History of New Brunswick

APPENDIX No. II.

Extracts relating to the early transactions in Nova-Scotia and New-Brunswick, copied verbatim from papers compiled by a gentlemen who intended to publish an account of New-Brunswick; but was from unexpected circumstances obliged to relinquish the design.

Province of the Massachusetts Bay.

Notice is hereby given, that it hath been determined that a squadron of His Majesty's ships and divers regiments of foot should winter in Nova-Scotia, which will require large supplies of fresh provisions to be sent thither from time to time, not only for the support of the sick in the hospitals, but for the refreshment of those that are well,—and that His Excellency Governor Lawrence hath given assurance, that the coasters and others trading in refreshments of that sort, shall not only be protected by the Admiral from pressing, but shall receive, both from His Excellency and the Admiral, all manner of countenance and regard.

A. Oliver, Sec.

The following proclamation being published in Nova-Scotia and transmitted to this government, was read in Council, and ordered to be published in this Province.

Thos. Clark, D. Sec.

By His Excellency Charles Lawrence, Captain-General and Commander-in-Chief in and over His Majesty's Province of Nova-Scotia, or Acadia, in America, Vice-Admiral of the same, &c., &c., &c.

A Proclamation.

Whereas by the late success of His Majesty's arms in the reduction of Cape Breton and its dependencies, and also by the demolition and entire destruction of Gaspe, Miramichi, and of Saint Lawrence, and on Saint John's river in the Bay of Fundy, the enemy, who have formerly disturbed and harassed the Province of Nova-Scotia, and much obstructed its progress, have been compelled to retire and take refuge in Canada; a favorable opportunity now presents itself for the peopling and cultivating, as well the lands vacated by the French, as every other part of that valuable Province:

I have therefore thought fit, with the advice of His Majesty's Council, to issue this proclamation, declaring that I shall be ready to receive any proposals that may hereafter be made to me, for effectually settling the said vacated, or any other lands within the Province aforesaid: a description whereof, and of the advantages arising from their peculiar nature and situation, I have ordered to be published with this proclamation.

Given in the Council Chamber at Halifax, this 12th day of October, 1758, and in the thirty-second year of His Majesty's Reign.

God Save the King!

A description of the lands ordered to be published pursuant to the foregoing proclamation, which consist of more than one hundred thousand acres of land, interval and plow lands, producing wheat, rye, barley, oats, hemp, flax, &c. These have been cultivated for more than a hundred years past, and never fail of crops, nor need manuring.

Also, more than one hundred thousand acres of upland, cleared and stocked with English grass, planted with orchards, gardens, &c. These lands, with good husbandry, produce often two loads of hay per acre. The wild and unimproved lands adjoining abound with black birch, ash, oak, pine, fir, &c.

All these lands are so intermixed that every single farmer may have a proportionable quantity of plow land, grass land, and wood land, and are all situated about the Bay of Fundy, upon rivers navigable for ships of burden.

Proposals will be received by Mr. Hancock of Boston, and by Messrs. Delancie & Watts of New-York, to be transmitted to the Governor, or President of the Council at Halifax.

(Copy.)

His Majesty's confirmation of the plan for settling the Province of Nova-Scotia.

At the Court of St. James's, the 16th day of February, 1760,

(Seal)

(Present)

Whereas there was this day read to the Board, a representation from the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, dated the 30th of December last, containing an account of the proceedings of the Governor in Council of Nova-Scotia, with regard to the settling of the lands evacuated by the removal of the French inhabitants from that Province, as well as other tracts of land in the wild and uncleared part of that country, and also with regard to the terms and conditions upon which the said Governor and Council have agreed to make grants of the said lands: and the said Lords Commissioners being of opinion, that the plan so laid down by the said Governor and Council, will be a means of the speedy settling the vacant lands in that Province, and therefore proper to receive His Majesty's approbation: His Majesty has this day took the said representation into consideration, and is hereby pleased, with the advice of his Privy Council, to declare his royal approbation of the said plan of the said Governor and Council, for the speedy settling the vacant lands in that Province: and also of the terms and conditions agreed upon for that purpose, and doth therefore order that the Governor or Commander-in-Chief of his Province of Nova-Scotia for the time being, do carry the same into execution.

(Signed)                                                             W. Sharpe.

Extract of a Letter from His Excellency Governor Lawrence, to the Agent for the Province of Nova-Scotia, at Boston, dated 24th June, 1760.

"I am ready to receive farther proposals, in consequence of His Majesty's approbation of our measures, from any person or persons who will offer themselves to become settlers in this Province; and that all due encouragement shall be given them to the utmost limits of the authority with which His Majesty has been pleased to invest the Governor and Council of this Province.—Nota Bene. Proposals left with Mr. Hancock, will be transmitted to the Governor at Halifax.

"Captain Bragdon informs us, that Captain Fisher in a sloop from Annapolis Royal, bound to Fort Cumberland, was cast away in the Bay of Fundy, on board of which was Lieutenant Tonge, an Engineer, with a considerable sum of money, which was lost, together with the lives of two or three persons on board. Friday last arrived here the Province ship King George, Captain Hallowell, from Louisburg and a cruize. From Louisburg, we learn that the armed vessels lately sent out thence, had been at Pictou, and burnt five or six vessels which the enemy took from us last year, and brought off some plunder; and that the Indians from Saint John, who brought the account of the five French men of war being in the Bay of Chaleur, also informed that they had landed four hundred men, in order to attack Fort Cumberland.

"Arrived here, Colonel Arthithnot, who commanded at Fort Frederick, in Saint John's River, the year past; also several other officers and a number of soldiers belonging to this Province, who have garrisoned His Majesty's forts up the Bay of Fundy, and now discharged, arrived here, being relieved by a number of soldiers lately enlisted in this Province, for that service. We hear that the Indians behave well, and still continue to come into the forts at Nova-Scotia, and carry on trade very peaceably."

Extract of a Letter from Colonel Fry, to His Excellency the Governor, dated Fort Cumberland, Chignecto, March 7, 1760.

Sir.—I informed your Excellency in my last of 10th December, of the submission of the French peasants residing at Miramichi, Richibucto, Bucktouche, Peticodiac, and Memramcook, made by their deputies sent here for that purpose. On the 30th of January last, Mr. Manack, a French Priest, who has had the charge of the people at Miramichi, Richibucto, and Bucktouche, and a number of the principal men of those places, arrived here, when they received their submission in a formal manner, by subscribing to articles, (drawn suitable to the case,) whereby among other things, they have obliged themselves and people they represent, to come to Bay Verte with all their effects and shipping as early in the spring as possible, in order to be disposed of as Governor Lawrence shall direct. With the French Priest, came two Indian Chiefs, Paul Lawrence and Augustin Michael; Lawrence tells me he was a prisoner in Boston, and lived with Mr. Henshaw, a blacksmith; he is Chief of a tribe at Richibucto. I have received their submissions, for themselves and for their tribes, to His Britannic Majesty, and sent them to Halifax for the terms by Governor Lawrence. I have likewise received the submission of two other Chiefs, who I dealt with as before mentioned, and was in hopes I had no more treaties to make with savages; but he told me I was mistaken for there would be a great many more upon the same business, as soon as their spring hunting was over: and upon my enquiring how many, he gave a list of fourteen Chiefs, including those already mentioned, (copy of which I have inclosed) most of which he said would come. I was surprised to hear of such a number of Indian Chiefs in this part of America, and Mr. Manack further told me that they were all of one nation, and known by the name of Mickmacks; that they were very numerous, amounting to near three thousand souls; that he had learned their language since he had been among them, and found so much excellence in it, that he was well persuaded if the beauties of it were known in Europe, there would be seminaries erected for the propagation of it. How that might be, is better known to him than to those who know nothing of the language; but I think I may venture to say, that if there be so many of these Indians, as he says there are, I know this Province, as it abounds very plentifully with furs, may reap a vast advantage by them, provided Canada returns not into the hands of the French.

About the time that Mr. Manack arrived here, there came in eight men, one of whom was a New-England man, one Irishman, and the rest Italians and Spaniards; who informed me they deserted from a French frigate that lay froze in at the head of Gaspe harbour. The two former belonged to a vessel commanded by Captain Malcom, of Boston, who was taken by the above frigate, as she was returning from Quebec, where she had been on a trading voyage.

Names of the Indian Chiefs inhabiting the coast of Acadia:

• Louis Frances, Chief of Miramichi,
• Denis Winemowet, do. Tabogimkik,
• Etienne Abchabo, do. Pohomoosh,
• Claud Atanaze, do. Gediack,
• Paul Lawrence, do. La Have,
• Joseph Algimoure, do. Chignectou,
• John Newit, do. Pictou,
• Baptist La Morue, do. Isle of St. John's,
• Reni, do. Nalkitgoniash,
• Jeannot Piguidawelwet, do. Keshpugowitk,
• Batelemy Aungualett, do. Minas,
• Augustin Michael, do. Richibucto.

A NARRATIVE.

Of the proceedings of the first settlers at the River St. John, under the authority of the Government of Nova-Scotia.

In the year 1761, a number of persons from the county of Essex, province of Massachusetts, presented a petition through their agent to the Government of Nova-Scotia, for a grant of a Township of twelve miles square at the river Saint John, they received a favorable answer and obtained full authority to survey a tract of that dimension wherever it might be found fit for improvement. In consequence many of the applicants, proceeded in the course of the winter and spring following to prepare for exploring the Country, and to survey such Township: they provided a vessel for that purpose, and on the 16th May, 1762, embarked at Newburyport and arrived in three days at the harbour Saint John (the 19th:) The party amounted to near twenty men, exclusive of two families, who took passage in the same vessel, one of whom shipped a small frame for a dwelling, and boards to cover it, with a small stock of cattle; the frame and stock was landed the day of their arrival; on the third day the house was finished and inhabited.

The exploring and surveying party then proceeded to view the lands round the harbour and bay of Saint John in a whale boat, they brought with them: for they could not travel on the land, on account of the multitude of fallen trees that had been torn up by the roots in a violent gale of wind, nearly four years previous. (The same gale extended as far up the river as the Oromocto, and most of the Country below that place, was equally incumbered with the fallen trees.)—After making all the discoveries that could be made near the harbour, it was the unanimous opinion that all the lands near that part of the Country, were unfit for making any settlements at that time, and in about ten days from their first arrival, they set out to view the country as far as Saint Anns, ninety miles up the river, where they expected to find an extensive body of clear land that had been formerly improved by the French inhabitants. On their way to that place they landed wherever they saw any appearance of improvement: all such small spots, as far up as Milk Creek, were supposed not to exceed one hundred acres, most of which had been very roughly cleared.—On the arrival of the exploring party at Saint Anns, they lost no time in making a shelter for themselves, nearly opposite the river Nashwouk, (as it was then pronounced by the Indians,) but since, with some variation, as there is in the original names of divers other rivers, lakes, and names by which the tribes were distinguished,—and they commenced their survey at the small gravelly point against Government-House, with an intention to survey a Township, to terminate twelve miles below that place, and after surveying the courses of the river about four miles downward, a large company of Indians came down about nine miles from their Priest's residence, with his Interpreter: all having painted faces of divers colours and figures, and dressed in their war habits. The chiefs, with grave countenances, informed the adventurers that they were trespassers on their rights: that the Country belonged to them, and unless they retired immediately, they, (the Indians), would compel them. This gave no small alarm to a few men in the heart of an Indian Country, most of whom had never beheld a wild Indian, but had all their lives heard of their savage cruelties and murders. The reply made to the Chiefs was to this effect; that the adventurers had received authority from the Governor of Halifax to survey and settle any land they should chuse, at the river Saint John—that they had never been informed of the Indians claiming the village of Saint Anns; but as they then declared the land there, to be their property, though it had been inhabited by the French who were considered entitled to it, till its capture by the English, they would retire further down the river.—In answer to this the Chiefs suggested that the whole country belonged to the Indians, they had some time ago, had a conference with Governor Lawrence, and had consented that the English should settle the country up as far as the Grimross: from this acknowledgment of the Chiefs, the adventurers were a little relieved from the shock they received at first, and said, they were unwilling to dispute, and would in a few days, remove their camps towards Grimross. This answer did not appear fully to satisfy the Indians, yet they made no reply. The surveying party removed their camp, according to their promise almost as far down as the lower end of the Oromocto Island on the east side of the river, whence they finished the survey, twelve miles below the first mentioned bounds: and returned to Fort Frederick, 20, 8, 15, where there was a vessel bound direct to Halifax, and took passage in her, with an account of all their discoveries, and surveys, and with a plan of their Township, they had laid out into lots: but they were so unfortunate as to arrive at that place just at that time accounts were received, that the French had sent out a large fleet and a body of land forces, and had taken Saint Johns, Newfoundland, and were almost hourly expected to attack Halifax, where at that time was only one man of war, the Northumberland, and very few troops. The militia called out; public offices shut, and nothing to be seen but bustle and preparation for the defence of the town, that being the situation of Government, the agents and surveyors, for the adventurers were obliged to return without giving any account of their proceedings, or obtaining any confirmation of their former order for surveying a township, or any instructions to govern their conduct in carrying on the intended settlements. This disappointment was, in the autumn of the same year, followed by one still greater. Commissioners were sent to Fort Frederick, to inform the former applicants for grants of lands, that the space they had surveyed would not be granted to them. On receiving this distressing information they sent a petition to the King, stating the expence they had been at, in full confidence, that all the promises and encouragements, they had received from Government, would be confirmed. This petition was sent under cover addressed to the then agent for the Province, most earnestly soliciting his influence in obtaining a speedy answer for their petition. He took a lively interest in their cause, and in a short time, obtained an order to the Governor to grant all such shares in the tract they had laid out, as should from time to time be settled; and the same gentleman advanced a considerable sum for the proprietors, to defray the expence of obtaining such order, and the proprietors, as a mark of their gratitude, and esteem of their patron, gave their town his name, with a small addition to it, and grants were made to all the resident proprietors, in or about the year 1765. The Indians had remained peaceable from 1762 to 1765: in this year they assembled together, and gave threats of immediately commencing a new war against the English; and the inhabitants of all the frontiers of the Province were greatly alarmed, and the commander of Fort Frederick doubled his sentries on the occasion. The pretexts of the Indians were well known to be mostly false and frivolous, and the commandant and inhabitants residing near the garrison, took great pains to persuade the Chiefs to lay their complaints before the Governor, at Halifax, before they engaged in a war that would eventually prove ruinous to themselves, which might be prevented by their stating to Government all the grounds of the injuries they complained of: after little consideration they agreed to the proposal, and soon after set out for Halifax, accompanied by one of the inhabitants. Their business on their first arrival, was, without loss of time, made known to the Governor, who appointed a time and place to give the Chiefs a hearing of their complaints. They on examination, could not in any degree, support their heaviest charges, and in the end, they admitted they had been misinformed. So that the result of their complaints, amounted to nothing more than that the inhabitants had frequently killed some Beavers, Moose, and other animals, but not far from their houses, which the Chiefs alleged was their exclusive property; and that it was of the condition of a former treaty that the English settlers should not be allowed to kill any wild game in any part of the wilderness, beyond the limits of their farms and improvements. The Governor informed them in his answer, that all treaties before that time, should be strictly observed, and that if the inhabitants had in any instance, done anything contrary to such treaties, they should be severely reprimanded and restrained from continuing such practices. The Chiefs replied, that it might be out of their power to pacify their young men, unless the damage before done to them should be paid. This brought on an inquiry of the Chiefs, what the alleged damage amounted to. In their answer they highly overrated as the inhabitants made it clearly appear, from their statement of the number of animals that had been killed. The Chiefs finding themselves detected in having alarmed the country without reason and of having thereby put them in distressing fear and to great expence, appeared ashamed of their conduct, and could only repeat that the Indians of their tribe would insist on being paid the damages for the loss of their wild animals. After a full hearing a final answer was given them; as follows.—That although the grievances that they had stated were by no means sufficient to justify their hostile proceedings; yet to do them ample justice, he would order to be sent them a certain amount in clothing and provisions (amount not remembered) provided they would consider it full satisfaction for the injuries done by the settlers, and send orders to restrain them from hunting wild animals in the woods. The Chiefs accepted that offer, and the Indians remained peaceable, till the commencement of the revolt of the thirteen Colonies, when they were called upon to aid in defence of the Province, or at least to remain neuter. They promised to do either one or the other; for which purpose Government gave them large presents in necessary supplies for their families. They were at the same time, equally solicited by the Americans; and as large or larger presents made by them; and they continued to live mostly at the expence of the two parties during that war. In 1779 the Indians again assembled, and threatened to make war against the English; and went down in as great a body as they could collect, to near Fort Howe, where they were met by a messenger from the Commandant, and a Deputy Agent for Indian affairs, who appeased the Indians, with a promise of presents (commonly so called), which they accepted and the purchase of a continuance of peace; and they returned to their head-quarters at Opage. This was the last threat of an Indian war.

Notes.—Notwithstanding all the obstacles and discouragements before noticed, the number of families at the river Saint John, including a few settlers on the Islands in Passamaquoddy Bay, amounted to between one hundred and one hundred and fifty families prior to the year 1783.

Memo.—The French Priest who had been forty years employed by France, as a Missionary to the Indians, was ordered to leave the province in 1763, being suspected of influencing and instructing the Indians to make extravagant demands on Government as commissions of their remaining peaceable, at the same time all the French families, then in scattered settlements on the north side of the bay were ordered to leave the Province. They all obeyed the mandate: but in a few years, many returned, one after another, and became quiet subjects.

REMARKS.

On the state of that part of ancient Nova-Scotia lying north of the Bay of Fundy, now in the Province of New-Brunswick, prior to the year 1754.

The French Government in defiance of former treaties continued to erect forts around the harbour of Saint John, and to send troops for the defence of this part of the country (considering it theirs) and to employ the natives to harass and murder the settlers in the district of Maine, thus for many years preventing the settlement of that part of the British dominions as far west as that district or province extended; and the French more recently built a Fort and named it Beau-Sejour, at the head of the bay: from which place they supplied with arms, &c. the tribes of Indians who inhabited the coasts on the Gulph of Saint Lawrence and the rivers that fall into the same. The Indians were also employed to check and prevent the settlements of the Country called Minas, Cobequis and other parts of the Province on the Peninsula of Acadia or Halifax. To prevent the continuance of such depredations, the British Government sent an expedition in 1754, to take possession of this fort, which was not obtained till after an obstinate resistance from the French, who for some years after it was reduced, continued to fortify their settlements on the banks of the river St. John, at Passamaquoddy, and to employ the natives in the service, to prevent the English from extending their settlements eastward of the river Kennebeck and the inhabitants were continually harassed, and often murdered by savages frequently sent by the French for that purpose at Kennebeck and many miles westward for a long course of time. In the year 1758, an expedition was sent from Halifax or Boston to reduce the only remaining French forts of any considerable strength, north of the Bay of Fundy; situated on the west side of the river, below the falls, within the present limits of the city Saint John. But the French commander, having received notice of this expedition some time before its arrival, removed all the light stores further up the river, sunk all his heavy guns as reported by Frenchmen who were present and demolished the fort. He first made his retreat only about four leagues above the falls, where he had previously erected works, surrounded by a thick wood, in order to be covered by Indian soldiers, who will never fight on open ground, nor suffer themselves to be driven within the walls of a garrison by a beseiging force. The French soon after retired to Saint Anns, and not long afterwards to Canada. The demolished fort was rebuilt on the ground of the old one, and garrisoned the winter following, by a body of provincial troops, and a company of Rangers, sent from Louisburgh.

The same company of Rangers as a scouting party, in March 1759, marched up the river on the ice as far as Saint Anns. The few inhabitants below that village had either fled before this party appeared, to St. Anns, or into the woods, and no prisoner was taken to give information concerning the situation or strength of the enemy, yet they continued a forced march as far up as Saint Anns, where they found the village deserted. They set fire to every building in it, and returned with great precipitation to the Fort Frederick, expecting to be pursued by the enemy. This company was early this spring ordered to join the expedition against Quebeck, the Fort was garrisoned with a company or more of provincials till the next or second year: when they were relieved by a company of one of the highland Regiments. The Fort afterwards continued to be garrisoned by a company of some British Regiments, under different Commandants until 1770, when the British troops were embarked from every post in the Province, on account of some disorders that had recently been committed in Boston: the Barracks and Stores were by order of Government placed under the care of one of the inhabitants residing near the several Forts, specially authorized by Government for that service. In 1774, a corporal and six privates were sent to reside in the Barracks of Fort Frederick.

In May 1775, a brig was sent from Boston, to procure fresh provisions for the British army then in that town, from the settlement of the river Saint John. The same vessel was laden with stock, poultry, and sundry other articles most brought from Maugerville in small vessels and gondolas: all which had been put on board within about fifteen days after the brig had arrived. While she was waiting for a fair wind and clear weather, an armed sloop of four guns and full of men, from Machias, came into the harbour, took possession of the brig, and two days after, carried her off to Machias; but the first night after her arrival, the enemy made the small party in the Fort prisoners, plundered them of every thing in it, and set fire to all the Barracks: but at that time they did not molest any of the inhabitants, on the opposite side of the river. Early next spring an armed brig from Machias entered the harbour after having taken a vessel from the West-Indies, belonging to Portland, which they immediately sent to Boston. The two armed vessels continued more than a week in the harbour and sent an officer with a boat full of men to Maugerville: They did no material injury to the settlers. In 1776 and 1777 large parties of armed men came into the river Saint John, in whale boats from Machias and passed through the falls in their boats, and took possession of several empty buildings on the west shore of the river against the present settlements called the Indian House, and occupied them for Barracks, whence they came over every day to Portland shore, and marched along the tongue of land, between the harbour and the water above the falls; in order to capture any vessels that might enter the river and to prevent the landing of marines, or seamen from any British ship. In 1777, the Vulture sloop of war, was stationed in the Bay, between Annapolis and Saint John for the protection of these places, and to prevent the enemy from venturing further up the Bay to plunder the Towns of Horton, Cornwallis and other settlements at the water side in different places, but it was soon found that these towns could not be secured from depredations, as the enemy would pass by all large ships of war in the night and in fogs.

Early in the summer of 1777 the Vulture came into the harbour of Saint John while the Machias party were at their Head-Quarters, above the falls.

SOME NOTES REGARDING

PETER FISHER

The First Historian of New-Brunswick.

By Rev. W. O. Raymond, LL.D.

Peter Fisher's claim to be the first of our historians rests upon two little books, both printed by a well known publishing firm in Market Square, in the City of St. John, in the early years of the last century. The first of these books appeared in 1825. It comprises 110 pages, written in excellent literary style and, considering Mr. Fisher's limited sources of information, is remarkably accurate. In the preface he observes: "This work, however imperfect, must be useful, as giving the first general outline of the Province, and interesting to every person who possesses a feeling for his own fireside."

The other book, "Notitia of New-Brunswick," comprises 136 pages, and was printed in 1838. In the advertisement at the beginning, the author states that "circumstances have compelled him to relinquish in part his original plan, and to contract the scope of the publication, since the times do not warrant any great outlay on works of this description."

The two books are really pamphlets in yellow paper covers, and are now so rare as to be much sought for by collectors of "Canadiana." Both books are written under the nom de plume of "An Inhabitant," and the motto that follows is the same in each, namely:—

"Whatever concerns my country, interests me; I follow nature, with truth my guide."

Before proceeding to consider the personality of our first historian and to speak further of his writings, it will be of interest to speak of his antecedents. His father, Lewis Fisher, served in the war of the American Revolution, on the side of the crown, in the New Jersey Volunteers, a brigade commanded by Brigadier General Cortlandt Skinner, the last Royal Attorney-General of New Jersey. The corps was sometimes known as "Skinner's Greens." It was numerically the largest organization of British Americans in Howe's army. Officers and men were mostly natives of New Jersey, New-York and Pennsylvania. One of the original six battalions was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Abraham Van Buskirk and it contained a large Dutch element. Among the officers were Major Van Cortlandt, Captains William Van Allen, Peter Ruttan, Samuel Ryerson, Jacob Van Buskirk and Waldron Blaan; Lieutenants Martin Ryerson, John Van Norden, John Heslop, John Simonson and Joost (or Justus) Earle; Ensigns Colin McVean, Xenophon Jouett, Malcolm Wilmot, William Sorrell and Frederick Handroff.

Among the men in the ranks—many of whom came to New Brunswick and settled near Fredericton—we find such names as VanHorne, Vanderbeck, Ackerman, Fisher, Burkstaff, Swim, Ridner, VanWoert, Woolley, etc. By the settlement of so many men of this corps in New-Brunswick, the same thrifty "Knickerbocker" element that figured in the development of New-York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania was planted in this province.

Lewis Fisher joined the New Jersey Volunteers on December 7, 1776. He was taken prisoner a few weeks later, together with his brother Peter and fifteen others. After an absence of a year and nine months he effected his escape and returned to his duty on October 2, 1778. He was thenceforth stationed chiefly at Staten Island, where his three oldest children—Eliza, Henry and Peter—were born. When the war closed the New Jersey Volunteers were quartered at Newtown, three miles east of Brooklyn, on Long Island, N.Y.

In the earlier muster rolls we find Fisher's name entered as Lodewick Fischer, but later he adopted the English form Lewis Fisher. His wife, Mary, was probably of English parentage. She was the mother of a very large family and a woman of resolute spirit, which she transmitted to her descendants.

The New Jersey Volunteers never numbered more than 1,500, of all ranks. They, however, rendered essential service in New Jersey and in the defence of Staten Island. One of the battalions under Lieut.-Col. Isaac Allen, was conspicuous for its gallantry in the campaigns in Georgia and South Carolina. At the close of the war the original six battalions had been consolidated into three, under command of Lieut.-Col. Stephen deLancey, Lieut.-Col. Isaac Allen and Lieut.-Col. Abraham VanBuskirk.

The war may be said to have ended with the surrender of the army under Lord Cornwallis, at Yorktown, on October 19, 1781, and little attempt at recruiting was made subsequently; consequently the regiments continued to dwindle until, at the evacuation of New-York, two years later, they were not more than one-third of their original strength. The New Jersey Volunteers, a year after their arrival in New-Brunswick, were mustered by Thomas Knox, under the supervision of Col. Edward Winslow. The return is dated at Fort Howe, September 25, 1784, and the number of those then on their lands, and for whom the Royal bounty of provisions was furnished, was as follows:—

The commander of the 3rd Battalion, Lieut.-Col. VanBuskirk, did not come with his men to the River St. John but settled in Shelburne, where he was the first mayor of the town. The troops for St. John sailed in charge of Lieut.-Col. Richard Hewlett as senior officer, with Lieut.-Col. Gabriel DeVeber second in command. They left New-York on September 15, 1783, and arrived safely in St. John harbour on the 26th, with the exception of the transports "Martha" and "Esther." The former was wrecked near Yarmouth and more than half of her passengers were lost. The "Esther," in which VanBuskirk's battalion had embarked, got off her course in the fog and narrowly escaped destruction, arriving a day or two behind her sister ships.

As Peter Fisher was born on Staten Island, on June 9, 1782, he was a very young Loyalist indeed at the time of his arrival in Blue-nose Land, being, in point of fact, less than sixteen months old.

Sir Guy Carleton's orders were that the several corps should proceed at once to the places allotted for their settlement, directions having been given to Captain John Colville, assistant agent of all small craft at the St. John River, to afford every assistance in his power to the corps in getting to their destinations. Three days after their arrival the troops disembarked and encamped above the Falls, near the Indian House. Hewlett wrote Sir Guy Carleton that he feared the want of small craft would greatly delay their progress. He writes again on the 13th October, 1783, that the troops had been disbanded and were getting up the river as fast as the scarcity of small craft for conveying them would admit.

I shall pause here to relate an incident, which will indicate the source from which Peter Fisher derived the information he gives us concerning the arrival of the Loyalists at St. Ann's and their subsequent hardships.

About twenty-five years ago William, the youngest son of Peter Fisher, read to me in his apartments in the old Park Hotel, in St. John, a manuscript which contained the recollections of one of his sisters of her various conversations with her old grandmother, Mary Fisher, concerning the coming to New-Brunswick and the subsequent experience of her family at St. Ann's. Mr. Fisher did not entrust the manuscript to my hands but allowed me to make full notes, and afterwards at my request re-read the whole, in order that I might make sure of my facts. The story which now follows is, of course, not quoted from the lips of the first narrator, but is based upon the notes made by her granddaughter in which are embodied the recollections of the conversations she had with her grandmother.

The site of this old grave-yard, is on the Ketchum place at Salamanca, just below Fredericton, near the shore. Some rude headstones may perhaps yet be found there. The late Adolphus G. Beckwith told me that he remembered when a boy to have seen a number of pine "head-boards," much decayed, but still standing in this old cemetery. The painted epitaphs, or inscriptions, were in some cases fairly well preserved. He remembered, he said, that many of the names seemed to be German (or Dutch), a statement which I hardly credited at the time, but which is entirely in harmony with the old grandmother's story. Continuing her narrative, she says:

Here again the grandmother's story is confirmed by the Muster Rolls of the New Jersey Volunteers, lately placed by our Historical Society in the Dominion Archives at Ottawa for safe-keeping. Nearly all the names she mentions are to be found there. In Captain Waldron Blaan's Company, we find John Swim, Vincent Swim, Moses McComesky, David Burkstaff, Frederick Burkstaff. In Col. VanBuskirk's Company we find Abraham Vanderbeck, Conrad Ridner, Abraham Ackerman, Morris Ackerman and Marmaduke Ackerman. In Captain Edward Earle's Company, Lodewick Fisher, Peter Ridnor and Peter Smith. In Captain Samuel Ryerson's Company, Samuel Buchanan. In Captain Jacob Buskirk's Company, James Ackerman.

Benjamin Ingraham, mentioned above, was a sergeant in the King's American Regiment; he served in the Carolinas, where he nearly died of yellow fever, and was severely wounded in the battle of Camden. He arrived at St. Ann's in a row-boat in October, 1783, and built a small log house in the woods into which he moved on the 6th of November, at which time there was six inches of snow on the ground.

The story now continues:

Again a few comments will show the reliability of the old lady's narrative. The three houses she mentions on the site of Fredericton were those of Benjamin Atherton, built about 1767 at the upper end of the town, near the site of the old Government House; Philip Weade's, which stood on the river bank in front of the Cathedral, and Olivier Thibodeau's, an Acadian, whose log house was at the lower end of town. The tradition regarding the massacre of some of the first settlers at St. Ann's refers doubtless to the destruction of the French settlement there by McCurdy's New England Rangers in February, 1759, as is described at page 242 in Dr. Raymond's "St. John River History." The party of Loyalists, who had gone further up the river in the late Spring of 1783, were the King's American Dragoons, who settled in Prince William. Resuming once more the narrative, the grandmother says: