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History of the Kingdom of Siam and of the revolutions that have caused the overthrow of the empire, up to A.D. 1770 cover

History of the Kingdom of Siam and of the revolutions that have caused the overthrow of the empire, up to A.D. 1770

Chapter 9: CHAPTER V.
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About This Book

A compiled narrative outlines the kingdom's early origins, provides a sustained account of a prominent monarch's rule and his diplomatic contact with European envoys, and traces mounting internal tensions and revolts. It recounts successive uprisings that culminate in a destructive foreign siege and the fall of the old capital, then describes the harsh aftermath, including persecution of converts and the misfortunes experienced by resident Europeans. The volume closes with practical observations about commercial prospects with neighboring states and descriptive sketches of adjacent polities, offering a chronological survey of politics, diplomacy, and military upheaval.

This method of death which had no disgrace attached to it, was reserved for Princes of the blood-royal.

The King shortly followed his brothers to the grave. This Prince, who had been so ardent a partisan of the French, has been depicted by them in glowing colours.

Though naturally of a warlike disposition, but a true friend of his people, he preferred to adopt a policy of pacification rather than to follow his inclinations which would have caused public misfortunes.

Though keeping his high spirit under control, he was none the less formidable to his neighbours who preferred to have him for an ally rather than for an enemy. As a monarch who took deep interest in all affairs of State, he allowed himself but little leisure; and his sole relaxation was the chase, the usual pastime of active persons and sometimes also of those weighed down by anxieties.

He showed an appreciation of science and art, several foreigners had been called in to be his instructors and had the soil been good, the harvest would have been fruitful.

He left a daughter aged twenty eight years who had been proclaimed Queen during her father's lifetime, she had her own territories and officers and soldiers who were subject to her only.

Every day she gave audience to the wives of the officials, and seated on a throne she received the homage of these women who crouching on the ground with bent heads adopted the same posture as did their husbands when in presence of the King.

She was severe, almost ferocious and seemed made rather to rule wild beasts than to govern men.

CHAPTER V.

THE BREACH BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND THE USURPER.

The revolution was managed so adroitly, that there were no perceptible changes in public affairs. The palace was the scene of some disturbance, but outside, everything was peaceful. Pitracha who had succeeded quietly to the throne went to the capital where he was proclaimed King amid the shouts of the multitude. The chief offices of state were held by men of his faction and scorning the baseness of revenge, as soon as there appeared nothing more to fear from their actions, he promoted all those of whom he had previously cause to complain. The people were relieved and his alms to the needy won the hearts of all. He married the daughter of the late King. At first this Princess was averse to the union, but fired by ambition, she preferred life rather than the death which would have been her portion in event of a refusal.

The negociations with the French had been brought to a successful termination and it was agreed that ships and sailors should be provided to convey them to Pondicherry, and, as a guarantee of good faith the King sent his two sons who had been at court up to that time to the French commander. All the officers who had been arrested at Louvo, were released and from them the details were forthcoming of the humiliations that they and the Christians of different nationalities had suffered. The Seminary had been give over to pillage; the Christian virgins became the prey of the licentious soldiery, the most favoured of them however being reserved for the harems. The missionary priests were put in the pillory whence they gave an example to their flock of how to suffer in silence.

While preparations were being made for the departure of the French; their open-hearted generosity very nearly caused an awkward complication of affairs. Madame Faulcon too weak to endure the hardships of slavery, asked the Bishop of Métellopolis to gain the interest of the French commander on her behalf, and to make arrangements that she might take her departure on board one of their ships. The Bishop spoke greatly in her favour, but Des Farges, with more diplomacy than gratitude replied that he was obliged to wait until the Siamese had supplied him with everything needful for the voyage and that when all was ready, he would consider her request. She, however, had grave reasons for hastening her departure and every moment of delay was vital.

The son of the King, worn out by debauchery, had conceived a violent passion for her. She would have considered herself guilty of the death of her husband had she shared the couch of his murderer. To gain her consent, in vain did he point out that by this act alone she could regain her position and rescue her son from the vengeance of his enemies. The brave woman replied. "Are you unaware who I was and how I have lived. My religion forbids so sinful a marriage. I loved my husband with all my soul, and, faithful to his memory, my heart is closed against any new passion. My son is dear to me and I ought to live for his sake, but I refuse to buy life at such a price as you offer."

The young Prince, whose passions knew no restraint thought he would be able to conquer her proud spirit by the most tempting promises. But he met with so stubborn a resistance, that he showed his affection in a tyrannical fashion. She was carried off to the palace where she had no defence other than her tears and outcries.

The Prince, fearing that this abduction would reveal the secret of his debauched life to his father, already annoyed at his disorderly conduct, determined to send her back, saying, that as she still persisted in her resistance, there was nothing left for her but to die with her son. She took no notice of these threats, she preferred to die in innocence than to live in guilt. Her grandfather aged 88 who was a descendant of the famous martyrs of Japan, upheld her resolution.

A slighted affection, often becomes cruel. The Prince in order to frighten her, caused her to be arraigned on a charge of embezzlement. She was summoned before a tribunal and the judge although convinced of her innocence ordered her to receive 100 strokes with the rod. She was delivered to her merciless executioners who seeing her faint under the punishment; only administered one half of what had been ordered. Her relations were also punished, she had to endure the agonising spectacle of beholding two of her uncles, two aunts and her eldest brother undergoing tortures before her eyes. Her grandfather would have suffered likewise, had not mercy been shown to him on account of his infirmities.

While this courageous woman seemed to have nothing but sorrow as her portion for the future, Sainte Marie, a young French officer offered to escort her in safety to Bangkok. She was too unhappy to listen to prudent advice. She embarked with her son in secret on a vessel belonging to this officer, determined to risk all if she could but escape from her persecutors.

Her arrival at the fort was a signal for general rejoicing but the commander alone showed his disapproval, and had the pusillanimity to wish that she should be sacrificed, rather than that a drop of French blood should be spilt in her defence. "Alas" she exclaimed, "is Faulcon's widow, the sole person who will have failed to find sanctuary under the flag of France."

The King, on hearing of her escape, was convinced that she had carried off a quantity of valuables with her. He at once sent two officials to bring her back, and, in case of a refusal, to recommence hostilities.

As soon as the report of her arrival had spread, the French were seized with a burning desire to fight to the death for her sake. The tears of the unfortunate widow, the youth of her son, and the memory of her husband who had been the protector of the French interests were telling points in her favour. The officers and soldiers were unanimous, and all declared that they would rather face death than the shame of having betrayed the cause of a a distressed woman who had thrown herself on their protection.

Des Farges, unshakable in his resolution to send her back to Siam, made arrangements with M. de Métellopolis whose outspokeness and skill well fitted him for the negociation of such delicate business. The Bishop had need of all his urbanity to break such distressing news to her. He found that she was firmly resolved not to return to Siam on any account short of actual force. She waited for several days, her mind wavering between hope and fear until one day a French officer came to inform her that she must make her preparations for her departure.

There was nothing for it but to obey, and she solemnly protested against the violence which snatched her from the protection of the French flag. The official who had been sent to bring her back came to conduct her to the river side where a vessel was lying in readiness. She was accompanied by her son, by one woman and a missionary whose zeal sustained her drooping courage. Her distress became the more acute the further she went from the spot from whence she had been thrust forth, abandoned by the French whom she still could only regard as friends. The sight of Siam rendered her grief more poignant; for there lay the scene of the punishment of her husband and there that she expected to undergo new tortures and to be parted for ever from her son, the sole prop of her existance.

Her lot was happier than she had hoped. The son of the King, rebuffed by her scorn, no longer desired her, or what is more likely was too much afraid of his father to give rise to fresh scenes of violence and scandal. She was appointed to the Royal Kitchens. In the opinion of the Siamese, this is an honourable post and by no means a humiliation. She had two thousand women under her orders, as palace servants. She was entrusted with the care of the gold and silver plate, of the King's wardrobe and of all the fruits served at table. Her lack of self interest made her despise the valuable perquisites of her office and, very different to her predecessors, handed over a considerable sum every year to the royal treasury. The King of Siam, surrounded by corrupt and rapacious officials was astonished to see such honesty, and often said that only Christians could carry the scorn of wealth to such a pitch.

Although she was not so unhappy as she had anticipated, she suffered considerably from the fact that her son had been taken away from her. For a long time she feared that his education had been entrusted to the idolatrous priests, but she was much relieved to hear that he was being brought up at the Seminary in charge of the Bishop and the French missionaries.

Her son afterwards obtained a captaincy in the Siamese navy, on the
Coromandel coast. In 1749, he was entrusted with a mission to M.
Dupleix who at that time was Governor-General of the French
possessions in the East Indies.

The governor, a man of sound abilities though not brilliant, remembered that he had to deal with the son of one who had been a friend to his nation. He considered that it was his duty to give him substantial proofs of the gratitude the French owed him, by granting him exemption from all taxes levied on foreigners.

He sent him back, satisfied with the success of his mission and gave him many valuable gifts. The name of Dupleix will ever be graven on our annals devoted to citizens who have benefited their country.

Faulcon, on his return to Siam was favourably received. Having inherited his father's abilities he might have risen to a high position. But lavish as his father had been, he desired wealth merely for the purpose of making presents to Princes and Kings. His bounties, which ensured his favour at Court, exhausted his resources. He died in poverty in 1754, leaving his wife a son and several daughters in absolute want. One of his daughters married a Dutch shipmaster, who was ruined by the loss of his vessel few years afterwards.

She soon lost her husband and when the Siamese were led in captivity to Pegu, she was married again to a Portuguese half-caste by name Jeanchi, a captain of Burmese regiment, He will be spoken of later.

The other daughters did not long survive their father. There remains only a son named John Faulcon, married to a Portuguese in Siam. The Burmese took him prisoner, but evading the vigilence of his guards, escaped to Siam with his wife where they lived in obscurity.

Such were the posterity of the celebrated Constantine Faulcon who, of humble origin, raised himself to the steps of the throne.

The obstacle, to the conclusion of the negociations with the French which had been caused by the flight of Madame Faulcon, was removed by her return. Both parties were equally anxious to come to an agreement. The French were desirous of leaving a land where they would only encounter fruitless and inglorious perils. The Siamese could not but be uneasy while they still retained guests, of whose heroic valour they had had such an experience. I cannot refrain from citing two examples of the intrepid courage of these brave men.

Saint Cri, a French captain was sailing downstream in a boat, the
Indian crew of which were all drunk and incapable, and he had only two
Europeans with him who were ready for any emergency.

The Siamese, seeing his defenceless condition made preparations to board his vessel.

One of the two Europeans became terrified and swam off to parley with them, but he was taken prisoner and loaded with chains. Saint Cri, too weak to offer any resistance, feared lest he should fall into the hands of these savages. Death appeared to be a preferable alternative to slavery and brave to desperation as he had but one soldier with him, put his powder and handgrenades on the bridge. He calmly waited till a large number of Siamese had boarded his ship, and then, fired his powder and blew his enemies into the air.

The ship, damaged by the explosion, ran aground.

The Siamese, thinking that all the powder had been used up, imagined that it would be an easy matter to seize the vessel. But Saint Cri gave them cause to repent their rashness. He fired some bags of powder that he had kept in reserve and although he himself was among the slain, this explosion was more deadly than the first. His companion, sword in hand gained the shore. The savages fell upon him, and, overwhelmed by numbers, he perished, but not before he had slain five of his assailants.

Another case bore witness to the inflexible purpose of the French commander, whose two sons had been retained as hostages in the capital. The King made them write to their father saying, that if the garrison were not brought to Louvo, they would be put to death. The commander, although devoted to his children, remembered his duties to the state. He replied "My children I Feel as much for your sad condition as you do yourselves, I would willingly lay down my life in order to save yours. I cannot but urge you to follow my example and to be faithful to duty. If you perish remember that you are dying for your God, your King, and your country and be sure that your deaths will not be unpunished."

Such heroic conduct had made the name of Frenchmen to be feared, and caused the Siamese to hasten their departure. They were supplied with three frigates, and to ensure that the ships should be returned, the Bishop of Métellopolis, the chief of the French trading company, and the two sons of the commander were given over as hostages. The troops marched out of the fortress on the first of November 1688, taking with them two officials as sureties for the King's word. During the night they sailed down to the mouth of the river.

The French commander invited the officials who had come with the French hostages to a great feast. After the meal the Siamese hostages were asked for, but Des Farges said that he would not return them until the four vessels bearing the baggage, three officers and fourteen soldiers, hove in sight. The officials, learning of this refusal hastened to inform the Barcalon.

This official was highly incensed at the breach of faith on the part of the French. He summoned M. de Métellopolis and said "These careless officials will be severely punished for having released the French hostages before receiving our own. You and I will both be involved in the trouble. You will be considered as the accomplice of the French treachery and I shall be punished for having confided the matter to untrustworthy persons. Let us find some way of escape from the danger common to us both."

The bishop, who had not been informed of the plans of Des Farges, neither dared to lay the blame on him, nor to find excuses.

They agreed that if one of the hostages were given up, the Siamese would deliver over a third part of what they were retaining and that the remainder would set out for the mouth of the river whenever the last of the officials should have set sail.

Des Farges released one official on the spot, but as he had given the first example of bad faith, the Siamese considered that they were at liberty to break their word also, and, instead of sending down the ships, demanded with threats, that the other two hostages should be restored.

M. de Métellopolis wrote a pathetic letter to the commander, pointing out how his line of action would cause the ruin of the French and of the growing Church. The inflexible resolution of Des Farges could not be shaken and after having waited five days for the fulfilment of the Barcalon's promises, he set sail for Malacca en route for Pondicherry taking with him the hostages who were of no possible use to him.

CHAPTER VI.

THE PERSECUTION OF THE CHRISTIANS AFTER THE DEPARTURE OF DES FARGES.

After the departure of the French, the Christians were left without defenders. The Siamese highly enraged at the loss of their hostages, stirred up a sanguinary persecution, and the Bishop of Métellopolis was the first to suffer. He was taken off his ship and dragged in the mire with every possible insult, exposed for a long time to the heat of the sun and to the torments of insects. Some pulled him by the beard, others spat in his face, and those who could not get near enough to strike, threw mud at him.

The Barcalon, witness of all these outrages from which he could have protected him, seemed to have no pity.

M. du Har, a French officer, shared the same fate. Both were loaded with fetters, put on board a boat and taken across the river. On the bank they found the bodies of their unhappy companions hacked to pieces. The poor bishop, old and infirm and exhausted by what he had undergone could not bear to look at this painful spectacle.

He fainted and fell half dying into the mud, from which he was with difficulty extricated. He passed all the day and night in his wet and muddy clothes.

A spark of the respect which could not be denied to his virtues, softened the hearts of his persecutors. The Siamese took him to Bangkok and shut him up in a hut next door to the house of a Christian woman by whose kindly ministrations he was restored to consciousness. As soon as he was able to stand the fatigues of the journey he was taken to the capital. He was placed under a guard of cruel and rapacious men, who in order to extort money from him, exceeded even the severe orders of their master.

The other Frenchmen were cast into the common jail, a place reeking with disease and filth, where with the idea of death constantly before their minds, they ceased to dread its approach.

The brutal soldiery made a raid on the college and carried off the priests, the students and the servants. They respected neither the innocence of youth nor the infirmities of age. All were marched off to prison and handed over to a harsh gaoler who regarded it as an act of merit to make them suffer hunger and to expose them to the inclemency of the weather. Seven of the French died under this treatment. The Missionaries, more accustomed to a hard life, held out longer, but nine of them died a few days after they had been set at liberty.

Painful sights were to be seen in every street of the capital. French priests and officers, almost nude, pale and haggard, dragged themselves along begging scraps of food which were cast at them with scorn, and in spite of their weakness they were forced to carry baskets of filth on their shoulders amid the jeers and coarse jests of a villainous mob.

The Mahomedans seemed to lay aside their natural antipathy to Christians. They took pity on their hard fate. They even took such an interest in the matter that they drew up a petition saying that it was against the laws of nations to treat prisoners of war with such harshness but it was in vain. Their leader, who was an official of the highest rank, feared that this petition, if presented, would cause him to lose favour at court. He treated two missionaries who had been handed over to him, with the greatest severity. They were condemned to the most painful and degrading tasks. Some English officers, seeing these aged priests staggering under the weight of their baskets boldly announced, that if this harsh treatment were not put a stop to, they would show no mercy to any officials they might meet. They did not content themselves by the mere utterance of empty threats. They lent a considerable sum to these unfortunate men.

The missionaries consider it is their duty to say that wherever they have met Englishmen, they have experienced their natural generosity. The wretched plight of the prisoners, touched the hearts of their oppressors, and their fate was made less hard.

They were allowed to beg for one hour daily. Sympathisers bestowed alms on them which were appropriated by the felons chained with them. Those who had had the good fortune to have escaped persecution by flight, wandered from hut to hut.

A Tonquinese Christian gave shelter to several of them in his house in spite of the edicts to the contrary.

The Portuguese Jesuits who had avoided persecution by secret means; made use of their freedom to help their unfortunate co-religionists M. Pomard a missionary who had cured the King of a dangerous disease, had not been involved in the general trouble, and it was he who especially attended to the needs of his brethren. The mere mention of the word foreigner or the slightest sign of pity was sufficient to arouse the hatred and fury of the populace. An Armenian who had carried food to the prisoners was put in chains and was afterwards murdered by the fanatical priests who imagined that their god would be pleased with assassination. Two Portuguese, after having suffered cruel tortures were condemned to cut grass for the elephants. Their wives and mothers-in law were reduced to slavery.

A nun, who had come from Manilla was dragged ignominously along the street with a crucifix fastened under her feet so that she could be reproached with having trampled her God under foot.

Several slaves cared naught for the tortures, and remained steadfast in their faith. The Tonkinese and Cochin-Chinese, in the camp of St. Joseph were secure against pillage; but some were condemned to the galleys and others to work in the stables of the elephants. Their wives and children were employed on the public works, and no mercy was shown to the Siamese Christians.

There is no need to enter into further details of this persecution, as it would be a mere repetition of scenes of horror and barbarity. The Portuguese, calm amid the storm, were highly delighted at the fate of the French. Their jealousy blinded their eyes to pity, and they were so indiscreet as to openly show their feelings. They thought now that as their rivals were out of the field, they would be able to gain the commercial advantages previously held by the French.

The King of Cochin China looked upon this persecution as a crime against humanity. It had been reported to him, that the French were turbulent disturbers of the public peace, who having caused endless confusion in Siam were about to make trouble in his State. The clear sighted ruler perceived that this was a tissue of lies and even sent ambassadors to Siam to protest against the persecution. But as their object had been previously found out, they were sent back without an audience. The Prince of Cochin China, a proud and warlike individual would have revenged this outrage had his plans not been anticipated by death.

The hatred against the Christians was on the wane, but when news was brought that Des Farges with 5 vessels had landed at Jonsalam, it was considered that he was merely waiting for reinforcements to take vengeance for the insults offered to his nation. Popular imagination pictured him as an angry conqueror, who was about to visit their towns and possessions with fire and sword.

The prisoners were put under more rigorous surveillance and their lot became more pitiable.

But the fears were allayed next day by a letter from the French commander, who declared that his intentions were peaceable. Having explained the reasons for not giving up the hostages, he declared that he preferred to surrender his rights, rather than to break the alliance between two powerful Kings and so he sent back the hostages with a promise to return the ships which had been supplied to him in good condition. He announced at the same time, the approaching arrival of the head of the French trading station to settle the accounts and to repay loans advanced in cases where the value of the merchandise which had been taken from the warehouse was not enough to pay the out-standing debts.

The Bishop was released from his fetters on the same day as the letters were received, and was taken to Court. He was made to walk through the town barefooted, hatless and in rags. The missionaries also appeared loaded with fetters.

The presiding official proudly announced that if the French Commander made the slightest sign of hostilities, all the Christians would be blown from the cannon's mouth in revenge for his breach of good faith. M. de Métellopolis was commanded to write to the commander. He obeyed promptly and although the King and his ministers appeared satisfied with the missive, they substituted another for it and sealed it without allowing him to read it. The prisoners were sent back to their work, pending the receipt of a reply; they were confined in more spacious quarters, and experienced less discomfort.

Des Farges, anxious to set sail, sent back the last of the hostages who was very pleased at the kindly treatment he had received. It was thought that by this means, the prisoners would be able to gain their liberty, but only the Bishop was released. The others suffering from the hardships of so lengthy a confinement petitioned for death or liberty. This announcement produced its expected result. They were relieved of their bonds and the harsh treatment was somewhat relaxed. The court proclaimed that it was unlawful to jeer or to make lampoons on foreigners, and those who interfered with their religion were to be punished severely.

This first exhibition of clemency aroused hopes of a speedy release, but the Dutch fearing to see the French restored to favour, spread a report that France was sending out a punitive expedition against the Kingdom. The trick was successful; the prisoners were again put in chains and had no other consolation than to sing hymns. M. Paumard, a Missionary who was trusted at Court said that the reports spread by jealous enemies were nothing but absolute falsehoods and the court, which respected his outspokeness, believed him.

The prisoners were transferred to a neighbouring island whose climate was as fatal as had been the putrid stench of the prison.

Many died in consequence, and the survivors passed days of continual suffering.

While they were suffering without hope of relief Father Tachard landed at Mergui at the end of 1690 and before entering further into the country informed the Barcalon that he was the bearer of a letter from Louis XIV and that he had been entrusted with negociations for the renewal of the alliance between the two crowns; and that he could not, without compromising his position, ask for an audience without previous assurance of the nature of his reception. Two Siamese officials who had come from France went in advance to the Court where they made a great display of the magnificence of the French King and of the honours that had been conferred on them even after it was known that his forces had been obliged to evacuate the fortified posts of Mergui and Bangkok.

The vanity of the Siamese was immensely tickled by the fact that a King, whose power had humbled the pride of Holland, the only country dreaded in the Indies, had sought alliance with them.

The first result of this embassy was the restitution of the Seminary, which by the energy of the Bishop of Métellopolis was soon restored.

An Armenian lent him a large sum which M. Deslandes, the head of the
French trading station at Surat had the generosity to repay.

The zeal of the missionaries had become more active under the stress of persecution and they did their utmost to minister to the needs of the sufferers. The prelate, frightened by the despair which had caused them to beg for death, offered to stand surety for them to the King. The respect inspired by his virtues granted his wish and on the faith of his promise, the others obtained their freedom.

The Seminary was over-crowded with 113 people, who were destitute of both food and clothing. The prelate deprived himself of the necessaries of life so as to relieve their more pressing wants. No one knew how he managed to do what he did, but generosity is never exhausted by gifts. The King himself was astonished at his never-failing charity and wishing to help, contributed 500 crowns.

It was by the bishop's exertions that many Christians condemned to slavery regained their liberty. Others held by officials as debt slaves could not satisfy the greed of their masters, and languished in chains until 1695.

The persecution which had crowned so many martyrs had also been productive of many apostates. The Siamese cruel in the invention of tortures, are too cowardly and too weak to bear them; and their example is another proof that cruelty is a vice that accompanies a pusillanimous character. History records events only that we may profit by them and on reading the account of this revolution, it is important to disentangle causes.

Faulcon, whose position was always uncertain and unstable in a country where his condition of foreigner exposed him to envy and hatred, thought he could have kept his position by calling in the help of the Europeans against the Siamese, who although indebted to him were none the less his enemies. He had no ambition to mount the throne as his foes have reported. Contented with the second place, it would have been madness on his part to have formed the idea of taking the first. The French eagerly seized the chance of extending their power and commerce, and, dazzled by the magnitude of his promises, they were foolish enough to believe that they were to be the leading power in the Indies.

Faulcon made religion serve his ambitious policy. Those who were really interested in the triumph of the Faith, were led astray by the hope of converting the King to Christianity. But the French officers less zealous and more far-sighted, were well aware that the project was but a snare set by the minister to appeal to their credulous simplicity.

Forbin, when questioned by Louis XIV replied that the King of Siam had not the slightest idea of forsaking the faith of his fore fathers and added that in the first audience given to the ambassadors, Chaumont made a long speech on the beauties of Christianity and that Faulcon who acted as interpreter never said one word about it to his master; and that in private audiences the ambassador had always laid great stress on religion, but that the interpreter had invariably proved faithless. The Bishop of Métellopolis who had been present and who understood the Siamese language could have divulged the matter, but he feared the wrath of a minister who knew how to punish as well as how to reward.

Father Tachard was one of the ringleaders of this expensive expedition. Doubtless, his zeal misled him in his blind trust of the cunning minister whose secretary he was, and Forbin states definitely that he has seen several documents signed by the King and lower down, "Tachard." So while this Father was lording it in the councils of State, the bishops and priests were preaching among humble dwellings where they were more sure of finding converts than they were in the royal palace. This revolution could easily have been foreseen. The predilection of the King for the French was a passing caprice rather than a decided liking. Their position could only have been secure during the life of the King, who, in leaving his throne to his successor rarely transmits his likes and dislikes. The appearance of the French on the scene was brilliant but the favour in which they were held was unstable, even as they were.

It is a fate which they experience every where, Fortune smiles on them at first, they seem made for the conquest of all hearts; and they end by being disliked.

CHAPTER VII.

EVENTS LEADING UP TO THE REVOLUTION OF 1760.

At the end of the last century, the Kingdom of Siam was in a flourishing condition as far as internal affairs were concerned, and was respected by outside nations.

The help that Louis XIV had condescended to render, had assured its prosperity, and might have sufficed to correct its constitutional vices; but what ought to have given it a new brilliancy was the cause of its misfortune and its overthrow. The Siamese were ignorant of the value of a benefit which would have ensured their safety.

The pusillanimous prince feared to accept the services of 500 men who had been sent to defend him. They were regarded as ambitious persons who although under the title of friends had only come to be their tyrants. The Buddhist priests stirred up sedition against their noble defenders, and placed an ambitious man on the throne who had dazzled them by an affectation of zeal for their rites.

Pitracha, seated on a throne defiled with the blood of the royal family combined in himself all the talents of great men with all the vices of the vilest scoundrels. As soon as he had compelled the French to leave the Kingdom, he found nothing else at which to take offence. Whilst surrounded by his satellites, and enjoying the fruit of his crimes, a Peguan priest, who gave himself out to be the elder of the two brothers of the late King fomented a new rebellion. He had been a prisoner in Ayuthia for a long time, and during his incarceration had been informed of the state of the court. This imposter painted his story in glowing colours and ten thousand Siamese rallied to his standard.

It was easier for him to delude individuals than to cater for an army, but the fanaticism he inspired caused his followers to close their eyes to the magnitude of the peril and all appeared ready to fight or to die for their leader.

The son of the King having determined to take a pleasure trip to a spot at some distance from the capital, proceeded thither with a magnificent retinue. The Peguan priest determined to lay an ambuscade in a forest through which the royal party would be obliged to pass.

His plan was to massacre him and all his suite, to march on the unsuspecting city, and to make away with the King and all the Royal family.

The plot which had been kept a profound secret would have been quite successful had not the innate suspicions of the children of the tyrant enlightened the prince as to the danger which threatened him.

He saw the armed mob and at once perceived that he was about to be attacked and so instead of defending himself, he fled promptly, leaving a rich booty, the collection of which prevented pursuit by the conspirators. When they had satisfied their cupidity they marched on the capital which they had hoped to find defenceless. Pitracha however having heard of the danger into which his son had nearly fallen, at once sent out a force of 12,000 men to disperse the rabble.

The rebel priest at first was of good cheer but he led forces without courage or discipline as everything was to be feared and nothing could be hoped for. His little army panic-stricken melted away without striking a blow. Only 300 prisoners were taken and not more than 300 perished by the sword.

The Priest pretender wandered in the woods for several days with a young man who had remained faithful. He was found sleeping under a tree and was taken to Ayuthia where, chained to a post, he was exposed for several days to the contumely of the mob, and afterwards he was disembowelled and while still breathing saw his own entrails being devoured by dogs.

It seems that Pitracha did not enjoy the the throne for long, as his son succeeded in 1700. The first year of his reign was marked by a scandalous marriage with his father's widow who gave her hand but not her heart.

This Princess had an extraordinary career she was successively the wife of the father, the son and the grandson.

This victim of passion never reciprocated the love which she inspired in others and to separate herself from a husband whom she detested, retired to a convent where she died in 1715.

The new King, a prey to superstition and debauchery, surrendered himself entirely to the idolatrous priests, who, by their austerities, engaged to expiate his faults. Following his example, everyone built temples. Trade and manufactures languished and the populace given up to fantastic ceremonies no longer gave thought to the question of the defences of the State. The false gods had many worshippers and the State had no soldiers available for defence. Fortune favoured the kingdom as the neighbouring Kings were all engaged in war against each other and having too much on their hands at home, had no time to think of foreign aggression.

It was in this reign that the kingdom was visited by the scourge of famine. A long period of drought had converted the fertile soil into a barren dust. The rice, which is the staple food stuff, was soon exhausted; fish became scarce and poisonous. The water of the River naturally clear and limpid, suddenly became green and turbid.

A sort of green scum covered the surface of the great river and the fish were either dead or dying. The King feared that the polluted water would only increase the sickness in the land and forbade its use for drinking or washing purposes.

This prohibition caused discontent among the populace, for whom water is a most necessary article.

The revolt was ready to break out, when the court appealed to popular superstitions to avert the calamity. The priests said that a god known as Pra In had appeared near one of the city gates and had declared that the change of the water was one of his blessings and had become a panacea for the ills they suffered. At this news, the whole populace, passed from despair to hope, every one ran to the river to wash and to anoint themselves with scum that had appeared so deadly a moment before. At last after 15 days the phenomenon passed away. Abundant rains caused the water to overflow the country and to fertilise the ground.

The reign of this Prince, like that of his successors, offers nothing worthy of record.

His son, who succeeded him, is only known by the defeats he sustained.

His army 50,000 strong and his fleet carrying 20,000 fighting men, invaded Cambodia, at that time torn with internal dissensions.

This army would have been victorious if its leader had been more skilful. But the King of Siam, enervated by harem life, had entrusted the command to his first minister, a man of peace, and without skill in warfare.

The Minister who well knew the direction in which his talents lay, had no wish to take the command, but the King who thought he could make no mistake in the choice of his agents, was certain that one who knew how to govern an Empire would also know how to conquer.

The King of Cambodia, too weak to offer resistance to the invading hosts, ordered all his subjects who lived on the frontiers to retire with their belongings to the capital and to burn everything that they could not carry away. The fields were laid waste, fifty leagues of territory were changed into sterile deserts that could hardly sustain animal life.

The King declared himself a vassal of the King of Cochin China in order to obtain a force of 15,000 men for land defence and 3000 for service on the galleys for the defence of the coast. The Siamese army, full of confidence in the superiority of numbers, and still more proud to find that no foe dare dispute their passage, rashly penetrated into the country but the further they advanced, the nearer they approached to their fate. Famine, more cruel than the sword ravaged their camp. The devastated fields, gave neither fruits for man nor forage for beast.

They were obliged to slaughter their baggage animals in order to provide themselves with meat.

The soldiers, unaccustomed to a flesh diet, were attacked by fever and dysentery and more than half of their number died.

The leader who had forseen the catastrophe, but had been unable to prevent it, retired with the remainder of his army and was harassed in the rear by his enemies without respite.

The Siamese fleet four times larger than that of the enemies met with no better fate. Their small vessels fired the town of Pontemas 200 tons of ivory were destroyed by the flames. The Cochin Chinese profited by the absence of these vessels to attack the transports anchored four miles from the town. The Siamese vessels aground in the river, which was extremely low could render no assistance, and fearing that famine would be as detrimental to the fleet as it had been to the army, set sail for their own country.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE REVOLUTION OF 1760.

Before narrating the events of the revolution which, in 1760, threw the Kingdom of Siam into confusion, we ought to give a summary of the succession to the throne.

The heir of Pitracha had several sons and as he was displeased with the eldest, he nominated the second as heir to the throne. This man showed that he was really worthy of the crown by his refusal to accept the succession to the detriment of his elder brother. He only made one condition and that was in case the elder were to predecease him, the succession should devolve on himself. This condition was accepted. The elder received the heritage of his father and the younger was declared Crown Prince, that is to say heir-presumptive to the throne.

The new King had several children and misled by parental affection, showed none of that generous nature of which his brother had given so noble an example.

Faithless to his promises he nominated his eldest son who had entered the priesthood, as his successor. The young Prince a respecter of promises made, had no wish to be a party to the perjury committed by his father. He preferred the simplicity of the monastery to the splendour of the Court, which he could only enjoy by desecrating the memory of his father.

The King seeing him persist in his refusal appointed in 1733 his second son to be his successor and died shortly afterwards of a cancer in the throat.

The brother of the dead King was known as the Crown Prince, and the Siamese were accustomed to look upon him as their future ruler. Five thousand soldiers whom he kept in his palace, were ready to devote their lives in support of his rights.

His nephew relying on his father's will, had collected a force of 40,000 men in the Royal palace so as to overawe his rival. He had been careful to win the four chief officials of the State over to his side and having charge of the Treasury, it was a simple matter to purchase adherents. All the common people were in the power of the officials who all hoped to extend their authority over a young and inexperienced ruler, who would be obliged to put the burden of state affairs on their shoulders.

The union of the nobility under the flag of the young Prince, seemed to indicate that his cause would be successful, but in reality it was the cause of his downfall, owing to internal jealousies as to who should be leader. The higher officials thought that the Barcalon, misusing his almost unlimited power, wished to use them as tools for his personal aggrandisement.

They appeared to fear that after having been sufficiently powerful to hold the Crown Prince in subjection, he would yield to the temptation of taking the crown for himself.

It seemed more fit that they should obey their old masters rather than to see themselves reduced to ask favours of an equal, and thus all plotted secretly to destroy their work.

War broke out between the two rival Princes. The disturbance was aggravated by the party feeling of the mob. Shots were exchanged between the two palaces. The frightened inhabitants awaited death in their houses and the whole town would have been reduced to a heap of ruins had the gunners been good marksmen.

The Barcalon, full of confidence, resolved to risk a decisive engagement, having the lesser palace as its objective.

A hand to hand conflict occurred, and the Crown Prince's forces were routed and pursued to his own palace wall. The conquerors took counsel as to practicability of carrying the palace by storm. The Barcalon and his friends voted for the proposition, but one of the chief leaders said that as it was nearly dark, it would be better to defer the attack till the next day alleging that by so doing fewer lives would be endangered than if a night attack were to be attempted.

His advice was taken and the assault was deferred. The Crown Prince, being informed by spies of all that passed in the camp of the enemy, took advantage of the sense of security inspired by an initial success and convinced that the advantage lies with the attacking force, made a sortie against the forces near the foot of the palace walls. The darkness increased the fear inspired by this attack.

The besieged, taken by surprise and being defenceless, allowed themselves to be slaughtered like brute beasts. Others took flight, and casting away their weapons, were pursued to the walls of the grand palace. The King sent reinforcements to act as a barrier against the host ready to devour him. The lawless and rebellious soldiery renounced their allegiance and instead of obeying his orders deserted to his uncle.

Seeing that he was betrayed and deserted by his adherents, he put all his trust in the Malays whom he employed, and having encouraged them with magnificent gifts and by hopes of great rewards, they left the palace with proud and haughty expressions which seemed to bear witness to their zeal and to be an earnest of victory. But hardly had these mercenaries left the palace behind when they gave an example of the greatest infidelity, or of meanness of character.

These strangers, loaded with gifts, deserted the flag of their benefactor. Some retired to their own country to enjoy the fruits of their treason, and, others baser still, enrolled themselves under the banner of those against whom they had promised to fight.

The Barcalon and the Chakkri, standing on the high walls of the palace, were the sad witnesses of the desertion. Fearing for their safety they disappeared on the pretext of going to issue some orders. The other officers, not seeing them return, scattered to find some refuge where they would be secure against the anger of the conqueror.

The King remained alone with his two brothers awaiting his end. The elder brother retired into his monastery, where he deplored the disturbed state of affairs of which he was neither the author, nor an accessary. The other two, forsaken by their mercenary followers, escaped with some servants in a boat and managed to carry off a large sum of money as well.

As soon as the Crown Prince had been informed that the Royal palace had been abandoned, he ordered his men to take possession. Several princes of the Royal family had shut themselves up in the palace as in some sanctuary. They were loaded with chains and were made to suffer all manner of tortures invented by the cunning of revenge and after all their property had been confiscated, they had no hope left but death.

This civil war caused considerable bloodshed, but more perished by the sword of the executioner than on the battlefield.

The new King, on his accession to the throne, gave an example of the greatest clemency which dulled the remembrance that the slaughter of his subjects had been the cause of his success.

He offered the crown to the eldest of his nephews, but in vain.

This latter, a religious prince, resolved to die in the priesthood, as he ultimately did. The King was sure that his position was insecure as long as the two fugitive princes were not in his power. The old officials wandered about the kingdom and stirred up civil strife.

The Chakkri and the Barcalon had the temerity to appear in the capital, dressed as priests. They thought to escape punishment by appearing in a dress that was respected.

The King, in order not to commit any outrage against the priesthood, arranged that they should be arrested by the Chief priest. They appeared before a tribunal where they were subjected to a searching cross-examination. Their cunning replies were unanswerable.

They pleaded that they had been carrying out the King's orders and that they had been pledged to serve him absolutely.

By this excuse they were enabled to escape, the terrible punishment which had been prepared for them.

It had been determined that they should be hung up with hooks by the chin until they expired. The idea was that their punishment should resemble the fate of fishes, as being keen anglers they had caused the death of many fish, a heinous offence to the Siamese who have scruples against fishing.

As the judges found no evidence on which to convict them, the King sought other methods by which he might undo them. He took counsel with the ministers and the legal luminaries of the kingdom, who, after examining the charges on which they had been arraigned, replied, that far from being culpable they were worthy of the highest rewards. The verdict was remarkable, coming from the mouth of judges who trembled under the sceptre of a despot, a single word from whom could degrade or destroy them.

The despot himself announced that "A citizen is not guilty in carrying out the orders of his superiors."

He ordered that the accused should be instantly released, and as if wishing to honour their fidelity, he appointed them to the control of the two chief temples in the city where they hoped to lead a peaceful existence in the obscurity which is the only protection of a citizen against the violence of arbitrary power.

But hardly were they installed in their retreat, when, towards midnight, five or six Malays came to demand them in the King's name. They guessed that sentence of death had just been passed on them. The Barcalon, indifferent to his fate, showed that life no longer appealed to him and far from being terrified, reproached the Chakkri for his weakness and cowardice.

He told him that he must bow to the inevitable. When they were outside the temple, they were stripped of their priestly robes and were given a loin-cloth. The Barcalon beheld the instruments of death without betraying the slightest emotion and presented his breast to the dagger of the executioner and died, pierced by a single stroke. The Chakkri, on the contrary, tried to defend himself, and received many wounds before he was finally disposed of. Their bodies were taken away and impaled and exhibited to the public eye as an example of the vengeance of the King.

The two princes who had escaped, were a continual source of trouble. For a long time they managed to evade their pursuers; and means were taken to prevent them from escaping to some neighbouring country where they might have been able to stir up a rebellion. They remained hidden in a rice field, and were soon deserted by all their servants except one who remained faithful.

This faithful attendant used to go to forage for them. They passed a month in this way exposed to the weather; a prey to their needs and to fear.

At last the servant was recognised in a public place where he was wont to make purchases for his unhappy masters. Several persons identified him as having escaped with them, and that as he had been their companion in flight, he ought to know their hiding place. The secret was wrested from him by torture.

The Princes were captured and confined in the palace dungeons. From that moment knew that death would soon be their portion and that their uncle would never pardon them as they were the sons of his enemy. They were put to the question, and in their answers they showed more firmness than would have been expected from their youth. Sentence had preceded trial and hence they were unanimously condemned to death.

The younger had designed some dresses for a theatrical performance which he had desired to be performed. He asked that, before his death, he might be allowed to see them. This showed that he was childish, or, rather frivolous. The Queen, in vain begged that their request might be granted. The King replied that they had been born with desires that would one day be fatal to the State. These Princes whose fate should have excited compassion were not regretted in the least. It was generally known that their tastes were depraved. It was not by their death that the Crown Prince really became King. He gave his whole heart to his nephew, who had refused the crown that the Siamese had wished to offer him.

The King's predilection excited the jealousy of his eldest son who made a plot to assassinate their cousin, and a day was arranged for the execution of this wicked design.

The Prince had gone to pay his respects to the King and was attended by his cousins who by certain gestures gave him an inkling of the plot against his life. He became frightened and fell at the King's feet who being informed of the plot, made enquiries into the truth of it. The second and third of his sons were convicted of being the authors of the barbarous idea. This father, horror stricken, summoned them fore him and pronounced such dreadful punishments against them that, in order to clear themselves, they protested that their elder brother had led them into crime. The father was deeply grieved on learning that his dearest son had been the most guilty. He summoned him to his presence and made him lie on the ground to receive his punishment. The Priest-prince, witness of the terrible scene, of which he was the innocent author, thought of what the consequence might be, of a punishment inflicted on one who might one day be his master. He prostrated himself on the body of the guilty and cried out. "Father, order that I receive the beating rather than your son". The King was a father and was soon turned from his purpose by his feelings. His wrath merely found vent in threats against his guilty son, who, to become reconciled with the priest-prince, entered the same monastery; but in the shadows of his retreat he enjoyed all the sweets of power. The chief officers of state and the people continued to regard him as the heir-presumptive to the crown. As it happened, he left the priesthood in 1740 and his father declared him his successor. Henceforth he lived in the palace which was appointed for Crown princes, but was quite unworthy of his father's choice. His vices drew upon him the hatred of his father in 1756. He was accused by his bastard brother of having defiled his father's bed, and was summarily sentenced to imprisonment for life. There remained but two legitimate sons to the King whom he had had by the late Queen.

The elder had sunk into the lowest depths of debauchery, which was sufficient reason against his succession to the throne, so much the more so as he was afflicted with a loathsome disease. The younger was preferred to him, he was called Chaoual Padou, that is to say, Lord of the Temple. This prince, brought up from his earliest years among the priests was permeated with the poison of error. A zealous champion of the foolish religion of his country, he was beloved by the nation who saw their superstitions ennobled by so illustrious an example. A stickler for justice, he punished fraud and theft with severity. His good qualities were universally recognised by all from the Crown Prince downwards. His marriage which occurred shortly after his accession, was regarded as a token of the prosperity of the State. His father bent by age died in 1748 aged 80 years. Chaoual Padou was soon recognised by all the officials of the State. Some of his bastard brothers attempted to stir up civil strife, but they did not escape punishment. They were cast into prison where they died of neglect. Peace reigned in the Kingdom after their death, and the people gave him no cause for anxiety.

But his brother whom he rashly had recalled to court favour, was a cause of scandal. He bitterly criticised the government and behaved as a ruler, rather than as a subject and to lighten the disgrace of his degradation, he managed to place himself at the right hand of the King too modest and too weak to punish him.

At last the King being no longer able to tolerate his imperious behaviour, resolved to abdicate a crown the burden of which had become insupportable, and to retire to the seclusion of monastic life. For a second time he donned the robes of a priest and shut himself up with about a thousand idolatrous priests whom he endeavoured to surpass in pseudo-science and in the art of fortelling the future. He sought a secret means by which to render himself invisible and immortal by the use of mercury of which he took so large a dose that all his teeth fell out. Devoting his whole time to futile researches, he became quite indifferent to affairs of State and had no other relaxation than to pore over lying records and to extract therefrom stories fit merely for the credulity of fools.

While he was living in seclusion in his country, the enemy carried fear and destruction to the gates of the capital.

The King, who knew nothing of statecraft or of war, was powerless to avert the storm. The Princes and nobles went in a body to the temple of Chaoual Padou and begged him to take up the reins of the stricken Empire. He acceded to their wishes and his brother, laying aside his pride as there was no time for concealing his weakness and incapacity, handed over the sceptre that he could wield no longer and invited him to re-ascend the throne. He yielded to the pressure brought to bear on him from so many quarters and sacrificed his own inclinations for a quiet life.

But before entering into the details of the revolution we ought to give some account of the strength and situation of the people who were to be their adversaries.

In 1754 the Burmese, the inhabitants of the kingdom of Ava had been in subjection to the Peguans for five years. They had seen the death of their King, their Queen and the majority of the Royal family. The memory of their past misfortunes and the present reality of their servitude, and degradation caused them to yearn for a deliverer. They did not seek one among those enervated by the luxury of court life or those who in the pride of their usurped titles measured their capabilities by their ambition.

Their eyes were turned to one of their fellow-countrymen Manlong by name, a gardener by profession who though physically compelled to labour of a humble description, had the bravery and heart of a hero. With one voice all united in begging him to accept the crown so as to free them from the yoke of their tyrants. "Yes" replied this extraordinary man! "I agree to become your King, but first of all I wish to find out whether you are worthy of having such a leader as I! I command you to go and cut off the heads of all those petty oppressors whom the Peguans have set over you."

All answered, "If that is all you want us to do, you shall be obeyed speedily," and forthwith they departed to slay all the military and judicial officers whom their tyrants had placed in authority over them. Soon they returned to their hero, their hands streaming with the gore of their oppressors and proclaimed him King without a dissentient voice.

The new King distributed arms to his subjects. He taught them to ride and to shoot as he himself was a good horseman and a dead shot. His musketeers were ordered to fire on any one who had the cowardice to retreat either in siege operations or in actual battle. This new discipline was rigorously observed. The Burmese became invincible and dominated Pegu. A Peguan commander who had retreated with his army into a forest, on learning that the Burmese army had returned to Ava, took advantage of their absence to recapture Siriam, a seaport town of Pegu. He captured a ship which he at once fitted out and departed early in 1759 for Pondicherry on the Coromandel coast.

At the same time he wrote to the governor of the French stations in the East Indies to whom he sent valuable gifts in the hope of obtaining guns and military stores.

The ship was unable to reach the Coromandel coast; contrary winds rendered it necessary to anchor at Mergui a seaport of Siam. The Burmese army returned to Siriam three days after the departure of the ship. The King, who was in command wished to give an example of severity to the people. The town was utterly sacked and at the mere sound of their approach the Peguans and their leader fled to the forests.

The Governor of Tavoy, a Peguan city close at hand had established himself as an independent ruler. The Burmese King advanced to Martaban, a town close to Tavoy, and demanded the governor to surrender. The governor was too weak to offer any resistance and therefore complied. But his submission availed him nothing, for as soon as the King arrived, his head was cut off. It was here, that the King hearing about the richness of Siam conceived the idea of attempting its conquest, but wishing to have a valid excuse for his greed, he demanded that they should restore the ship that had been seized at Siriam from whence it had been brought to Mergui. The Siamese court having been informed that the ship was bound for Pondicherry ordered that the ship should continue the voyage in order to maintain the friendly relations existing between the Siamese court and the French stations.

This refusal was the cause of a war in which many lives were lost.

The Burmese King, having seized all the shipping and wealth of the country, made Tavoy his headquarters. He sent out an expedition of 30 vessels to reduce and burn the town of Mergui and to take similar action against Tenasserim, the chief town of a province of the same name.

At the approach of the fleet, the inhabitants of Mergui fled and the town, previously so full of inhabitants, was left deserted.

M. M. Andrien and Lefebvre, French missionaries, seeing before them a prospect of danger and useless suffering, embarked with their converts in two ships of which one was a French vessel and the other was the very ship to which the King of Ava laid claim. The fugitive inhabitants, after aimless wanderings sought refuge in the forests and in desert islands.

The King of Ava, surprised at the fear inspired by his name and forces, was quite sure that the conquest of Siam would be an easy matter. The fact of a whole province having been subdued by his little fleet, gave him to hope that there would be no obstacle to the success of his united forces. He visited Tavoy in person, being the place at which the different sections of his army had been ordered to assemble. As soon as the Siamese court had been informed that the Burmese had invaded the country, the Barcalon sent to the Bishop of Tabraca ordering that Christians should be called upon for military service. The Bishop replied that he would willingly send all those whom he believed were physically able to defend their King and country. He summoned his converts at once pointed out the danger by which the country was threatened, and exhorted them by the sacred ties of King and fatherland. The flock, obedient to the voice of the shepherd, remembered that the God of Peace whom they served was likewise the God of Battles. More than one hundred took up arms for the common defence. This levy, though so small in numbers was sufficient to give examples of courage to the others.

The Priest King who had just come to the throne was without resources to carry on a successful struggle against so warlike a foe. He knew the weakness of his subjects only too well not to put his trust in them.

His arsenals were well furnished with arms and ammunition, but he lacked men to make good use of them. He commanded a timid and undisciplined mob, equally incapable of attack or defence, who had been pressed into service to meet the urgency of the situation, and who trembled at the sound of firearms. A fair-sized army of this character had been collected but was of no use against an enemy.

These miserable cowards threw down their arms on the approach of the Burmese, and, conquered without striking a blow, fled to the capital which was thus overcrowded with useless mouths. The Christians acted in quite a different manner and behaved heroically to a man. The King seeing their bravery, entrusted to them the guardianship of the palace and the city walls, but they were too few to present an unbroken front to the swarms of the enemy who were overrunning the country. They had left their homes defenceless, and, placing duty before the safety of their own possessions, they had left them to the greed of an enemy to whom plunder was the main object.

The hour of the downfall of Siam was not yet come. The Burmese King was but three days march from the capital when he was attacked by a fatal illness. Thinking less of his sickness than of the obstacle that had checked his victorious progress, he summoned certain Europeans serving in his army to his bedside. He asked them in what time they could gain possession of the city. They replied that it could be done in three days, "Go quickly" answered the King, "and make this rich conquest and if fortune does not bear out your valour come back to me at once."

The army started. All the outlying villages were burnt, and even the suburbs of the capital were included in the devastated area. The Christian quarter alone was respected, as the Burmese warned of their valour, had not the courage to attack men so freed from earthly ties that they feared not death. Some of the Christians, who had not followed the example of flight set by the others, shot two of the enemy from the seminary, and this brave defence was the salvation of all The terrified Burmese had no longer any desire to attack them. The Dutch quarter was reduced to ashes and only the warehouse known to contain valuable merchandise was spared.

While the town was threatened, the outlying districts were ravaged with fire and sword, and the inhabitants, loaded with fetters, were led into captivity. The children too weak to share their sufferings were the unhappy witnesses of tortures inflicted on their parents. Several children were put to the torture to make them reveal the hiding places of their parents' wealth. On information extorted by violence these pitiless creatures massacred unfortunate individuals without mercy who could only reproach themselves with not being rich enough to satisfy the greed of their executioners. The chief priests who were suspected of having concealed vast wealth, were repeatedly roasted on gridirons until they had confessed where their treasures were hidden.

Women were bound above the ankles so tightly that the cords cut into the flesh. Their inexorable tormentors made them answer questions by striking them with the flat of a sword, and even the cries and lamentations of the children whom they compelled to witness their cruelties could awake no compassion in their stony hearts.

The men received still harsher treatment. Their ankles were bound in the same way as those of the women, and, to add to their miseries their arms were tied behind their backs so that the elbows touched. It seemed in their wretched plight that their bowels were about to gush out. So severe were the agonies caused in the joints, that the victims swooned in many cases.

While these sad scenes were being enacted in the Provinces, the capital of Siam was attacked with vigour. But the enemy, after several futile assaults, were obliged to give up their task; and, taking advantage of the darkness to conceal the shame of their retreat, made the same signals as before; in order that the Siamese might still believe they remained near the walls. The news of the death of Burmese monarch caused them to renounce the hopes of conquest. The youngest of his sons was proclaimed King. He needed the army to strengthen his authority and to put down malcontents. The troops were ordered to evacuate Siam and never was a retreat more hurriedly beaten.

The Siamese, free from the yoke of foreign oppression, reoccupied their former possessions. Having suffered by experience, they ought to have taken steps to prevent a fresh invasion. The Dutch, established in the kingdom, could have provided them with artillerymen as there were many stationed at Batavia in the island of Java. But the Siamese unmindful of danger, and arrogant though cowardly, considered that it would be derogatory to their dignity to implore the help of a foreign nation to teach them lessons.

The high opinion which this nation held of itself, gave rise to the idea that the native Christians would form an impregnable barrier against foreign invasion.

The examples of bravery they had shown, caused them to be regarded as so many heroes to whom the common defence might be entrusted.

The French church was called the Church of Victory, and in gratitude for services rendered, presents were given of suitable garments to the Bishop, the priests and the converts. All the Christians who had assisted in the defence of their country received a gift of money and eight of them who had shown the greatest bravery in face of the dangers undergone, were promoted to the highest positions in the army.

The Siamese had no less confidence in their wisdom than they had had in their bravery. They were consulted as to what measures should be taken for national defence. These men full of zeal, showed that if they knew how to fight for their country, still more did they know how to advance the cause of their God.