History of the Forty-second regiment infantry, Massachusetts volunteers, 1862, 1863, 1864

Renshaw refused to accede to the Confederate proposition, and ordered Law to get every vessel out of port with despatch while he blew up the Westfield, as all attempts to float her had failed.

Not receiving any communication from the navy, and at a loss to understand what was going on, while the Clifton and Owasco had dropped down the channel far enough to be out of direct range of the enemy’s desultory musketry-fire which was kept up on the troops upon the wharf, Colonel Burrell ordered Corporal Henry W. McIntosh, Company D, to stand up upon the breastwork, with a piece of sail-cloth attached to an oar-blade. Several handkerchiefs were also attached to bayonets and raised in the air.

Corporal McIntosh was fired at several times, the bullets whizzing very close, before the truce flag was acknowledged. General Magruder afterwards apologized for this breach of the usages of war, explaining the difficulty of managing the unruly men that formed his command, and the personal exertions made by himself and staff-officers to stop the firing. Magruder was called to account, for this action of his men, by the Confederate War Department at Richmond. He had a personal interview with Colonel Burrell, while a prisoner at Houston, and produced an order calling upon him to report forthwith to the War Department, and requested a signed document from the colonel stating the facts.

A cessation of hostilities for half an hour was asked, for the express purpose of communicating with the fleet. This was granted with the understanding that only one man was to leave the wharf. The intention of Colonel Burrell was to prevail upon the naval commander to send a gunboat to the wharf, embark his men at the expiration of the half-hour, and assist the navy with his men if the fight was to continue. No idea of a surrender entered his head at this time.

Selecting Adjutant Davis to see the naval commander, a difficulty presented itself in obtaining a boat, as the one held at the wharf was sunk. The Confederates had managed quietly to remove from the neighborhood all of the row-boats without attracting any attention. Fortunately two refugees just then passed towards the gunboats, were hailed, ordered to the wharf, and took the adjutant into their boat, proceeding towards the Clifton. While on the way a row-boat, containing some Confederate officers and flying a flag of truce, tried to overtake them. One of the officers ordered them to stop, when the adjutant shouted: “I will see you d——d first,” and with his revolver in hand ordered the refugees to row for all they were worth to the Owasco, the nearest vessel, fearing some treachery.

On reaching the Owasco he found that Commander Law, the ranking officer, had gone to see Renshaw. Commander Wilson refused to do anything until Law’s return, as the truce flags were up. No amount of entreaty was of avail. Wilson’s attention was called to the fact that the Confederates on shore had again manned their guns and moved others into position, even while truce flags were up on shore—a violation of the truce on their part. It was of no use, Adjutant Davis had to remain until Commander Law should return.

The time agreed upon for cessation of hostilities expired. The Confederates had replaced their artillery in favorable positions to fully command the wharf. No reply had been received to the request sent the naval commander, and the naval vessels had left the troops without protection. Thus abandoned by his only support, not a sign of succor from any source, his position completely at the mercy of the enemy’s artillery, with riflemen posted in commanding and covered places, when the Confederate truce flag came to the wharf, at the expiration of the time agreed upon, Colonel Burrell proceeded to meet it. After a discussion of terms of surrender, it was agreed that upon an unconditional surrender the officers and men were to retain all of their personal effects and all private baggage. Only property of the United States, except knapsacks, haversacks and canteens, was to be delivered up. The very best terms the enemy would concede.

Colonel Burrell then offered General Scurry his sword, which that officer refused, saying: “Keep your sword colonel, a man’s done what you have deserves to wear it.” The Confederate troops came down yelling like mad people when the surrender was completed, and soon swarmed upon the wharf. When Major-General Magruder, in a gorgeous uniform, met Colonel Burrell, he remarked: “Don’t be cast down colonel, it is the fortune of war; you will soon be paroled.” On his appearance upon the wharf, Surgeon Cummings courteously offered him a glass of whiskey, but Magruder declined with thanks. The numerous “colonels” and “majors,” who seemed to be thick as bees, were not so backward, for they sampled a case of fine liquors, the private property of the officers, in such a manner that it was never seen afterwards.

To their anxious inquiries about the killed and wounded, when informed none were killed with but few wounded they expressed great surprise, expecting to find a heavy loss had been sustained. Magruder remarked that they would probably never again be subjected to such a heavy fire and suffer so small a loss.

An inspection of the breastwork disclosed that it was marked in hundreds of places by bullets, while the storehouse looked like a sieve. The officers occupied quarters in the storehouse on and after the twenty-ninth. Previous to this time they had lived aboard the Saxon, while she lay at the wharf. The enlisted men were in the building. Some cooking was done on the Saxon at the cooking-range; but stoves having been procured on the twenty-seventh they were set up, but not fully protected so as to prevent setting fire to the building until the thirty-first, when they were ready for use. A pot of beans was being baked in one of the stoves for the officers, who expected next day to have a royal meal; a shot cut the stove funnel in two; the stove sustained no damage; the next day Confederates enjoyed that royal meal with the savory dish of New England.

The regimental flags were placed in the barracks between two heavy beams. Lieutenant Cowdin received instructions, when landing, to keep a sharp eye on the colors, and in no event allow them to be lost. Why Lieutenant Cowdin at this period did not think of some way in which to avoid their capture is excusable only on the ground that he was severely wounded in the back and under the surgeon’s care. Why other officers, or men, did not arrange to save them is a puzzle. To be sure it was a time of intense anxiety and excitement; but the colors should not have been forgotten. It was an easy matter to take them from the staffs and either placed in somebody’s knapsack or have been wound around the body of some man, under his clothing, and the staffs destroyed, or, what would have been better, the flags could have been torn into pieces and distributed amongst the men for keepsakes. The enemy did not know so small a force had colors with them until they were found after the action.

Confederate Major Shannon, who had been a prisoner of war in the Federal hands and received kind treatment, as a mark of his gratitude for that treatment, asked for and received permission to take care of private baggage of the command, and prevent unruly men of Magruder’s force from despoiling it. This was not an easy matter to do, but the major succeeded in his purpose; the baggage was properly delivered in a few days to the prisoners at Houston. The officers’ swords were passed over to the provost-marshal at Houston, properly marked, to be returned when the owners were paroled or exchanged. They never were seen again.

About nine o’clock arms had been stacked, knapsacks slung, and the Forty-Second detachment marched from the wharf, passing between lines of General Magruder’s force drawn up in the streets of Galveston, and proceeded to some empty houses in the suburbs, where the men remained until one o’clock in the afternoon. The captured crew of the Harriet Lane joined them during the forenoon.

As the troops marched from the wharf Commander Law returned. When Adjutant Davis asked him what was going to be done, he replied: “The Harriet Lane is captured, Wainwright dead, and the fleet will proceed to sea immediately.” Orders were sent to the little schooner Corypheus for the captain to scuttle her and take his men on board some of the remaining vessels; but he asked permission to set sail, and did so, saving her. With truce flags flying, the gunboats proceeded to sea. The Clifton lead, followed by the Owasco, then the Corypheus, and last was the Sachem, whose commander, by diligent work during the action, had patched up her boilers and got steam started.

Renshaw sent the Westfield’s crew on board transports Saxon and Mary Boardman, and a slow-match was applied to a train of powder leading to her magazine. As no explosion took place at the expected time, he went back in a row-boat with Lieutenant Zimmerman, Engineer Green, two quartermasters, four firemen and five sailors. As Renshaw was about coming over her side into the row-boat again, a premature explosion took place. The Westfield fell to pieces, and not a vestige of the boat’s occupants was ever seen again. This was about ten o’clock A.M. Her guns were afterwards recovered by the enemy, and placed in battery to protect the harbor from another visit by Federal vessels. News of Renshaw’s death reached Law when the Clifton was half-way towards the bar, placing him in command of the navy, and that officer concluded to proceed at once to New Orleans, abandoning the blockade from fear of an attack by the Harriet Lane, although an officer on board the Mary Boardman informed him another transport-vessel would be down in forty-eight hours, and ought to be warned. In the race for New Orleans the Mary Boardman reached the city first, followed next day by the Clifton, and afterwards the Saxon and Honduras.

The following account of how the Westfield was destroyed is taken from a letter written by William L. Burt, aide-de-camp to General Hamilton, to Major-General Banks. Major Burt was on board transport Mary A. Boardman, lying at anchor near the flag-ship Westfield: “Captain Law had an interview with Commander Renshaw. Our vessel, the Mary Boardman, was then alongside the Westfield, having endeavored to haul her off. As soon as Captain Law left for his own vessel Commander Renshaw sent an officer to us saying, that he was going to blow up the Westfield, and requesting us to assist in taking off her men and whatever could be saved. I remonstrated with this officer, that it was unnecessary, and that the whole force could lie by and protect the Westfield until the tide turned (which was then running out), when she would float, and we could save her, and as she was heavily armed and of light draught she was invaluable. I also requested the commander to come on board. This remonstrance was repeated to every officer that came to my vessel with men. We received on board the men and their baggage, with property of the ship, until our decks would hold no more, and the rest was placed on the transport Saxon.

“At about ten A.M., while the commander’s boat and crew and second cutter and crew were at the Westfield to receive the last men, the commander, having poured turpentine over the forward magazine and just over where she was aground, set her on fire with his own hand. He stepped down into his boat, in which were Lieutenant Zimmerman, Chief-Engineer Green, and two oarsmen. The magazine immediately exploded, tearing the bow of the vessel open and blowing her to pieces to the water’s edge and back to the smoke-stack. After the explosion no living thing could be seen. She did not sink, being aground; her guns aft, which were double-shotted and run out, as the flames should reach them, threatened us, at the short distance we were from her, with destruction, which might have been foreseen when she was fired.

“Acting Sailing-Master Smalley took charge of us as pilot, and we started for the bar. It was evident that we could not get over with what we had on board, and we threw overboard everything on deck except what belonged to the men of the Westfield. We went over the bar, striking very heavily, followed by the Saxon, two small schooners, the Clifton, Owasco and Sachem, gunboats, leaving the Harriet Lane in the hands of the rebels, with two barks loaded with coal, and one small schooner.”

The behavior of Colonel Burrell is spoken of in the highest terms by officers and men who were under him. He walked the wharf during the entire time the action continued, with shot and shell flying around in unpleasant proximity. While risking his own life in this manner, in order to be able to observe all that was taking place, he kept his men under shelter as much as possible. They rose to their feet from behind the breastwork only when ready to fire on the enemy.

All of the officers are entitled to credit for their gallant conduct under the trying circumstances of this their first fight. Gallant Captain Sherive especially showed marked courage and bravery.

The men, as a whole, behaved like veterans; not that there was no quivering—there was; but no display of childish fear took place. Every order given was obeyed with marked promptitude, and in such a manner to show that they stood to their duty like men.

Many comical incidents happened during the engagement, and if all could be remembered they would make a respectable-sized chapter. A few, that the men often talked and laughed about, are here given: Frank Veazie, officers’ cook, during the hot firing, kept up a promenade inside the storehouse with his coat collar up and bent over as if rain was falling upon him. Private Billy Burt, Company D, when all hands were crowded for shelter near the breastwork, during the first hour, shouted: “For God’s sake, get where the sergeants are and we will be safe!” The quartermaster’s colored boy, Charlie Amos, fell asleep early in the evening, sleeping through all the uproar, and did not awake until it was over.

The loss by the United States naval squadron was:

Clifton—One wounded.

Owasco—One killed; fifteen wounded, including Commander Wilson.

Harriet Lane—Five killed; five wounded; exclusive of officers, one hundred and ten sailors were made prisoners.

Westfield—Fourteen killed.

The Confederate loss is hard to ascertain. From the character of their raw volunteers many men slightly wounded must have never been reported, besides, their administration department was too loose for an exact official report of casualties. While not so heavy as would be supposed from the naval cannonade of the city, it is officially reported by General Magruder to have been about twenty-six killed and one hundred and seventeen wounded, but Surgeon Cummings, who had excellent opportunities for knowing, places it at about three hundred killed and wounded.7 A part of the Confederate loss was known at the time to be as follows:

Colonel Pyron’s regiment—Two killed; six wounded.

Captain Wilson’s battery— —— killed; four wounded.

On steamer Bayou City—Five killed; two wounded.

On steamer Neptune—Seven killed; twenty-eight wounded.

Among the Confederate officers placed hors-de-combat were:

Surgeon Fisher, Colonel Cook’s regiment, killed.

Captain Weir, Company B, Texas artillery, killed on Bayou City.

Lieutenant Sidney W. Sherman, Texas artillery, killed.

Lieutenant Harvey Clark, Colonel Cook’s regiment, mortally wounded.

Major Dickinson, wounded in eye badly.

Major A. M. Lea, C. S. engineers, wounded.

Captain Schneider, slightly wounded.

Lieutenant Madden, slightly wounded.

Captain McMahan, slightly wounded.

Property captured by the enemy was as follows: the Harriet Lane with her fine battery, the guns on the Westfield, three sailing vessels loaded with coal, viz., Arthur, Cavallo and Elias Pike—these vessels were said to have been burned by the navy, or set on fire—one set regimental colors, one garrison flag, arms and ammunition, tents, intrenching tools, commissary supplies, and quartermaster stores of clothing, etc., etc., that the detachment carried to Galveston.

The garrison flag was afterwards found upon a Confederate Texan soldier, made prisoner at Thibodeaux by Lieutenant Alf. Halstead, Company K, One Hundred and Seventy-Sixth New York Infantry, on the twenty-third June, 1863, a few days after the action at La-Fourche Crossing, in which a detachment of the Forty-Second Regiment took part. This soldier had got possession of the flag, and carefully preserved it. By request of Lieutenant Halstead the flag was forwarded to Governor John A. Andrew, to be placed among other State mementos of the war.

On the day of surrender the following vessels, with reënforcements and military stores, were on the way to Galveston. Had the action been delayed one week quite a respectable military force would have been assembled upon the island.

Transport steamer Cambria, with Governor Hamilton and troops.

Transport steamer Honduras, with detachment First Vermont Battery, Captain Hibbard.

Transport steamer Charles Osgood, with two companies Forty-Second Regiment.

Transport steamer Che-Kiang, with three companies Forty-Second Regiment, one company Texas cavalry, and a number of Texas refugees.

The Honduras and Charles Osgood were spoken in the Gulf by gunboat Clifton, and returned to New Orleans. The Che-Kiang lay at the United States Barracks below New Orleans January 3d, ready to proceed the next day, when the news was telegraphed from the Passes, and her orders were countermanded. The Cambria arrived off Galveston January 2d, and was fortunate to escape capture from well-laid plans of General Magruder.

The following accounts were given by Sergeant Nichols, Company G, Forty-Second Regiment, and by Purser Bach, steamer Cambria, before it was known what steps were taken by the Confederates to catch the transport steamer:

STATEMENT OF SERGEANT NICHOLS.

“The Cambria, Captain Sumner, arrived off Galveston Bar at three o’clock P.M. January 2d. On board were three hundred men First Texas Cavalry, Colonel Davis, recruited in New Orleans from Texas refugees, and equipments for a full cavalry regiment; a detachment First Vermont Battery with guns; Sergeants Nichols, Vialle, Attwell, and Private Greene, all of Company G, Forty-Second Regiment, en route to join their company. A small brass cannon on deck was fired several times to signal a pilot and notify the navy, without attracting attention. Several refugees, ‘Nicaragua’ Smith, Foley, big ’Jack’ and others, volunteered and went in a row-boat to notify the fleet. As his volunteers did not return, Captain Sumner remained off the bar until morning without suspicion of any danger. About ten o’clock A.M. next day a sloop, pilot flag up, with three or four men aboard, approached and made an attempt to entice the steamer on the bar, reporting she could follow, and they would take soundings. There was ten and one-half feet of water on the bar, and the Cambria drew eleven feet. Not one of the men would come on board. After some talk Captain Sumner became suspicious, and, in a loud voice, ordered: ’Men, stand by the ports!’ although the steamer was not armed. Just then a few refugees on board recognized Confederate Captain Payne on the sloop, told Sumner of the fact, who ordered him to come on board the Cambria or the sloop would be blown to pieces. Captain Payne came aboard, and, in answer to questions, said, Captain Wainwright was in command of the fleet, with several other false stories, playing his part well until he, in turn, recognized several faces on board. He then knew he was trapped, and said: ‘The game is up, I am lying; the Confederates are in possession of the city and harbor.’ The whole story of what had occurred was then told, including a tale of the capture of Smith and his comrades. Payne reported that the Harriet Lane was about ready to come out after the Cambria, so Captain Sumner allowed the other men on the sloop to get away, while he made haste to reach New Orleans. This Captain Payne was placed in confinement on a war-vessel at New Orleans. He was afterwards seen on the streets of that city apparently a free man.”

“Nicaragua” Smith was tried by a court-martial, declared a traitor, and shot January 8th, game to the last. Six balls entered his body. A characteristic speech made by him when face to face with the firing party would not bear repetition here. Two of his comrades escaped, but Foley and big “Jack” managed to be paroled when the enlisted men were sent to the Federal lines.

STATEMENT OF PURSER BACH.

“On Board Steamer Cambria, “January 7th, 1863.

“Major-General Banks,
“Commanding Department of the Gulf:

“The steamer Cambria, with two companies First Texas Cavalry, horses of the Second Vermont Battery, and a great number of men, women and children (refugees), left New Orleans for Galveston December 31st, 1862, at 9 P.M. Arrived outside the island January 2d, at 7 P.M. Strong wind and high sea running. No sign of pilot, consequently came to anchor.

“Next morning, third instant, weather very hazy and high sea. We commenced beating about, in the hope of a pilot coming to us, up to 12 M. No such success, during which time several of the refugees, being well acquainted with the bar, were desirous of piloting us in. The captain would not listen to any such suggestions. They then offered to take one of the life-boats and go for a pilot, to which he also dissented; but, upon the earnest solicitations of officers and refugees, amounting almost to a demand, he reluctantly consented, and the boat left, manned by six men, two of whom were soldiers and four refugees. This was about 12.30 P.M. The colonel sent a pressing letter to the officer in command, stating that we were in distress, the horses on board suffering from the rough weather, and demanding assistance.

“About 7 P.M. the weather cleared to bright moonlight; sea more calm. The boat did not return, and hopes for her safety were given up, as it was supposed she might have swamped in crossing the bar. At this time three shells were plainly visible as having been fired from near the city, which was the first cause of uneasiness on the part of our captain. On the supposed warning the colonel had his men called together and put in readiness in case of emergency. Nothing further transpired, however, during the night.

“The next morning the day broke clear, the sun shining bright, with the city and its surroundings in full view. We hoisted pilot-jack and blew the whistle about eight o’clock, which signal was answered by pilot-boat inside the bar, near a schooner, and a bark with American colors flying, which proved to be the bark Cavallo. After the boat came toward us she tacked, apparently running and sounding the bar. She then went toward the bark and lowered her jack, signifying that she had put the pilot on board. In the meantime the pilot-boat shot up alongside and asked: ‘How much water do you draw, captain?’ To which he replied: ‘Nine and a half to ten feet.’ The answer then was: ‘You can go in; there is plenty of water on the bar.’ ‘Are you a pilot?’ was then demanded. Reply.—’No, but you can follow us in.’ Question.—’Where is the pilot?’ Answer.—’On the bark.’ Question.—’Why does he not come out for us?’ Answer.—’Because he had special orders to take the bark out first.’ In the meantime we separated some distance. Again the pilot-boat shot up alongside, when the captain ordered the pilot on board, when he replied: ‘There are too many men there for me.’ He then immediately hauled jib-sheet to windward, slacked off the main-sheet, and put his helm hard to port, with the intention of getting clear. Seeing this, the captain ordered the steamer backed, which placed the steamer between the pilot-boat and the bar. The captain then called out: ‘Stand by your guns, fore and aft, and be ready to fire. Do not open your port-holes before the colonel gives the word.’ The pilot-boat then came to, and the pilot said he would come on board. The colonel asked him who was in command. His immediate reply was: ‘Captain Wainwright.’ After several unimportant questions and answers he was recognized and called by name by one of the refugees, by which he was apparently confused and lost his presence of mind. Seeing that the captain looked upon him with marked suspicion, he said: ’Gentlemen, I cannot lie any longer; Galveston is in the hands of the Confederacy.’ The captain, hearing that the Harriet Lane was in their hands and as she was reported uninjured, immediately put the steamer to sea. The counterfeit pilot, T. W. Paine, was, of course, detained on board as prisoner. The pilot-boat and crew were permitted to depart, as the colonel thought by their returning it would give us more time to escape.

“About nine o’clock on the evening of the fifth instant we met the United States sloop-of-war Brooklyn, and was boarded by an officer from her, to whom we gave the foregoing information. We afterward learned that the boat sent ashore with the six men was detained and the men taken prisoners.

“Respectfully submitted, “LEWIS BACH, “Acting-Purser Steamer Cambria.”

What steps were taken to entrap the Cambria, or any transports unlucky enough to arrive while the United States gunboats fled to New Orleans, is described by General Magruder in his official report of the action. He says: “Having buried the dead, taken care of the wounded, and secured the captured property, my exertions were directed to getting the Harriet Lane to sea. The enemy’s ships fled to New Orleans, to which place one of their steam transports was dispatched during the action. I knew that a large naval force might be expected to return in a few days. I therefore ordered the employment at high wages of all the available mechanics to repair the Harriet Lane, her main shaft having been dislocated and her iron wheel greatly disabled, so that the engine could not work. The United States flags were ordered to remain flying on the custom-house and at the mast-heads of the ships, so as to attract into the harbor any of the enemy’s vessels which might be bound for the port of Galveston. A line of iron buoys, which we had established for the guidance of his ships in the harbor, were displaced and so arranged as to insure their getting aground.

“On the third of January, I being then on board of the Harriet Lane, a yawl-boat, containing several men, in command of a person named Thomas Smith, recently a citizen of Galveston, and who had deserted from our army, was reported alongside. He informed me he was sent from the United States transport-steamship Cambria, then off the bar, for a pilot, and that they had no idea of the occupation of the city by us. I forthwith ordered a pilot-boat, under command of Captain Johnson, to bring in this ship, but, through a most extraordinary combination of circumstances, the vessel which contained E. J. Davis and many other apostate Texans, besides several hundred troops and 2,500 saddles for the use of native sympathizers, succeeded in making her escape. The man Smith, who had, it is said, several times set fire to the city of Galveston before he deserted, had been known as Nicaragua Smith, and was dreaded by every one. He returned to Galveston in order to act as Federal provost-marshal. His arrival produced much excitement, during which some one without orders sent a sail-boat to Pelican Spit, now occupied by our troops, to direct the commanding officer there not fire on our pilot-boat, although she was under Yankee colors. The sail-boat thus sent was at once supposed to be destined for the Yankee transport. The pilot-boat gave chase to her, and the guns from the shore opened on her within hearing of the ship.

“Night coming on, I thought it surer, as the alarm might be taken, to capture her at sea before morning; but the Harriet Lane could not move, and our cotton gunboats could not live on the rough sea on the bar. Therefore one of the barks, the Royal Yacht, a schooner of ours, the pilot-boat and the Leader, a schooner loaded with cotton, which I had ordered to be sent to a foreign port, with a proclamation of the raising of the blockade at Galveston, were directed to be prepared and armed with light artillery. This was done by two o’clock the same night, our little fleet being manned by volunteers, under the command of Captain Mason, of Cook’s regiment of artillery.

“Unfortunately the wind lulled, and none but the pilot-boat could reach the enemy’s ship. The pilot-boat went out under the command of a gallant sailor, Captain Payne, of Galveston. The enemy’s ship proved to be a splendid iron steamer, built in the Clyde. I had ascertained from her men taken ashore that she had only two guns, and they were packed on deck under a large quantity of hay, and I anticipated an easy conquest and one of great political importance, as this ship contained almost all the Texans out of the State who had proved recreant to their duty to the Confederacy and to Texas. The pilot-boat was allowed to get close to the ship, when the boat was hailed and the pilot ordered to come on board. Captain Payne answered that he thought there were rather too many men to trust himself to; whereupon he was directed to come on board, or he would be fired into. He went on board as ordered, and soon after the steamer sailed in all haste seaward, leaving the pilot-boat and hands to return to us.

“I am thus particular in this narration as the friends of Captain Payne fear that he may meet with foul play from the enemy. I shall ascertain, through Commodore Bell, his fate, and act accordingly. Smith, the deserter, was tried regularly the next day before a general court-martial, and, being convicted of deserting to the enemy, was publicly shot in Galveston, in accordance with his sentence. The proceedings, which were formal in all respects, legal and regular, are forwarded.”

The following papers, connected with this action, are here given. The first, a dispatch from William L. Burt, was the first news sent North of the action, and naturally caused many a heart to ache for relatives and friends supposed to be at Galveston:

“Southwest Pass, La., “January 3d, 1863, 1.45 P.M.

“Major-General Banks:

“I have received the following dispatch, which I hasten to communicate:

“’On Board Mary Boardman, “’January 3d, 1863, 12 noon.

“’N. P. Banks,
“’Commanding Department of the Gulf:

“’Galveston was attacked by land and water on the morning of January 1st. Colonel Burrell and his men were all killed or taken prisoners. Four rebel rams made an attack on the Harriet Lane, and carried her by boarding. Captain Wainwright and Lieutenant Lee killed, and all the men killed or prisoners. The captain of the Owasco (Wilson) was killed. Commander Renshaw blew up the flag-ship Westfield to prevent her from falling into the hands of the enemy. He was killed, and also First-Lieutenant Zimmerman. Two barks loaded with coal fell into the hands of the rebels. We have some seventy men from the Westfield on board. They must have some arrangements for taking charge of them immediately on our arrival, as we have only our own crew.

“’Wm. L. Burt, “’Major and Aide-de-Camp, Staff of General Hamilton.’ “C. HUGGINS.”

General Banks, in a letter to Major-General Halleck, gives as his reason for sending Colonel Burrell to Galveston, the following:

“Headquarters Dept. of the Gulf,
“New Orleans, La., January 7th, 1863.
(Extract.)

“Sir: The detachment of troops was sent to Galveston upon the suggestion of Admiral Farragut, and upon the statement of General Butler, that he had contemplated ordering a small force there to assist in recruiting Texas refugees. It was supposed that the fleet made the occupation of the part of the island adjacent to the gunboats perfectly secure. It would not, however, have been sent forward so soon after my arrival had it not been for the impatience of General Hamilton. When it became known that our destination was New Orleans and not Texas, which was not until our arrival here, those connected with him became very violent, and denounced unsparingly the Government and all connected with the expedition for what was called bad faith in its management.

“General Hamilton is not a bad man, but he does not manifest great force of character, and is surrounded by men who came here on the Government transports, unbeknown to me, for base, speculative purposes, and nothing else. I notified him of the conduct of these men, and he promised to correct it, but has not yet done so. He explains their presence by saying, that in the North he became indebted to them for pecuniary assistance. I sent him notice that they would be required to leave the Department if their course was approved by him.

“It was mainly the impatience of these people that prompted me to forward the detachment to Galveston; but only upon the concurrence of Admiral Farragut and General Butler as to its expediency and safety. Such is a full statement of my participation in this affair.

“I have the honor to be, with much respect,

“your obedient servant, “N. P. BANKS, “Major-General commanding.

“Major-General Halleck,
“Commander-in-Chief U. S. Army.”

The flag-of-truce scheme, so fortunately put into use by Major Smith, led to some correspondence on the subject between General Magruder and Commodore Bell, commanding United States forces off Galveston. None of this correspondence is of material interest to the Forty-Second Regiment, except the following extract from a letter by Colonel Debray to Commodore Bell, January 22d, viz.: “As to your complaint of a breach of truce in connection with the Forty-Second Massachusetts, I would respectfully state that the land troops were not embraced in the terms of truce on the 1st instant, either directly or indirectly. As soon as daylight came they could have been destroyed by our guns and musketry in five minutes. To avert a misunderstanding on this subject with you, which Major-General Magruder would much regret, he will send a full statement by to-morrow morning.”

The full statement of Magruder to Bell is embraced in the following papers sent to the Confederate War Department in Richmond, Va., by Major-General Magruder, in justification of himself. It is proper to state that the statement signed by Colonel Burrell, was drafted after a long consultation between his officers, and, while not correct in every respect, the officers felt under obligations to Generals Magruder and Scurry, for favors granted and expected, and were disposed to help Magruder out of his muddle with the Confederate War Department. The documents were:

“The following document is not to be considered or used as official in any way, but as strictly personal.

“ISAAC S. BURRELL, “Colonel 42d Regt. Mass. Vols.

“Statement in relation to the surrender of a portion of the Forty-Second Regiment, Massachusetts Volunteers, at Galveston, Texas, on the morning of January 1st, A.D. 1863, to the Confederate forces under the command of Major-General J. B. Magruder, with the circumstances attending the surrender:

“After the steamer Harriet Lane had raised the white flag in token of surrender, the white flag was also raised by the Forty-Second Regiment by order of the colonel commanding; but the fire continuing for ten or fifteen minutes from the wharf and the brick building above Kuhn’s Wharf, where the said Forty-Second Regiment was stationed, when Brigadier-General Scurry came down to Kuhn’s Wharf and demanded the unconditional surrender of the troops on the wharf the firing ceased and was not resumed so far as the wharf is concerned.

“The surrender was made immediately, and the battle terminated, so far as said Forty-Second Regiment was concerned. Between the time the white flag was raised on the wharf and the cessation of the firing only one man was wounded and none killed.

“This statement is made in justice to Brigadier-General Scurry, who, by his gentlemanly conduct and uniform kindness to officers and privates, is entitled to the grateful remembrance of the whole command. We believe that the firing after the white flag was raised was unknown to him and against his will or orders.

“The flag of truce was not raised on the wharf by the Forty-Second Regiment until every vessel in the harbor had raised one.

“When the demand for surrender was made by Brigadier-General Scurry, the colonel of the Forty-Second Regiment asked to be allowed the same time given to the fleet for consideration (three hours), but his request was refused.

“Having carefully examined the above statement, I believe it to be true in every point, and accordingly I have affixed my signature thereto.

“ISAAC S. BURRELL, “Colonel 42d Regt. Mass. Vols.”

This was enclosed in a letter sent to Richmond, Va., by General Magruder, of which the following is an extract:

“Houston, Texas, January 23d, 1863.

“This statement made by Colonel Burrell, commanding the detachment of the Forty-Second Massachusetts Regiment Volunteers, captured at Galveston on the 1st instant, it will be seen agrees in every important particular with the statement furnished by me in my communication to Commodore Bell. Our naval officers distinctly state that the white flag hoisted on board the ship did not apply to the land force. Captain Lubbock, the commander of one of our gunboats, who arranged with the senior officer in command of the Federal fleet the terms of the truce, stated, on his return from the Federal flag-ship, to Brigadier-General Scurry, in the presence of Colonel Burrell, that the land troops were not embraced in these terms, directly or indirectly, he having been sent by Captain Leon Smith, commanding our fleet of gunboats, to demand the surrender of the rest of the Federal fleet, and to give the Federal commander three hours’ time to accept or decline his demand, during which time the fire was to cease between the ships. I knew nothing of the arrangements, nor did any officer ashore, and when Captain Lubbock, on his return, touched at Kuhn’s Wharf, where the Forty-Second Massachusetts Regiment was stationed, he gave the above information to Brigadier-General Scurry in the presence of Colonel Burrell, and the latter surrendered unconditionally, after his request to be allowed the same time given the ships was refused. Had the Federal commander of the land forces been in superior force to myself and engaged in battle ashore he would certainly have prosecuted his advantage to the utmost, regardless of a truce between two fleets, which he had not authorized. If necessary, I think it can be fully established also that the Federal troops ashore were ready to surrender the moment daylight gave them an opportunity of doing so, and would have done it even before daylight had it been possible.

“I have also to state that I am informed by Brigadier-General Scurry, who was in that portion of the battle, that the white flag displayed from Kuhn’s Wharf was respected the moment it was seen.”

With the exception of Private Hersey, left to help take care of baggage, wounded men taken to hospital, Surgeon Cummings, left to attend them, and naval officers to attend the funeral of Wainwright and Lea, all of the prisoners marched to Virginia Point in the afternoon, where they were obliged to wait until half-past one o’clock A.M. next day, January 2d, for cars to transport them to Houston.

On arrival at that city, about noon, the depot was reported to be crowded with people, and the train was stopped half a mile out. The men then marched, under guard, through Houston to their quarters in a cotton warehouse near Buffalo Bayou. The officers were confined in Kennedy’s building, corner of Travis and Congress Streets.

On the march through crowded streets, many bantering remarks were made, mostly by women, who were exceedingly bitter and sarcastic. The men had been cautioned by their colonel not to pay any attention to insults, which they must expect to receive, but carry themselves as if on parade. They did march through the City of Houston as if on parade, giving the people a sight of good marching, military bearing and good manners such as they had not seen before.

In passing the Houston Telegraph newspaper office, where from the windows was displayed the captured regimental colors underneath the Texas Lone Star Flag, the men got mad, some of them threatening to “go for them.” Cool counsel prevailed, and no trouble occurred.

The Houston Telegraph, in giving an account of the arrival of the prisoners, said they were acknowledged Americans, with an occasional foreigner to be seen among them, either Irish or Dutch. Gave them credit for being well dressed and good looking. Spoke of Colonel Burrell as a tall, slim specimen of a man, who was much stared at by the people, but he never lifted his eyes from the ground during the march. As the prisoners of war marched up Main Street they were well treated, and received from the Houstonites the compliment of being a fine-looking body of men, who ought to be ashamed of themselves for volunteering their services in the villainy of trying to subjugate a chivalrous people.

At the hospitals in Galveston Surgeon Cummings remained until the eighteenth of January, attending Federal wounded, also assisting the Confederate surgeons. Sisters of Mercy, attached to the Convent of St. Leon, rendered service to the wounded of both sides impartially. On the tenth, while a gunboat was shelling the city from the Gulf side, some shells exploded in the convent yard, necessitating removal of patients to a small, wooden school-house, when a hospital flag was raised, which stopped further mischief.

Commander Wainwright and Lieutenant Lea, of the Harriet Lane, were buried with Masonic and military honors on the second. Major Lea, C. S. A., father of the lieutenant, officiated at the grave, reading the Episcopal Church burial service in a firm, unfaltering voice to the end, when he gave way to his feelings and wept like a child. The rest of the killed were buried on the third.

Surgeon Cummings, on the twentieth of January, found time to make the following official report of the killed and wounded:

“Houston, Texas, January 20th, 1863.
“Colonel I. S. Burrell,
“42d Regt. Mass. Vols.:

“Sir,—The following is a correct list of the wounded of said Forty-Second Regiment at the battle of Galveston, January 1st, 1863:

“These are all the casualties in our regiment in the late severe battle, in which the only wonder is that one of us lived to tell the story. It seems indeed providential that so few are wounded and none killed on the spot. We have to mourn the loss of one noble fellow, Nott of Company G, a brave soldier and an excellent man, and to regret the loss of a leg of Company D, O’Shaughnessy, who is recovering rapidly. I amputated his leg just below the knee, in order to give him the benefit of the joint, which was not injured.

“I have the honor to be, dear sir,

“Yours faithfully, “A. I. CUMMINGS, “Surgeon 42d Mass. Regt. Vols.”

Besides the above, there were wounded, who did not report to the surgeon: Private John Barnes, Company D, slightly in leg; and Private James W. Vinal, Company G, slightly in hip.

Quartermaster-Sergeant Foster was standing by the breastwork in conversation with Private Hersey when the first shot was fired, glanced on the breastwork and passed into the building. In a moment of excitement Foster fell wounded, so Hersey thought, but on an examination of a wound he received, a bad cut of a thumb, it proved to have been made by oyster shells upon which he had fallen. It was jocularly reported Foster had received a shell wound in the action.

Private Nott was wounded during the first hour. He had got behind a hawser-post, where Colonel Burrell found him moaning faintly, with a terrible wound in the side and bowels. He was not apparently suffering any intense pain. To the question, if he was badly hurt, he replied, “Yes, in the side,” and begged for water. Private Hersey went into the building and got it, which appeared to revive him somewhat from a state of apathy. When the surgeon got an opportunity to examine his case, Nott was told he could not live many hours, as he was bleeding internally, and any message for home had better be given then.

Private O’Shaughnessy was wounded during the first half hour. He yelled like an Indian on the war-path, and was carried into the hospital-room, where the surgeon remained at his post the entire time that the enemy’s fire was concentrated upon it.

Privates Enslee and Josselyn were wounded at the commencement, while standing ready to fire before the order was heard to lie down. A solid shot, or a shell, struck and crashed through the breastwork, splinters wounding Enslee in the head. A fragment of shell ruined Josselyn’s musket, knocked it overboard, then glanced to his head. The wound bled profusely, but Josselyn did not know he was hit until blood was running down his face. Upon reporting at the hospital he was so covered with blood Surgeon Cummings was unable to recognize him. Binding his head up with a handkerchief, Josselyn returned to his post.

Private Morrill, when wounded, tied a handkerchief around his hand and kept his place in the ranks until the action was over before reporting to the surgeon.

Lieutenant Cowdin was wounded while lying down, during the first hour. A canister shot struck the storehouse brick chimney, knocking it to pieces, the debris flying in all directions. Supposing he had been wounded by a falling brick, on standing up he was surprised to find several small shot ran down his clothing into a boot; they had struck him in the back, low down, going through coat, shirt, pants and under-drawers.

Company I, from its sheltered position, had no casualties. Private Eaton had his bayonet cut in halves, another man received a ball in his hat, and Private Paget had a ball cut his haversack straps.

An official report of the action was not made to General Banks, until July, 1864, when Colonel Burrell arrived in New Orleans, paroled and exchanged.

“New Orleans, July 27th, 1864.

“To Major George B. Drake,
“Assistant Adjutant-General:

“Major,—Pursuant to orders, I proceeded with my command to Galveston, Texas, and took post. I arrived there December 24th, 1862, landed next day on Kuhn’s Wharf, and fortified by building barricades, and tearing up the bridge, making my position as strong as possible.

“I took possession of the city as far as my small force would allow; my scouts destroyed the telegraph running to Houston; and I took such precautions as I thought necessary for holding the place. Commander Renshaw, who had command of the fleet, laid four months within musket shot of this telegraph and had allowed it to remain in working order. We found the railroad in good condition. Signals were thrown up every night, giving the enemy all the information they wanted.

“I requested Commander Renshaw to go up the bay with two of his lightest draft steamers and dislodge the enemy. I also requested the use of two howitzers, which were on board of a schooner, and of no use to the schooner. Both requests he refused to grant.

“I landed my command on the wharf with the distinct understanding that I was to be supported by the steamer Harriet Lane on my right and the steamer Clifton on my left. On the morning of the first January, 1863, about four o’clock, I was attacked by a force of infantry and cavalry, amounting to over six thousand men, with thirty-two pieces of artillery. The only support I received was from the steamer Sachem, and the schooner Corypheus manned with fifteen men and one gun. The steamer Sachem was out of order, with her fires out to repair boilers. The Harriet Lane laid so far up the stream she was unable to retreat, and became easy prey. The steamer Owasco was two miles below the city, with little or no steam up. The steamer Westfield, with Commander Renshaw aboard, managed to get aground three miles below the city, and signaled for the Clifton to come and get her off. At this time the enemy opened their heavy guns upon me from the head of the wharf, and continued to throw shot and shell for one hour, when they made an assault with two of their regiments to drive me from my position. We repulsed them, and they retreated with severe loss. My officers and men fought with great gallantry. Being without artillery I had to rely upon the Sachem and a little schooner for support.

“At this time two cotton boats attacked the Harriet Lane, driving the men from their guns, killing Captain Wainwright. The steamer Owasco came up and fired a few shots, also the Clifton, who had fired but seven or eight shots when a flag of truce was entertained, and they agreed to cease hostilities for three hours, and immediately dropped down stream without consulting me at all in the matter. At this time the enemy were in full retreat from the wharf; the artillery had limbered up and withdrawn.

“In a short time they returned, and immediately put their guns in position and opened fire. I had no alternative but to surrender after the fleet had left. Entirely deserted by the navy in a cowardly manner. They had agreed to take my command off the wharf if we were hard pressed. The steamers Clifton and Owasco passed by, but refused to render any assistance. After receiving the fire of the enemy for a half-hour, and receiving no assistance, I was compelled to surrender myself and my command.

“The fleet, at the expiration of the three hours agreed upon by flag of truce (except the Westfield, which was blown up), ran out of the harbor without firing a shot.

“It is my opinion and belief that Commander Renshaw was a traitor, he being in constant communication with the enemy. Commander Law proved himself unworthy of his command. In not holding Galveston we lost the key to Texas.

“Enclosed please find the report of my excellent and lamented surgeon, Dr. A. I. Cummings.

“The following is a list of the amount of property lost and surrendered: two hundred and seventy small-arms, (one hundred and eighty Springfield smooth-bores and ninety Springfield rifles); equipments for two hundred and sixty men; medical stores to the amount of $1,000; one set of surgical instruments; twenty A tents and three wall tents; five boxes of ammunition; twenty days’ rations for two hundred and sixty men.

“I remain, major,

“Very respectfully, “I. S. BURRELL, “Colonel 42d Regt. Mass. Vols.”

Admiral Farragut severely censured the naval officers for their conduct in this action, and would not listen to any explanations. He was chagrined at the capture of the Harriet Lane. When her crew, under parole, reported to him, on their return to the Federal lines, he gave them a severe lecture, and accused each and every man of cowardice, threatening to punish those who tried to offer an excuse. The sailors said they had never seen the “old man” so mad. A bitter feeling existed among the Harriet Lane’s crew against the Clifton’s crew, which led to several fistic encounters in New Orleans, when they met each other.

A full inquiry into the cause of the disaster had been made by Admiral Farragut. A court-martial, held on board the flag-ship Hartford, had resulted in condemning Commanders Law and Wilson. The blame for this defeat had been placed where it belonged, and when the exchanged officers of the regiment left New Orleans for New York, General Banks placed in the colonel’s hands the following letter:

“Headquarters Dept. of the Gulf,
“New Orleans, August 5th, 1864.

“To His Excellency Governor Andrew,
“Of Massachusetts:

“Sir,—Colonel Isaac S. Burrell, of the Forty-Second Massachusetts Volunteers, left New York with the troops under my command at the time I entered service in this Department. Two days after I assumed command here he was sent with his regiment to protect the island of Galveston, which had been for three months in the possession of the naval authorities of the United States. Two companies of his regiment, under his own command, arrived there on the twenty-fourth of December, 1862. The plans of the rebels for the recapture of the island had been so far matured that before the balance of his regiment could reach the island (a large part of which was within sight at the time the recapture occurred), it was impossible for him, with his small force, to defend the post or effect a retreat with his men. By an arrangement with the commanding officer of the naval squadron the rebels had maintained a railway communication from the main-land to the island, and upon the night of the attack they ran their forces of five or six thousand, with heavy artillery, to within a quarter of a mile of the position occupied by Colonel Burrell. It is unnecessary for me to recount the facts connected with this disaster to our arms, but it is just to Colonel Burrell, to say, that it is in no wise attributable to him, but that his conduct and that of his men, from the testimony of all parties, was highly creditable to the service.

“He has been held prisoner of war by the enemy from the first of January, 1863, until recently exchanged. He has suffered greatly in health, and is entitled to consideration from the officers of the general government, as from the officers of the State of Massachusetts. I commend him to the favor of your Excellency, as in all respects worthy of favorable consideration.

“I have the honor to be

“Very respectfully, your obedient servant, “N. P. BANKS, “Major-General commanding.”

CHAPTER V.
At Carrollton—Bound for Galveston—Arrival of Companies—Camp Mansfield—Details.

Brigadier-General T. W. Sherman was in command of all United States forces assembled at several camps in and about Carrollton, a suburb of New Orleans, distant a few miles north of that city. The town did not contain many houses or white inhabitants, and was situated on low, wet, swampy ground. The vacant squares of building lots was ground on which the troops pitched their tents. Camp Mansfield contained the One Hundred and Tenth New York Infantry, One Hundred and Fifty-Sixth New York Infantry, One Hundred and Sixty-First New York Infantry, Third New Hampshire Infantry, Twenty-Fifth Connecticut Infantry, detachment Forty-Second Massachusetts Infantry, Twenty-Fifth New York Light Battery, Reed’s Massachusetts Rifle Rangers—in all about four thousand men; Colonel Littlejohn, ——th New York, commanding the post.

The release from close confinement on board transports was, for a time, enjoyed by everybody, regardless of weather changes. The days were warm and pleasant, but the nights freezing cold, causing much suffering, as no boards could be obtained for tent floors, or firewood to build bonfires. Why diarrhœa and dysentery did not attack more men while at this camp, than was the case, is surprising. Camp regulations in regard to men being out of quarters after taps had to be set aside, for, finding it impossible to sleep without getting chilled, many of them would cluster around the cooking-stoves, that were kept heated, and endeavor to keep warm until day, with its bright, southern sunshine and warmth, should dawn, when they could be comfortable. The rattling of drums beating reveille in the various camps caused many a man of that four thousand to feel thankful.

According to orders received the evening of January 2d, 1863, the detachment (Companies A, B and F) struck camp on the morning of January 3d, went to the river levee and embarked on board steamer Che-Kiang, at nine o’clock, en route for Galveston, Texas, to join Companies D, G and I. While lying at the United States Barracks at night on the third, where most of the day was passed in taking aboard stores, ammunition, horses, and a detachment First Texas Cavalry, recruited from Texas refugees, a furious thunder-storm occurred. Rain fell in torrents; the lightning seemed to be everywhere and constant, with deafening peals of thunder. It was a scene not to be forgotten, and although showers of the same magnitude were afterwards experienced, none made so vivid an impression on the memory as this first thunder-storm witnessed in the sunny South.

During Sunday, the fourth, there seemed to be a strange foreboding in the minds of a great many that some unfortunate occurrence had taken place. The transport was not in a hurry to proceed on the voyage, and there was an ominous silence among officers who were supposed to know the cause of delay. At noon the truth became known. Galveston had been captured by Confederates, with Companies D, G and I, and the regimental colors. All the mad projects, which found vent in words, that started in the brains of men on board the Che-Kiang would not be believed if they were given here. A dare-devil spirit to do something that would recapture their comrades, restore their colors, and wipe out the stigma which they felt would be against the regiment, animated every breast.

When Lieutenant M. Burrell, Jr. with First-Sergeant Henry White, of Company A, came on board and recited their story of the affair, although not very elaborate or satisfactory, it was listened to with marked attention. They had started a few days before in the transport Honduras for Galveston, with the First Vermont Battery on board, arriving off the harbor on the morning of the capture, and been ordered back to New Orleans by a naval officer commanding a gunboat that was in the action. The companies disembarked a second time at Carrollton in the afternoon of January 4th, and went into camp at Camp Mansfield on worse ground than before.

Next day Companies E and K, from the Charles Osgood, reported for duty and pitched their tents. Quartermaster Burrell and Adjutant Davis also came into camp, having just arrived from Galveston after escaping capture. They were received with cheers and congratulations.

This camp was situated on very swampy ground with two ravines running lengthwise through it, made to drain the water during rainy seasons. The arrangement of tents was made as symmetrical as possible, but formation of the ground completely spoiled its beauty. To reach the color-line a deep water gully had to be passed, marring the good appearance of a dress parade. The hospital was located in a vacated school-house, distant half a mile from camp, because it was impossible to accommodate patients in the hospital tent. Assistant-Surgeon Hitchcock was quite sick with typhoid fever soon after reaching Carrollton, and Assistant-Surgeon George C. Smith, One Hundred and Fifty-Sixth New York Infantry, was detailed to occupy his position temporarily, serving the regiment from January 17th to 27th.8