this, the tribes were very unequal in size: Ephraim, Gad, and Manasseh comprised many powerful and wealthy families; Dan, on the contrary, contained so few, that it was sometimes reckoned as a mere clan.
in the enumeration of the patriarch’s sons at the time of
his journey to Egypt (Gen. xlvi. 9-26).
** Numb. i. 20, et seq., where the descendants of Levi are
not included among the twelve, and Deut. xxxiii. 6-25, where
Simeon is omitted from among the tribes blessed by Moses
before his death.
The tribal organisation had not reached its full development at the time of the sojourn in the desert. The tribes of Joseph and Judah, who subsequently played such important parts, were at that period not held in any particular estimation; Reuben, on the other hand, exercised a sort of right of priority over the rest.*
given to him in all the genealogies enumerating the children
of Jacob. Stade, on the contrary, is inclined to believe
that this place of honour was granted to him on account of
the smallness of his family, to prevent any jealousy arising
between the more powerful tribes, such as Ephraim and Judah
(Ges. des Vollces Isr., vol. i. pp. 151, 152).
The territory which they occupied soon became insufficient to support their numbers, and they sought to exchange it for a wider area, such as was offered by the neighbouring provinces of Southern Syria. Pharaoh at this time exercised no authority over this region, and they were, therefore, no longer in fear of opposition from his troops; the latter had been recalled to Egypt, and it is doubtful even whether he retained possession of the Shephelah by means of his Zakkala and Philistine colonies; the Hebrews, at any rate, had nothing to fear from him so long as they respected Gaza and Ascalon. They began by attempting to possess themselves of the provinces around Hebron, in the direction of the Dead Sea, and we read that, before entering them, they sent out spies to reconnoitre and report on the country.* Its population had undergone considerable modifications since the Israelites had quitted Goshen. The Amorites, who had seriously suffered from the incursions of Asiatic hordes, and had been constantly harassed by the attacks of the Aramæans, had abandoned the positions they had formerly occupied on the banks of the Orontes and the Litany, and had moved southwards, driving the Canaanites before them; their advance was accelerated as the resistance opposed to their hordes became lessened under the successors of Ramses III., until at length all opposition was withdrawn. They had possessed themselves of the regions about the Lake of Genesareth, the mountain district to the south of Tabor, the middle valley of the Jordan, and, pressing towards the territory east of that river, had attacked the cities scattered over the undulating table-land. This district had not been often subjected to incursions of Egyptian troops, and yet its inhabitants had been more impressed by Egyptian influence than many others.
published in the Zeitschrift ties Palcistina-Vereins.
Whereas, in the north and west, cuneiform writing was almost entirely used, attempts had been made here to adapt the hieroglyphs to the native language.
The only one of their monuments which has been preserved is a rudely carved bas-relief in black basalt, representing a two-horned Astarte, before whom stands a king in adoration; the sovereign is Ramses II., and the inscriptions accompanying the figures contain a religious formula together with a name borrowed from one of the local dialects.*
inscription appears to give the name of a goddess, Agana-
Zaphon, the second part of which recalls the name of Baal-
Zephon.
The Amorites were everywhere victorious, but our information is confined to this bare fact; soon after their victory, however, we find the territory they had invaded divided into two kingdoms: in the north that of Bashan, which comprised, besides the Haurân, the plain watered by the Yarrnuk; and to the south that of Heshbon, containing the district lying around the Arnon, and the Jabbok to the east of the Dead Sea.* They seem to have made the same rapid progress in the country between the Jordan and the Mediterranean as elsewhere. They had subdued some of the small Canaanite states, entered into friendly relation with others, and penetrated gradually as far south as the borders of Sinai, while we find them establishing petty kings among the hill-country of Shechem around Hebron, on the confines of the Negeb, and the Shephelah.** When the Hebrew tribes ventured to push forward in a direct line northwards, they came into collision with the advance posts of the Amorite population, and suffered a severe defeat under the walls of Hormah.*** The check thus received, however, did not discourage them. As a direct course was closed to them, they turned to the right, and followed, first the southern and then the eastern shores of the Red Sea, till they reached the frontier of Gilead.****
proved by the facts relating to the kingdoms of Sihon and Og
Gent. i. 4, ii. 24-37, iii. 1-1.7.
** For the Amorite occupation of the Negeb and the hill-
country of Judah, cf. Numb. xiii. 29; Bent. i. 7, 19-46;
Josh. x. 5, 6, 12, xi. 3; for their presence in the
Shephelah, cf. Judges i. 34-36.
*** See the long account in Numb, xiii., xiv., which
terminates with the mention of the defeat of the Israelites
at Hormah; and cf. Bent. i. 19-46.
**** The itinerary given in Numb. xx. 22-29, xxxi., xxxiii.
37-49, and repeated in Bent, ii., brings the Israelites as
far as Ezion-geber, in such a manner as to avoid the
Midianites and the Moabites. The friendly welcome accorded
to them in the regions situated to the east of the Dead Sea,
has been accounted for either by an alliance made with Moab
and Ammon against their common enemy, the Amorites, or by
the fact that Ammon and Moab did not as yet occupy those
regions; the inhabitants in that case would have been
Edomites and Midianites, who were in continual warfare with
each other.
There again they were confronted by the Amorites, but in lesser numbers, and not so securely entrenched within their fortresses as their fellow-countrymen in the Negeb, so that the Israelites were able to overthrow the kingdoms of Heshbon and Bashan.*
Beut. ii. 26-37), and against Og, King of Bashan (Numb. xxi.
32-35; Beut. iii. 1-13).
Exploration Fund.
Gad received as its inheritance nearly the whole of the territory lying between the Jabbok and the Yarmuk, in the neighbourhood of the ancient native sanctuaries of Penuel, Mahanaim, and Succoth, associated with the memory of Jacob.* Reuben settled in the vicinity, and both tribes remained there isolated from the rest. From this time forward they took but a slight interest in the affairs of their brethren: when the latter demanded their succour, “Gilead abode beyond Jordan,” and “by the watercourses of Reuben there were great resolves at heart,” but without any consequent action.** It was not merely due to indifference on their part; their resources were fully taxed in defending themselves against the Aramæans and Bedawins, and from the attacks of Moab and Ammon. Gad, continually threatened, struggled for centuries without being discouraged, but Reuben lost heart,*** and soon declined in power, till at length he became merely a name in the memory of his brethren.
the Arnon till the time of the early kings, and retained
them only till about the reign of Jehu, as we gather from
the inscription of Mesa.
** These are the very expressions used by the author of the
Song of Deborah in Judges v. 16, 17.
*** The recollection of these raids by Reuben against the
Beduin of the Syrian desert is traceable in 1 Citron, v. 10,
18-22.
Two tribes having been thus provided for, the bulk of the Israelites sought to cross the Jordan without further delay, and establish themselves as best they might in the very heart of the Canaanites. The sacred writings speak of their taking possession of the country by a methodic campaign, undertaken by command of and under the visible protection of Jahveh* Moses had led them from Egypt to Kadesh, and from Kadesh to the land of Gilead; he had seen the promised land from the summit of Mount Nebo, but he had not entered it, and after his death, Joshua, son of Nun, became their leader, brought them across Jordan dryshod, not far from its mouth, and laid siege to Jericho.
Joshua.
The walls of the city fell of themselves at the blowing of the brazen trumpets,* and its capture entailed that of three neighbouring towns, Aï, Bethel, and Shechem. Shechem served as a rallying-place for the conquerors; Joshua took up his residence there, and built on the summit of Mount Ebal an altar of stone, on which he engraved the principal tenets of the divine Law.**
** Josh, vii., viii. Mount Ebal is the present Gebel
Sulemiyeh.
The sudden intrusion of a new element naturally alarmed the worshippers of the surrounding local deities; they at once put a truce to their petty discords, and united in arms against the strangers. At the instigation of Adoni-zedeck, King of Jerusalem, the Canaanites collected their forces in the south; but they were routed not far from Gibeon, and their chiefs killed or mutilated.* The Amorites in the north, who had assembled round Jabin, King of Hazor, met with no better success; they were defeated at the waters of Merom, Hazor was burnt, and Galilee delivered to fire and sword.**
Judges i. 1-9, where the king is called Adoni-bezek.
** Josh. xi. As another Jabin appears in the history of
Deborah, it has
The country having been thus to a certain extent cleared, Joshua set about dividing the spoil, and assigned to each tribe his allotted portion of territory.* Such, in its main outlines, is the account given by the Hebrew chroniclers; but, if closely examined, it would appear that the Israelites did not act throughout with that unity of purpose and energy which they [the Hebrew chroniclers] were pleased to imagine. They did not gain possession of the land all at once, but established themselves in it gradually by detachments, some settling at the fords of Jericho,** others more to the north, and in the central valley of the Jordan as far up as She-chem.***
xxi. It has been maintained by some critics that there is a
double rôle assigned to one and the same person, only that
some maintain that the Jabin of Josh. xi. has been
transferred to the time of the Judges, while others make out
that the Jabin of Deborah was carried back to the time of
the conquest.
** Renan thinks that the principal crossing must have taken
place opposite Jericho, as is apparent from the account in
Josh, ii., iii.
*** Carl Niebuhr believes that he has discovered the exact
spot at the ford of Admah, near Succoth.
The latter at once came into contact with a population having a higher civilization than themselves, and well equipped for a vigorous resistance; the walled towns which had defied the veterans of the Pharaohs had not much to fear from the bands of undisciplined Israelites wandering in their neighbourhood. Properly speaking, there were no pitched battles between them, but rather a succession of raids or skirmishes, in which several citadels would successively fall into the hands of the invaders. Many of these strongholds, harassed by repeated attacks, would prefer to come to terms with the enemy, and would cede or sell them some portion of their territory; others would open their gates freely to the strangers, and their inhabitants would ally themselves by intermarriage with the Hebrews. Judah and the remaining descendants of Simeon and Levi established themselves in the south; Levi comprised but a small number of families, and made no important settlements; whereas Judah took possession of nearly the whole of the mountain district separating the Shephelah from the western shores of the Dead Sea, while Simeon made its abode close by on the borders of the desert around the wells of Beersheba.*
separated from that of Simeon, and, as the remnant of Simeon
allied themselves with Judah, that of Levi also must have
shared the patrimony of Judah.
The descendants of Rachel and her handmaid received as their inheritance the regions situated more to the centre of the country, the house of Joseph taking the best domains for its branches of Ephraim and Manasseh. Ephraim received some of the old Canaanite sanctuaries, such as Ramah, Bethel, and Shiloh, and it was at the latter spot that they deposited the ark of the covenant. Manasseh settled to the north of Ephraim, in the hills and valleys of the Carmel group, and to Benjamin were assigned the heights which overlook the plain of Jericho. Four of the less important tribes, Issachar, Asher, Naphtali, and Zebulon, ventured as far north as the borders of Tyre and Sidon, behind the Phoenician littoral, but were prevented by the Canaanites and Amorites from spreading over the plain, and had to confine themselves to the mountains. All the fortresses commanding the passes of Tabor and Carmel, Megiddo, Taanach, Ibleam, Jezreel, Endor, and Bethshan remained inviolate, and formed as it were an impassable barrier-line between the Hebrews of Galilee and their brethren of Ephraim. The Danites were long before they found a resting-place; they attempted to insert themselves to the north of Judah, between Ajalon and Joppa, but were so harassed by the Amorites, that they had to content themselves with the precarious tenure of a few towns such as Zora, Shaalbîn, and Eshdol. The foreign peoples of the Shephelah and the Canaanite cities almost all preserved their autonomy; the Israelites had no chance against them wherever they had sufficient space to put into the field large bodies of infantry or to use their iron-bound chariots. Finding it therefore impossible to overcome them, the tribes were forced to remain cut off from each other in three isolated groups of unequal extent which they were powerless to connect: in the centre were Joseph, Benjamin, and Dan; in the south, Judah, Levi, and Simeon; while Issachar, Asher, Naphtali, and Zebulon lay to the north.
The period following the occupation of Canaan constituted the heroic age of the Hebrews. The sacred writings agree in showing that the ties which bound the twelve tribes together were speedily dissolved, while their fidelity and obedience to God were relaxed with the growth of the young generations to whom Moses or Joshua were merely names. The conquerors “dwelt among the Canaanites: the Hittite, and the Amorite, and the Perizzite, and the Hivite, and the Jebusite: and they took their daughters to be their wives, and gave their own daughters to their sons, and served their gods. And the children of Israel did that which was evil in the sight of the Lord their God, and served the Baalim and the Asheroth.” *
[Click on image to enlarge to full-size]
When they had once abandoned their ancient faith, political unity was not long preserved. War broke out between one tribe and another; the stronger allowed the weaker to be oppressed by the heathen, and were themselves often powerless to retain their independence. In spite of the thousands of men among them, all able to bear arms, they fell an easy prey to the first comer; the Amorites, the Ammonites, the Moabites, and the Philistines, all oppressed them in turn, and repaid with usury the ills which Joshua had inflicted on the Canaanites. “Whithersoever they went out, the hand of the Lord was against them for evil, as the Lord had spoken, and as the Lord had sworn unto them: and they were sore distressed. And the Lord raised up judges, which saved them out of the hand of those that spoiled them. And yet they hearkened not unto their judges, for they went a-whoring after other gods, and bowed themselves down unto them: they turned aside quickly out of the way wherein their fathers walked obeying the commandments of the Lord; but they did not so. And when the Lord raised them up judges, then the Lord was with the judge, and saved them out of the hand of their enemies all the days of the judge: for it repented the Lord because of their groaning by reason of them that oppressed them and vexed them. But it came to pass, when the judge was dead, that they turned back, and dealt more corruptly than their fathers, in following other gods to serve them, and to bow down unto them; they ceased not from their doings, nor from their stubborn way.” * The history of this period lacks the unity and precision with which we are at first tempted to credit it.
The Israelites, when transplanted into the promised land, did not immediately lose the nomadic habits they had acquired in the desert. They retained the customs and prejudices they had inherited from their fathers, and for many years treated the peasantry, whose fields they had devastated, with the same disdain that the Bedawin of our own day, living in the saddle, lance in hand, shows towards the fellahîn who till the soil and bend patiently over the plough. The clans, as of old, were impatient of all regular authority; each tribe tended towards an isolated autonomy, a state of affairs which merited reprisals from the natives and encouraged hatred of the intruders, and it was only when the Canaanite oppression became unendurable that those who suffered most from it united themselves to make a common effort, and rallied for a moment round the chief who was ready to lead them. Many of these liberators must have acquired an ephemeral popularity, and then have sunk into oblivion together with the two or three generations who had known them; those whose memory remained green among their kinsmen were known by posterity as the judges of Israel.*
these rulers, is somewhat misleading, as it suggests the
idea of an organized civil magistracy. The word “shophet,”
the same that we meet with in classical times under the form
suffetes, had indeed that sense, but its primary meaning
denotes a man invested with an absolute authority, regular
or otherwise; it would be better translated chief, prince,
captain.
These judges were not magistrates invested with official powers and approved by the whole nation, or rulers of a highly organised republic, chosen directly by God or by those inspired by Him. They were merely local chiefs, heroes to their own immediate tribe, well known in their particular surroundings, but often despised by those only at a short distance from them. Some of them have left only a name behind them, such as Shamgar, Ibzan, Tola, Elon, and Abdon; indeed, some scholars have thrown doubts on the personality of a few of them, as, for instance, Jair, whom they affirm to have personified a Gileadite clan, and Othnîel, who is said to represent one of the Kenite families associated with the children of Israel.* Others, again, have come down to us through an atmosphere of popular tradition, the elements of which modern criticism has tried in vain to analyse. Of such unsettled and turbulent times we cannot expect an uninterrupted history:** some salient episodes alone remain, spread over a period of nearly two centuries, and from these we can gather some idea of the progress made by the Israelites, and observe their stages of transition from a cluster of semi-barbarous hordes to a settled nation ripe for monarchy.
Issachar (Gen. xlvi. 13; Numb. xxvi. 23); Elon was one of
the clans of Zebulon (Gen. xlvi. 14; Numb. xxvi. 26)
** Renan, however, believes that the judges “formed an
almost continuous line, and that there merely lacks a
descent from father to son to make of them an actual
dynasty.” The chronology of the Book of Judges appears to
cover more than four centuries, from Othnîel to Samson, but
this computation cannot be relied on, as “forty
years” represents an indefinite space of time. We must
probably limit this early period of Hebrew history to about
a century and a half, from cir. 1200 to 1050 B.C.
The first of these episodes deals merely with a part, and that the least important, of the tribes settled in Central Canaan.* The destruction of the Amorite kingdoms of Heshbon and Bashan had been as profitable to the kinsmen of the Israelites, Ammon and Moab, as it had been to the Israelites themselves.
the beginning of the history of this period (Judges iii. 8-
11), is, by general consent, regarded as resting on a
worthless tradition.
The Moabites had followed in the wake of the Hebrews through all the surrounding regions of the Dead Sea; they had pushed on from the banks of the Arnon to those of the Jabbok, and at the time of the Judges were no longer content with harassing merely Reuben and Gad.
They were a fine race of warlike, well-armed Beda-wins. Jericho had fallen into their hands, and their King Eglon had successfully scoured the entire hill-country of Ephraim,* so that those who wished to escape being pillaged had to safeguard themselves by the payment of an annual tribute.
having taken the Oily of Palm Trees, i.e. Jericho (Deut.
xxxiv. 3; 2 Ghron. xxviii. 15), Eglon had made it his
residence, which makes the story incomprehensible from a
geographical point of view. But all difficulties would
disappear if we agreed to admit that in ver. 15 the name of
the capital of Eglon has dropped out.
Ehud the Left-handed concealed under his garments a keen dagger, and joined himself to the Benjamite deputies who were to carry their dues to the Moabite sovereign. The money having been paid, the deputies turned homewards, but when they reached the cromlech of Gilgal,* and were safe beyond the reach of the enemy, Ehud retraced his steps, and presenting himself before the palace of Eglon in the attitude of a prophet, announced that he had a secret errand to the king, who thereupon commanded silence, and ordered his servants to leave him with the divine messenger in his summer parlour.
which, we are told, were erected by Joshua as a remembrance
of the crossing of the Jordan (Josh. iv. 19-24).
from the original in
the Louvre.
“And Ehud said, I have a message from God unto thee. And he arose out of his seat. And Ehud put forth his left hand, and took the sword from his right thigh, and thrust it into his belly: and the haft also went in after the blade; and the fat closed upon the blade, for he drew not the sword out of his belly; and it came out behind.” Then Ehud locked the doors and escaped. “Now when he was gone out, his servants came; and they saw, and, behold, the doors of the parlour were locked; and they said, Surely he covereth his feet in his summer chamber.” But by the time they had forced an entrance, Ehud had reached Gilgal and was in safety. He at once assembled the clans of Benjamin, occupied the fords of the Jordan, massacred the bands of Moabites scattered over the plain of Jericho, and blocked the routes by which the invaders attempted to reach the hill-country of Ephraim. Almost at the same time the tribes in Galilee had a narrow escape from a still more formidable enemy.* They had for some time been under the Amorite yoke, and the sacred writings represent them at this juncture as oppressed either by Sisera of Harosheth-ha-Goyîm or by a second Jabin, who was able to bring nine hundred chariots of iron into the field.** At length the prophetess Deborah of Issachar sent to Barak of Kadesh a command to assemble his people, together with those of Zebulon, in the name of the Lord;*** she herself led the contingents of Issachar, Ephraim, and Machir to meet him at the foot of Tabor, where the united host is stated to have comprised forty thousand men. Sisera,**** who commanded the Canaanite force, attacked the Israelite army between Taanach and Megiddo in that plain of Kishon which had often served as a battle-field during the Egyptian campaigns.
had rest eighty years (Judges iii. 30). This, again, is one
of those numbers which represent an indefinite space of
time.
** It has been maintained that two versions are here blended
together in the text, one in which the principal part is
played by Sisera, the other in which it is attributed to
Jabin. The episode of Deborah and Barak (Judges iv., v.)
comprises a narrative in prose (chap, iv.), and the song
(chap, v.) attributed to Deborah. The prose account probably
is derived from the song. The differences in the two
accounts may be explained as having arisen partly from an
imperfect understanding of the poetic text, and partly from
one having come down from some other source.
*** Some critics suppose that the prose narrative (Judges
iv. 5) has confounded the prophetess Deborah, wife of
Lapidoth, with Deborah, nurse of Rachel, who was buried near
Bethel, under the “Oak of Weeping” (Gen. xxxv. 8), and
consequently place it between Rama and Bethel, in the hill-
country of Ephraim.
**** In the prose narrative (Judges iv. 2-7) Sisera is
stated to have been the general of Jabin: there is nothing
incompatible in this statement with the royal dignity
elsewhere attributed to Sisera. Harosheth-ha-Goyîm has been
identified with the present village of El-Haretîyeh, on the
right bank of the Kishon.
It would appear that heavy rains had swelled the streams, and thus prevented the chariots from rendering their expected service in the engagement; at all events, the Amorites were routed, and Sisera escaped with the survivors towards Hazor.
The people of Meroz facilitated his retreat, but a Kenite named Jael, the wife of Heber, traitorously killed him with a blow from a hammer while he was in the act of drinking.*
Safed. I have followed the account given in the song (Judges
v. 24-27). According to the prose version (iv. 17-22), Jael
slew Sisera while he was asleep with a tent-pin, which she
drove into his temple. [The text of Judges v. 24-27 does not
seem to warrant the view that he was slain “in the act of
drinking,” nor does it seem to conflict with Judges iv. 11.-
-Tr.]
This exploit was commemorated in a song, the composition of which is attributed to Deborah and Barak: “For that the leaders took the lead in Israel, for that the people offered themselves willingly, bless ye the Lord. Hear, O ye kings, give ear, O ye princes; I, even I, will sing unto the Lord; I will sing praise to the Lord, the God of Israel.” * The poet then dwells on the sufferings of the people, but tells how Deborah and Barak were raised up, and enumerates the tribes who took part in the conflict as well as those who turned a deaf ear to the appeal. “Then came down a remnant of the nobles and the people.... Out of Ephraim came down they whose root is in Amalek:—out of Machir came down governors,—and out of Zebulon they that handle the marshal’s staff.—And the princes of Issachar were with Deborah—as was Issachar so was Barak,—into the valley they rushed forth at his feet.**—By the watercourses of Reuben—there were great resolves of heart.—Why satest thou among the sheepfolds,—to hear the pipings for the flocks?—At the watercourses of Reuben—there were great searchings of heart—Gilead abode beyond Jordan:—and Dan, why did he remain in ships?—Asher sat still at the haven of the sea—and abode by his creeks.—Zebulon was a people that jeoparded their lives unto the death,—and Naphtali upon the high places of the field.—The kings came and fought;—then fought the kings of Canaan.—In Taanach by the waters of Megiddo:—they took no gain of money.—They fought from heaven,—the stars in their courses fought against Sisera.—The river of Kishon swept them away,—that ancient river, the river Kishon.—O my soul, march on with strength.—Then did the horsehoofs stamp—by reason of the pransings, the pransings of their strong ones.”