CHAPTER XXI.

SYRIA.

1845-1856.

Good tidings were received in 1845 concerning Aintab, in Northern Syria, communicated by Dr. Kerns, of the London Jews Society, and by Bedros, an Armenian vartabed, who had been banished from Constantinople by the Patriarch Matteos.1 His banishment was to the Armenian monastery at Jerusalem, but he turned aside from Beirût to Northern Syria. Letters came also from prominent men in Aintab, written in behalf of a large number of families in that place who had heard the gospel from Bedros, and were resolved to abandon the errors of their Church. They asked for a missionary to instruct them, and said their need of aid was the greater, as they were violently persecuted by their bishop.

1 See chapter xxii.

Mr. Thomson was instructed by the mission to visit Aleppo and Aintab. He went by way of Antioch, and reached Aleppo in August. Bedros was there, having been driven from Aintab, and Mr. Thomson concluded it was not prudent for him to proceed farther. He accordingly wrote to the Protestants of Aintab, requesting more information as to their condition and wishes. The distance was two long days' ride from Aleppo, and on the fifth day an answer came, that eighteen of their number, including two priests, were coming to see him. A message arrived soon after, stating that they had prepared to come, but fearing the commotion it would produce, they had concluded to abandon the visit and write. Their letter contained a very earnest appeal for a missionary, with strong affirmations of attachment to the gospel, and their determination to adhere to it at all hazards. Mr. Thomson stated, in his reply, why a missionary could not be sent from Beirût, and that he would forward their letters, and those of Bedros, to the missionaries at Constantinople, with a request, that a missionary might be sent who could preach both in Turkish and Armenian; or at least an experienced Armenian preacher, to assist Bedros in this important work. Just before leaving Aleppo, Mr. Thomson received from them another letter, declaring their satisfaction with this arrangement, and their gratitude for his interest in their welfare. "We are the fish in the great sea," they said, "and wait for you to spread the gospel net for us."

Mr. Thomson estimated the nominally Christian population of Aleppo at twenty thousand, and the whole number of inhabitants at sixty thousand. The most promising were the Armenians, though at that time they were kept aloof by the excommunication of Bedros and all associated with him. The Protestant Armenians in that city were thought to be about fifty. The orthodox Greeks were not numerous. Their bishop was in poor health, but received the missionary with much cordiality, and appeared quite pleased with the prospect of a missionary in Aleppo. The Greek Catholics were by far the largest body of Christians. To this body belonged Athanasius, the Archbishop of Tripoli, so called, but residing at Aleppo. He was not forty years old, and had been two years in England, and two in Malta. Mr. Thomson had much intercourse with this man, and spoke of him as the most learned theologian of his sect, and the most promising ecclesiastic he had seen in Syria. He seemed to be serious and earnest, evangelical in sentiment, desirous of reforming his countrymen, and enlightened enough to take a comprehensive view of the work to be done, and make a rational estimate of the obstacles to be overcome. He was highly respected by all classes; and though his Protestant sentiments were well-known, there was said to be no power in his Church to depose him.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, p. 418.

Mr. Calhoun visited Hasbeiya in February, 1846, accompanied by Tannûs, and was there eighteen days. The congregations were smaller, but made up mainly of those who sought to know the way of life; while their townsmen, softened by last year's war, were not disposed to persecute, as before. Mr. Whiting, Mr. Hurter, and Butrus were there in June. The spirit of the congregation is thus described by the missionary. "They like to hear a good long exposition, and then to stay and hear and converse, after prayer, as long as we are able to sit up. Some are coming in during the day at all hours, so that we scarcely cease teaching and preaching from morning until bed-time." Some of the declared Protestants, and even some new inquirers, took a bold stand under persecution by the Governor; and many, who did not venture to call upon the missionary, were in an inquiring state of mind.

Mr. Laurie's health suffered at Mosul, and also in Syria, so that he was obliged to return home in the autumn of this year, and to relinquish the idea of resuming the foreign service. His subsequent labors through the press, have endeared him to a large number of the friends of missions.1

1 See his works: "Dr. Grant and the Mountain Nestorians." Boston, 1853; and "Woman and her Saviour in Persia." Boston, 1865.

The year 1847 opened with an earnest and eloquent appeal from the missionaries for an increase to their number.1 And there is nothing more painful in the retrospect of this mission, than the numerous and often unexpected and surprising openings for usefulness, that were so often effectually closed, solely, as it would seem, because there were not missionaries to enter and take possession. There is space for only a single extract from this appeal. Addressing the Prudential Committee, they say:

1 See Missionary Herald, 1847, pp. 185-193.

"We tell you, with all earnestness, that there is great danger, that the work may languish almost to lifelessness, even at the two posts which you now occupy in Syria, before your new messengers can be found, cross the ocean, and pass through the primary process indispensable to fit them to prophesy upon the slain. Yes, we must make you understand with unmistakable explicitness, that unless you hasten the work, and quicken the flight of those who have the everlasting gospel to preach, the voice may cease to sound, even in the valleys and over the goodly hills of Lebanon! Your infant seminary for training native preachers may droop, or disband; your congregations on the mountains, and on the plain, may be left without any one to break to them the bread of life; and your press may cease to drop those leaves, which are for the healing of the nations. All this may, yes, must occur, by a necessity as inexorable as the decree that commands all back to dust, unless you hasten to renew the vitality of our mission, by throwing into it the young life of a new generation of laborers."

The appeal was published; but it continued painfully true, that the harvest was plenteous, while the laborers were few.

Among the interesting events of the year, were the accession of nine persons to the church at Abeih; and a "fetwa" of the mufti, or Moslem judge, at Beirût, deciding that the Druzes stand in the same relation to the Mohammedan community and law with the Jews, or any Christian sect; i.e. as "infidels;" and, consequently, that a Druze was not subject to prosecution in the Turkish courts, in case of his embracing Christianity. Mr. and Mrs. Benton joined the mission in the latter part of the year.

In the spring of 1847, the Protestants of Hasbeiya sent one of their number to Constantinople, to lay their grievances before the Sultan. The agent was informed, that the Pasha of Damascus had been instructed to protect the Protestants. The British Ambassador afterwards made inquiries, and received a copy of the document, which proved satisfactory. The Pasha sent a strong order to the Emir at Hasbeiya in 1848, for their protection; and he, though extremely reluctant to obey, sent word to the Protestants, that they might meet and worship together as Protestants, and he publicly forbade all parties to interfere with them.

When the Greek Patriarch saw that the Turkish government had recognized the principle of toleration, and acknowledged the Protestants as a Christian sect, he resolved to try the effect of a bull of excommunication. The form of these missives is similar in the Latin and the Oriental Churches, and the reader will recall some of the specimens already given.1 The consequence at Hasbeiya, for a time, was that no Protestant could buy, sell, or transact any business, except with his fellow Protestants, and many of the poorer ones were at once thrown out of productive employment, and cut off from the means of living. They were compelled to pay their debts, but could collect nothing due to them, and no redress could they get from the Governor. Many suffered for the necessaries of life. But the faith of the brethren, with a single exception, did not fail. The Druzes and other sects remonstrated against the whole proceeding, and the rigor of the excommunication began at length to fail, and in December it had lost its force.

1 See in the case of Dr. King, chapter xvii.; and Mr. Bird, chapter iii.

The most important event in the year 1848, was the formation of a purely native church at Beirût. Hitherto the native converts had joined the mission church, formed at an early period of the mission, which was composed mostly of the missionaries and their families. Circumstances had made it seem inexpedient, hitherto, to form a church exclusively of native converts. Whether the brethren were right in this, it is not needful now to inquire. The new church originated in the best manner. At the annual meeting of the mission, a petition was presented from the native Protestants at Beirût to the American missionaries, asking that they might be organized into a church, according to certain principles and rules embodied in their petition. The whole originated with the native brethren. The principles proposed for the constitution and discipline of the church were afterwards modified somewhat, at the suggestion of the mission, in order to a closer conformity with the organization adopted by the Protestant Armenians in another part of the empire. For some special reasons, they were advised to delay the election of a native pastor.

The great work of translating the Scriptures into Arabic, was now committed to Mr. Smith; and he was assisted by Butrus el-Bistany and Nasif el-Yasijee.

Messrs. Ford and Benton removed to Aleppo, with a view to a permanent station. They were accompanied by Mr. Smith, Butrus, and Wortabet, the latter of whom remained there until his services were required at Hasbeiya. Mr. Smith visited on his return, the Nusairiyeh in Antioch, Suwaidiyeh, and around Ladikiyeh, and then both them and the Ismailiyeh in their mountain fastnesses back of Ladikiyeh. He found them a rude people in a rough country.

The Rev. Horace Foot and wife arrived in Beirût in August, 1848, and were associated with Mr. Wilson at Tripoli. Bedros Vartabed, whose labors were so much blessed at Aintab, died after a very short illness at Aleppo, on the 13th of November, 1848. His last hours were spent in fervent prayer, and his last words were expressive of his gratitude to God. His life had been characterized by visible progress in the way of holiness, by habitual prayerfulness, and by zeal in the work of urging upon men the claims of the gospel.

A very hopeful fact in the missions to Oriental Churches, has been the number of able men affected by the truth. Eminently such was a learned Greek Catholic of Damascus, named Michael Meshakah, who became convinced of the errors of his Church, and openly declared himself a Protestant in 1848. He had embraced infidel views to quiet his conscience, but the reading of "Keith on the Prophecies" in Arabic, and other books from the mission presses, especially the Scriptures, led him to relinquish these, and personal intercourse with missionaries, especially with Dr. Smith, induced him to take a decided stand for Christ. He used no reserve in professing his attachment to the gospel. This brought on a controversy between him and his Patriarch, and as he was esteemed the most intelligent native layman in the country, and the Patriarch the most learned ecclesiastic, attention from all quarters was directed to their debate. Having decided to publish the reasons of his secession from the Catholic Church, and to prove the corruptness of the doctrines and practices in that Church, he commenced a free and full correspondence with Dr. Smith in Arabic. The result was a treatise, which was published by the mission. After making the reader acquainted with his own history, he disproved the supremacy of the Pope, the existence of any priesthood but that of Christ, or of any atonement but his. He then showed that there was no authority for more than two grades of officers in the church, or for the doctrine of transubstantiation. There were, also, chapters on justification by faith and the new birth. Dr. Smith declares the treatise to have been "well and thoroughly argued, sometimes most impressively solemn, at others keenly sarcastic, and spirited and fearless throughout."1

1 The Bibliotheca Sacra, for October, 1858, contains an account of Dr. Meshakah by Dr. Thomas Laurie, and a translation of a treatise by him on skepticism.

Michael Aramon took the place of Butrus in the seminary, and gave the highest satisfaction both as to his literary and his religious qualifications for the post. A Hasbeiyan brother, well informed, upright, "a burning and shining light," taught a school among the Druzes in the higher part of the mountains. Another, named Asaad el-Maalûk, exercised a silent influence for good, in a school and upon the people of another mountain village where he taught. Through him, a priest in the Greek church of that village, named Elias, became gradually enlightened. When Asaad began declaring the truths of the gospel, the villagers appealed to priest Elias, and he several times endeavored publicly to defend the doctrines and ceremonies of his Church. Perceiving at length how much the Bible was against him, and that he could not answer his opponent, he became angry, and forbade all communication with Asaad. But the mild and earnest manner of the native brother at length won his heart, and he came to the conclusion, that nothing in his Church had any authority, which was not derived from the Bible. This change in his views he soon declared to his people, and absented himself from the church. Once and again they forced him to go and say mass. Sometimes he yielded, and sometimes refused; till, near the end of January, 1849, having performed mass, he went out with the people, locked the door of the church, threw the key down before the door, and declared, in the presence of them all, that he was a Protestant, and could no more act against his conscience by officiating as a priest. Various methods were tried to bring him back, but in vain.

In May, 1849, Mrs. Thomson and Mrs. De Forest accompanied their husbands to Hasbeiya, and had delightful intercourse with the native Protestant women, who had from the first gone hand in hand with the men.

The brethren at Tripoli endeavored to secure a summer residence in the Maronite village of Ehden, where Mr. Bird had been so rudely assailed twenty years before, but were driven thence by similar acts of violence. The English Consul at Beirût, without the knowledge of the missionaries, laid the facts before the British Government, and Lord Palmerston promptly administered a severe rebuke to the Patriarch and Emir. The case was eventually settled by the offenders paying seventy dollars, and by the governor of the mountains furnishing the missionaries with an official guaranty in writing, for their protection wherever they should be able to hire houses. The American Ambassador also procured a strong vizieral letter to the Pasha in the Tripoli district.

A fourth class was admitted to the seminary at Abeih in October, 1849. One member of the class was from the most influential family in Hasbeiya, another was a Greek Catholic from Ain Zehalty, another a Maronite from Kefr Shema, another from the Greek sect at El Hadet, and the fifth was a young Druze emir of the Raslân family. Three pupils had been expelled for bad conduct in the previous year, and the discipline had a good effect on the school. Arabic was the medium of instruction; English was taught only as a branch of knowledge, and near the end of the course.

The printing in 1849 exceeded a million of pages. There were two fonts of beautiful type, of different sizes, modeled on the best Arabic calligraphy, and cut by Mr. Hallock at New York. The type were cast in Syria under the supervision of Mr. Hurter.

Of the twenty-seven members in the native church at Beirut, up to the close of 1849, ten were from the Greek Church, four were Greek Catholics, four Maronites, five Armenians, three Druzes, and one a Jacobite Syrian; showing how men of different sects may be made one in Christ Jesus. These church members were widely dispersed, and most of them exerted a salutary influence in the places where they resided.

In the autumn of 1850, the Greeks and Greek Catholics of Aleppo were subjected to terrible outrages by the Mohammedans. Their number was from fifteen to twenty thousand, and they were more wealthy and refined than their brethren in most eastern cities. They looked upon themselves as the aristocracy of Syria. Instead of prudently concealing their wealth, they made an ostentatious display of it in furniture, dress, and costly decorations of their churches. Added to this was an arrogant bearing, often even towards the Moslems, rekindling their hereditary hate; while the recent efforts of the Sultan to establish liberty throughout his dominions, both inflated still more the pride of the Christians, and stirred up the indignation of the Moslems.

The arrival of a government order for a military conscription, a thing most unwelcome to the Moslems, occasioned a popular tumult. They determined, while setting the Pasha at defiance, to gratify their hatred of the Christians. The attacks on these commenced on the 16th of October. Thousands of wild Arabs, along with ruffians from the city, filled the houses and churches, and splendid furniture, gorgeous dresses, and gold and silver hoarded for generations, were suddenly transferred to the swarthy Arabs. All the churches, save one, were rifled and then burnt or destroyed, together with a large number of private houses. Not a few of the Christians were murdered, or severely wounded. The Pasha, unequal to the crisis, took refuge among the soldiers of the barracks, and yielded to the demands of the populace until new orders should arrive from the Sultan. There was a fortnight of anarchy, while the Pasha was employed in collecting troops sufficient to regain his authority. Then, having received explicit instructions from the capital, he commenced a bloody attack upon the insurgents. These were all Moslems, and such was their desperation that they suffered more severely than had the Christians.

Until this outbreak, there had been a manifest change going on in the feelings of the nominally Christian community towards the Protestants. There was a growing respect among all classes for the missionaries and their teachings, a readiness on the part of many to acknowledge the truth, and a more easy access to the houses of the people. All this the outbreak interrupted for a time, and the effect was not good on the whole. There was a bloody feud between the two great parties. Yet the bonds of superstition had been weakened; especially the faith of the people in the miraculous virtue of the pictures, which filled their churches and had been worshipped for centuries. Some of these pictures were supposed to be so sacred, that whoever touched them would have a withered hand. But they had now seen them torn in pieces, trampled under foot, and burned by the enemies of their religion.

Of the nineteen pupils in the seminary at Abeih in 1850, four were Druzes, three were Greeks, four Maronites, four Greek Catholics, two Protestants, one Syrian, and one Armenian; all on a level, eating at the same table, mingling in the same sports, and meeting at the same place of prayer.

The native brethren at Hasbeiya suffered considerably in their spiritual interests, from the delay in organizing a native church with a native pastor. A church of sixteen members was formed in July, 1851, and the number of members, before the end of the year, was increased to twenty-five. Mr. John Wortabet, son of the Armenian convert of that name, had been their preacher four years, and ultimately became their pastor. He inherited the abilities of his father, and was an acceptable, courageous, and zealous preacher.1 There were occasional dissensions among his people, but the church gradually increased in compactness, order, and efficiency. When there was a call for discipline, it was carried through firmly and wisely, without assistance from the mission.

1 He was educated in the first Seminary, in English and Arabic. When that closed, he commenced the study of medicine and Latin under Dr. Van Dyck, and completed his medical course under Dr. De Forest. After practicing for a time in Tripoli, he commenced his theological studies, Greek and Hebrew included, at Beirût, under the care of Messrs. Smith, Whiting, and Thomson. These studies he prosecuted for a time at Aleppo, and afterwards at Abeih. Upon the establishment of the Hasbeiya station, in 1851, he took up his residence at Hasbeiya as preacher, and was ordained at Beirût in the spring of 1853. The honorary degree of Doctor of Medicine was conferred upon him by Yale College, in view of an article from his pen on the fevers of Syria, published in the American Journal of Medical Science.

The annual meeting of the mission, in 1851, was favored with the valuable assistance of Dr. Leonard Bacon, and the meeting in 1852, with that of Dr. Edward Robinson; both corporate members of the Board.

A girls boarding-school had been commenced at Beirût, under the general superintendence of Dr. and Mrs. De Forest, and the instruction of Miss Whittlesey. The decease of the latter, in 1852, was a check to its growth. The Rev. William Bird, son of one of the pioneers in this mission, with his wife, and Miss Sarah Cheney, arrived in the year 1853. Miss Cheney was to take the place of Miss Whittlesey. The value of this school as a means of elevating women, became more and more evident. The marriage of the senior teacher in the seminary at Abeih with a young lady trained by Mrs. De Forest, gave them a native family, which Mr. Calhoun says, "in its domestic economy and religious order, would do no discredit to the best portions of New England." In this year a native church was formed at Abeih, and another at Aleppo.

The Rev. William W. Eddy and wife joined the mission in 1852, and were designated to Aleppo. The political condition of Hasbeiya and the surrounding region, now became so disordered as often to make it inaccessible to missionaries, or their native assistants. Yet Mr. Wortabet persevered in his labors during all these troubles, and was afterwards ordained pastor of the church. Protestant communities at Ibel near Hasbeiya, and at Rasheiya over the mountain, survived the severe persecutions to which they were subjected by the combined efforts of bishops, priests, and local governors; until the governors, who had been the real cause of most of the difficulties, were summoned to Damascus, through the agency of the English Ambassador at Constantinople, to answer for their conduct.

At Sidon, there was an average congregation of thirty-live, and persecution did not shake their constancy. In a dozen villages near that city, there were persons in the habit of reading the Scriptures, and visiting the missionaries. Mr. William Thomson, a son of the missionary, rendered valuable service in this portion of the field. Messrs. Foot and Wilson, on a visit to Hums and Hamath, northward of Damascus, found the former place peculiarly accessible to religious teaching, and that Dr. Meshakah of Damascus had sent books to several persons in this place, and been in correspondence with them. Dr. De Forest was much interested in what he saw in villages along the coast, as far south as Carmel. Everywhere the people were anxious to know more of the new way, which was everywhere spoken against.

One of the persons received to the Abeih church, about this time, had a somewhat singular experience. In the war with the Druzes, nine years before, his party plundered a large village. In one of the houses he saw a Bible, which he seized and carried home. Soon he became intensely interested in reading it, and learned from it the errors of his Church. He then sought the acquaintance of the missionaries, and several of his relatives adopted his new views. He was excommunicated, his house attacked, his property destroyed, and his just dues were withheld. But he remained firm, and was admitted to the church. His wife and other relatives became Protestants; and by his judicious course, at once decided and conciliatory, he lived down the persecution. A school which he opened, was attended mostly by Druze pupils, but several of his former co-religionists intrusted their children to his instruction.

In August, 1853, Dr. Smith had completed the translation of the Four Gospels. His work was then suspended by the failure of his health. He was afterward able to resume it, and in May, 1854, he had translated the Acts, the Epistle to the Romans, and the greater part of the Epistles to the Corinthians.

In 1853, interesting developments occurred in the southern portion of the field, which was that year under the special charge of Dr. Thomson. Yacob el-Hakim, interrupted in his school at Ibel by opposers, made two extended medical tours, and preached the Gospel, with another native helper, in villages to the south as far as Nazareth. In one village, after visiting from house to house for some time, he was invited to preach in the church on the Sabbath, and there the entire community listened for two hours to the Word of God. In consequence of these labors the whole village, with the priest at their head, declared themselves Protestants, and went to Nazareth to be enrolled with the Protestant community at that place, under the care of the Episcopal brethren at Jerusalem. In his last tour, Yacob reported fifty men in Rany, another village not far from Nazareth, who had adopted the same course, and he met with great encouragement in several other places. Indeed he became so much interested in this work, that he did not wish to return to his school. These tours were made wholly at his own expense, and he was able to support himself by his medical practice.

Elias Yacobe, a native of Rashaiah, spent the summer at Abeih in the study of theology, and was found to possess uncommon preaching talents. He subsequently labored with success at his native place, at Ibel, and especially at Khuraibeh. Wherever the native brethren went, they reported an unusual desire among the people to hear the Word of God. At Sidon the attention paid to the preaching of Mr. Thomson and his helpers was marked and solemn. More than thirty were in a Bible-class. It was somewhat remarkable that the whole class found the study of Romans far more interesting than any other portion of the New Testament. The powerful arguments of Paul, when clearly opened to their comprehension, seemed to fall upon their minds with the charm of novelty. And having clearly understood and embraced the great fundamentals of Christian faith, there was good reason to hope, they would never return again to the beggarly elements of this world. What they learned in the class they made known abroad. The surrounding country was awakened more or less to a spirit of inquiry. At a village directly east of Sidon, several families declared themselves Protestants. At Kanah, in the neighborhood of Tyre, at Alma, higher up on the mountain, and at Acre and Kaifeh, there were decided Protestants.

The clergy of the different sects became thoroughly alarmed, and for a time worked in concert to arrest this spirit of inquiry. A strong corps of women, under the general name of Sisters of Charity, settled in Sidon, and opened large schools to which the parents were commanded, by the clergy of the various sects, to send their children; and strenuous exertions were made to break up the mission school. Every possible measure was employed to intimidate the people.

Nearly all the professed converts stood firm; though subjected to want, cruel hatred, and banishment from their homes. There was an advance in religious character; more decision, more intelligence, more earnestness. The inquiry was, what is real religion, and how can one become a partaker in its infinite blessings. Progress was thus made towards organizing a church at Sidon.

The Protestants at Hasbeiya, under favor of the Druzes, who then had the upper hand in all political matters, and under the successful pastorate of Mr. Wortabet, now built a neat, substantial church, forty-five feet by thirty-five, with a basement for schools and prayer meetings.

Mr. and Mrs. Foot left the mission in the autumn of 1854, on account of her illness, but too late to save her life. She died when near the shores of her native land. The Rev. Jerre L. Lyons and wife arrived at Beirût early in the following year. Dr. Smith had now completed the translation of the New Testament; and in addition to the Pentateuch, previously completed, he had gone through seven of the Minor Prophets, and commenced upon Isaiah.

The author made his second visit to this mission in 1855, on his return from India. During this visit he accompanied Dr. Smith to Ain Zehalty, a place of difficult access in the heart of Lebanon, where Mr. and Mrs. Lyons were residing, with no one to speak the English language, in order the sooner to learn the Arabic. There, through the teachings of a native brother from the church at Abeih, the people had lost all confidence in the ceremonies and superstitions of their Church. The priest, after making vain attempts to bring them back, left the place in disgust, and begged the bishop to send him elsewhere. He was obliged to return, however, and as his flock would not support him, a salary was given him by the bishop, in the hope of ultimately recovering them to his fold. The experiences of this little community of Protestants will again claim our attention.

It was now agreed to leave Aleppo, and northern Syria from Kessab northward, to be cultivated by the Armenian mission; since the language in that region was chiefly the Turkish.

The Rev. Messrs. Edward Aiken, Daniel Bliss, and Henry H. Jessup, and their wives, were added to the mission in this year. Mrs. Aiken died at Hums before she had completed a residence in the field of half a year. In November, one of the older missionaries, the Rev. George B. Whiting, finished his course, after a devoted service as a missionary through a fourth part of a century.1 Mrs. Whiting returned, in poor health, to the United States.

1 For an obituary notice of Mr. Whiting by Mr. Calhoun, see Missionary Herald for 1856, pp. 129-133.

The Gospel was preached statedly at sixteen places. At four of these—Beirût, Abeih, Sidon, and Hasbeiya—churches had been organized. Fifteen members were added during the year 1856. The number admitted from the beginning was one hundred and six, of whom eighty were living and in regular standing. The average number of hearers was about four hundred and twenty; but the whole number was of course much larger. The sons-in-law of the old Emir Beshir, the unrelenting persecutor no longer among the living, were among the firmest friends of the mission, and his grandchildren were in its schools. The anathemas of the Maronite clergy, once so terrific, had lost their power. Light was spreading; and though there was not a corresponding religious interest, yet the most influential inhabitants were on friendly terms with the mission, and in favor of education and good morals.

CHAPTER XXII.

THE ARMENIANS.

1845-1846.

We come now to the grand crisis, when the evangelical Armenians, who claimed the right of worshipping God according to the teachings of his Word, were on that account excommunicated, pronounced accursed, and subjected to a protracted and most cruel persecution. But inasmuch as this made it necessary to organize Protestant churches all over the country, it was overruled, in God's providence, for the furtherance of his kingdom.

Matteos, the leader of this persecution, became Patriarch of Constantinople in the autumn of 1844. Peshtimaljian, the celebrated, teacher, who knew him as one of his scholars, said of him, ten years before, when he was on very friendly terms with the missionaries, that he was a man of enlightened views, but without principle, and always governed by what he considered the wishes of those who were likely to promote his interests. His position as Patriarch was one of great difficulty. The evangelical doctrines were spreading in all directions, and their enemies demanded that they be rooted out. A report was even started, that Matteos himself was a Protestant, and his convictions were known to have been at one time in that direction; but his interests and his ambition now led him to oppose. He had attained the highest post in his nation, and was resolved to keep it. As the evangelical brethren would not yield, he must, if possible, put them down. He resolved to sacrifice the Protestants; and all his powers, personal and official, were employed to eradicate Protestantism from the land.1

1 Dr. Dwight, in his Christianity Revived in the East is severe on Bishop Horatio Southgate, of the American Episcopal mission in Turkey, on the ground of his publicly declared sympathy with the Patriarch Matteos, and the advice and countenance he was believed to have given that cruel persecutor. How far the Patriarch was actually influenced by Bishop Southgate, it is impossible to say; and I have supposed that at this late day, the demands of history would be satisfied with this brief allusion to the case. See Christianity Revived, pp. 211-213.

He first secretly directed those among his own flock, who were patrons or regular customers of the evangelical brethren, silently to withdraw their patronage. Many of the Protestants thus suddenly found themselves deprived of business, and that remonstrances availed nothing, unless they pledged themselves to withdraw from the preaching of the missionaries. A more decisive measure was, ordering the priests to hand in to the Patriarch the names of those who did not come to confession, and partake of the communion, in their respective churches. All such were threatened with excommunication and all its dreaded consequences.

As two or three vartabeds and some of the priests continued to attend the preaching of the missionaries, and others were known to be friendly, something must be done to operate upon those spiritual guides of the people. Bedros Vartabed was the first to be made an example. He was ordered to perform a mass, but declined on conscientious grounds. He was then instructed to proceed forthwith to a town on the Russian frontier, ostensibly to take charge of a diocese, but really to get him where he could easily be conveyed as a prisoner to the monastery of Echmiadzin. He politely declined to go, and the Patriarch was not then prepared to resort to force. After some delay, it was arranged that Bedros should go to the monastery at Jerusalem. He proceeded no farther, however, than Beirût, and from thence went to Aleppo and Aintab. His usefulness at the latter place, and his Christian death at Aleppo, have been already stated.1

1 See chapter xxi.

The Patriarch's attention was next turned to Priest Vertanes, who was already in his hands as a prisoner at the monastery of Armash, whither he had been sent by his predecessor. It was found that he had been preaching to the monks salvation through the blood of Christ alone, without the deeds of the law. It was represented to Matteos, that if the Protestant priest was not removed, the inmates of the monastery would soon become corrupted. An imperial firman was therefore procured for his banishment to Cesarea, whither Hohannes had been sent, six years before, for a like offense. On his way there, in charge of a Turkish officer, and indeed after his arrival, he ceased not to preach the Gospel for which he was in bonds. In the same year the Sultan gave orders, on occasion of a great feast, to have all the exiles in the country set at liberty, and Vertanes returned to Constantinople. Letters came to the Patriarch from Cesarea, soon after, saying that he had seduced many, and that had he remained there much longer, all would have gone after him.1

1 Christianity Revived, p. 152. Authority for most of the following statements concerning these persecutions, may be found in the Missionary Herald for 1846: pp. 193-203, 218-230, 263-273, 298-304, 397-406; and for 1847, pp. 16-22, 37-45, 75-83, 150, 193-199, 264-273, 298-301, 372-374. The account of them given by Dr. H. G. O. Dwight, in his work entitled Christianity Revived in the East, published in 1850, is so well written, that I cannot confer upon the reader a greater favor than by a free, though much abridged, use of his language.

At the metropolis there were restraints upon the hierarchy, that were unfelt in the provinces. Ephrem, bishop of Erzroom, had once acknowledged the errors of his Church, and had often strongly expressed his desires for reform, though now among the most zealous and persevering of the persecutors. The same was lamentably true of Boghos, Vartabed of Trebizond. Ephrem and Boghos had actually suffered persecution, on the charge of being Protestants. The change in their conduct was owing to the change in their relations, and to their loving the praise of men more than the praise of God.

The Bishop of Erzroom exceeded all others in bitterness against the followers of the Gospel. He had spies in every part of the town, and often upon the roofs of houses adjacent to the dwellings of the missionaries, to observe who were their visitors. He never allowed disobedience to his orders to go unpunished. The bastinado was repeatedly applied under his own eye, merely for an expression indicating reverence for the Word of God. Twenty blows were inflicted on the bare feet of a young man, and he was thrown into prison, because he had sold a copy of the Psalms in modern Armenian, and called at the house of a missionary. A teacher of a country school was severely bastinadoed for teaching the Gospel to the villagers. A merchant, who had early embraced the truth, was cruelly beaten in the bishop's own room, and the people were commanded to spit in his face in the streets, merely because he visited the missionary. A priest, for showing so much sympathy as to call upon him, was summoned before the bishop and bastinadoed. Another, who had called once at Mr. Peabody's house and procured some books, was seized, put in irons, and thrown into prison, and his books were burnt before his eyes. In most cases these violent measures confirmed the individuals in their new ways; and the truth is said never to have made so much progress among the permanent Armenian residents of Erzroom, as during the period of these outrages.

One principal reason for the determination of the ecclesiastics to uproot Bible religion from Erzroom, was the central and consequently influential position of that city in the interior of Armenia. In the district of Pasin, to the east, were nearly two hundred villages, in which Mr. Peabody found both priests and people remarkably accessible. In the nearer villages, a few were always found so much awake to the truth as to pay little regard to the injunctions of their spiritual rulers, who were opposed to Bible teachings. Not unfrequently individuals from Egin, Diarbekir, and other distant places, called on Messrs. Peabody and Smith for religious inquiry. A tour of Haritûn of Nicomedia to Sivas, Erzroom, Egin, etc., brought to light many encouraging facts in those places. In every important place some inquirers were found, and only laborers seemed needful to gather in an abundant harvest.

The author can bear witness to the increase of intelligence at Trebizond. The quiet preaching of the word by Messrs. Johnston and Bliss, and the distribution of the Scriptures and other evangelical books, had, by the blessing of God, moved many minds, and taught the difference between truth and error; and they gladly availed themselves of every opportunity to come together for conference and prayer. Not many, however, were willing to run much risk for the truth's sake, and few gave satisfactory evidence of being "born again."

A young man of superior attainments in Trebizond, belonging to the Papal Armenians, died in the spring of 1844, giving the most satisfactory evidence of conversion. His priest had made every effort to reclaim him, but Mugurdich, for that was his name, was very decided, and a few days before his death made a formal renunciation of his Church in writing, and peacefully committed his all to Christ. His body was not allowed a burial in the graveyard, or with the usual religious ceremonies, but was carried out at a late hour, in a dark stormy night, by common street porters, under the direction of a Turkish police-officer, and buried in a waste place about a mile out of the city. His priest had threatened to bury him like a dog; but he told them, at the time, that they could thus do him no harm, as they could not reach his soul.

The Vartabed in this city was not deemed sufficiently energetic as a persecutor. But Boghos, his successor, was. On receiving instructions from the Patriarch in the spring of 1845, he immediately set the whole persecuting machinery in motion. And so terrific did it become, that in the space of ten days about one half of the Bible readers had recanted.

Just at this juncture, a highly respected evangelical inhabitant of Trebizond, named Tateos, returned from a visit to Constantinople, Smyrna, Broosa, Nicomedia, and Adabazar, whither he had been to make the acquaintance of the missionaries and native brethren in those places. Fearing the influence of such a man, the persecuting party resolved to put him out of the way. He was accordingly decoyed on board the steamer as it was leaving for Constantinople, thrust down into the hold, and confined there by order of the Turkish Pasha. Thus was he torn from his affectionate wife and children, and carried off like a felon, they knew not whither, without even the show of a trial. Arriving at the capital, he was taken to the Armenian hospital, and shut up in the mad-house. Placed in a sitting posture, he was fastened with two chains, one from his neck to the wall, the other from his feet to the floor. Orders from the Patriarchate were, that no one should have access to him, but some of the native brethren discovered the place of his confinement, and gained admittance. He was then removed to another place, where it was believed he could not be found. On the Sabbath, the eighth day of his imprisonment, while the Armenian congregation was engaged in singing in the chapel at Pera, he entered, a free man! Much prayer had been offered for him, and his sudden liberation reminded all of Peter the Apostle. Sir Stratford Canning had been informed of his case, and there was no doubt that the remonstrances of this benevolent statesman had caused the Patriarch to loosen his grasp upon this innocent victim of his oppression.

But whatever was the influence exerted to moderate the proceedings of the Patriarch in this case, he was fully resolved not to fail of success. In the beginning of 1846, he entered upon the more decisive course of subjecting the evangelical Armenians to the pains and penalties of excommunication. He began with Vertanes, who escaped arrest only through the friendly agency of his landlord, (not a Protestant,) and was concealed for several weeks in the house of a friend. At the patriarchal church, after the morning service, January 25th, the church was darkened by extinguishing the candles, the great veil was drawn in front of the altar, and a bull of anathema was solemnly read against Priest Vertanes; and, on the next Sabbath, against all who were of his sentiments,—"followers," as the instrument read, "of the corrupt new sect, who are accursed, excommunicated, and anathematized." Vertanes was denounced in the usual style of such documents, as "a contemptible wretch," "a vagabond," "a seducer of the people," "a traitor and murderer of Christ," "a child of the devil," "an offspring of Antichrist," and "worse than an infidel or a heathen." "Wherefore," says the Patriarch, "we expel him, and forbid him, as a devil and a child of the devil, to enter into the company of our believers; we cut him off from the priesthood, as an amputated member of the spiritual body of Christ, and as a branch cut off from the vine, which is good for nothing but to be cast into the fire. By this admonitory bull, I therefore command and warn my beloved in every city far and near, not to look upon his face, regarding it as the face of Belial, not to receive him into your holy dwellings, for he is a house destroying and ravening wolf; not to receive his salutation, but to refuse it as a soul-destroying poison; and to beware, with all your households, of the seducing and impious followers of the false doctrine of modern sectarists, and to pray for them to the God who remembereth not iniquity, if perchance, they may repent, and turn from their wicked paths, and secure the salvation of their souls, through the grace of our Lord and Saviour, Jesus Christ, who is blessed forever and ever. Amen."1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, pp. 197, 198.

The Patriarch immediately issued orders to his clergy, to see that the temporal penalties threatened in the anathema were all inflicted. Most of the clergy obeyed these orders with good will, but some reluctantly. The leading men in the different trade corporations were required to deprive the persons anathematized, and their families, of their employments and means of living, and they evinced more pitiless zeal than did even the clergy. Many of the brethren were forcibly driven from their houses and shops, and some were expelled even from the paternal roof. A form of recantation was drawn up, and a new creed, and these were sent throughout the country for the signature of the Protestants. The evangelical brethren were everywhere summoned before their ecclesiastical rulers for this purpose. The creed contained the worst errors of Popery. The recantation required was, in substance, a confession that "being deceived by the enticements of Satan" they had "separated from the spotless bosom of the holy Church," and had "lovingly joined the impious New Sectaries," which they now saw to be "nothing else but an invention of arrogance, a snare of Satan, a sect of confusion, a broad road which leadeth to destruction." Wherefore repenting of their "impious deeds," they "fled again to the bosom of the immaculate and holy Armenian Church," and confessed that "her faith is spotless, her sacraments divine, her rites of apostolic origin, her ritual pious," and promised to receive "whatever this same holy Church receiveth, whether it be a matter of faith or ceremony," and to "reject with anathemas whatever doctrines she rejects."1

1 Appendix to Christianity Revived in the East, p. 272.

The persecutions designed to enforce this bold and cruel measure, both at Constantinople and elsewhere, were too numerous to be fully set forth in this history. It appears, from a statement drawn up by the missionaries at Constantinople, that nearly forty persons, in that city alone, had their shops closed and their licenses taken away, and were thus debarred from laboring for an honest livelihood. Nearly seventy were ejected from their own hired houses, and sometimes from houses owned by themselves, and were thus exposed as vagabonds, to be taken up by the patrol and committed to prison; and could find shelter only in houses provided for the emergency at Pera, or Galata, through the charity of Europeans or Americans. To increase the distress, bakers were forbidden to furnish them with bread, and water-carriers to supply them with water. Thirty or more persons were exiled, imprisoned, or bastinadoed, on no other charge than their faith. Many were compelled to dissolve partnerships, and bring their accounts to a forced settlement, involving their utter ruin. Where the agents of the Patriarch ascertained that debts were due from the anathematized to faithful sons of the Church, the latter, however reluctant, were compelled to urge an immediate settlement.1

1 Annual Report for 1846, p. 98.

Dr. Dwight gives us a glimpse of the working of the Anathema in the following narrative: "At one time the Patriarch called before him several of the leading Protestants, and sought to win them by gentleness and argument. When he found that they could outreason him, he said, rather petulantly, 'What is the use of your talking? I only called you to sign this paper. If you cannot do it, you may go, and next Sabbath you will all be anathematized.'

"One of the number he retained for a more private conversation. This was Mr. Apisoghom Khachadûrian, who afterwards became the first Protestant pastor. After those present had been sent away, the Patriarch, with a great show of kindness, entreated our brother to yield to the demands of the Church, for the sake of peace. 'Let me know,' said he, 'how much you receive as a salary from those men (meaning us), and I will pledge myself to secure more for you, if you will only come over to our side.' Ap. Khachadûrian begged the Patriarch not to pain his feelings again by addressing to him any such motives, which, in a matter of such solemn moment, were worthy of no consideration.

"The Patriarch then said: 'If you will only come back to us, you may retain your own private opinions and nobody shall molest you; only you must not speak of them to others. Why should you preach? You are no priest.'

"K. 'I cannot return on any such conditions. It is every man's duty to try to enlighten his neighbors in things pertaining to salvation, so far as he understands the Gospel.'

"Patriarch. 'But, if the evangelical men are permitted to remain in the Church on such conditions, the time is not distant when they will make the whole Church evangelical.'

"K. 'And what if they should? Would it be a calamity to our people to receive the Word of God as a body, and endeavor to follow it? You well know that this is the true way. You know that you confessed this to me some years ago. The course you are now pursuing will be destructive to our nation. I well understand your motive. You have been called a Protestant, and you seek to wipe this blot from your name; but have you not already done enough? Surely everybody must be convinced, by this time, that you are an Armenian, and no Protestant. Desist, I beseech you, from this work; for your own sake, I beseech you desist; otherwise it may result in something very bad for you.'

"Patriarch. 'Why? what will they (meaning the missionaries) do unto me?'

"K. 'They will do nothing to you, but your own nation will, if you go on in this way.'

"This conversation continued for some time, and the Patriarch's conscience seemed, for the moment, to be touched by our brother's faithful appeals, and he looked very thoughtful. He requested Mr. Khachadûrian to call again after two days, which he accordingly did, but was not received. A vartabed was sent to say, that if he continued of the same mind as before, the Patriarch did not wish to see him; and on the following Sabbath he was publicly anathematized in all the churches."1

1 Christianity Revived, pp. 199-201.

Soon after this anathema, the persecuted brethren addressed a letter to the Patriarch, explaining their religious sentiments, and asking to be relieved from their sufferings. This producing no effect, they addressed themselves to the Primates of the Armenian community, but no one of them was disposed to interfere in their behalf. At length they presented a petition to Reschid Pasha, Turkish Minister of Foreign Affairs. This petition was treated with respect; but, owing to the influence of some of the Armenian Primates, it procured no relief. Subsequently they carried their case before the English, Prussian, and American Ministers, asking their intervention. These gentlemen took the kindest interest in their case, and made repeated efforts to procure redress. Still the persecution went on. The Patriarch even ventured, within a month after the excommunication, to send the names of thirteen leading Protestants to the Porte, requesting their banishment. This was going a step too far. The English Ambassador, Sir Stratford Canning, had called the attention of the Turkish ministry to the pledge given, three years before, by the Sultan, that "henceforth there should be no more persecution for religious opinions in Turkey;" and it was now decided, in accordance with this pledge, that the persecution of the evangelical Armenians could not be allowed.

Scores of men, women, and children were wandering houseless, for the faith of Jesus, in the streets of the great metropolis, but they could not be left thus to suffer. Through the kindness of Mr. Allan, missionary of the Free Church of Scotland to the Jews, twenty individuals were comfortably lodged in a large building he had secured for a chapel and mission house. For the rest, the missionaries hired such tenements as could be found; at the same time providing bread for those cut off from all means of procuring their own subsistence. Nor was any time lost in appealing for aid to evangelical Christians throughout the world; and responses were received from the United States, from England, from every country in Europe, and from India; and five hundred dollars were contributed by foreign Protestant residents on the ground.

One good resulting from this evil should not be overlooked. The evangelical brethren in Constantinople had lived scattered over a territory eight or ten miles in diameter, so that they could rarely, if ever, come together. But while driven from their homes, and sheltered by the hand of Christian charity, they were, for many weeks, almost in one neighborhood, with abundant opportunity to cultivate each other's acquaintance. Most of their time, indeed, was spent in social prayer and religious conference; the effects of which were seen in a deeper interest felt for one another, and in a stronger bond of union.1

1 Christianity Revived, p. 208.

Early in March, Reschid Pasha, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, called up the Armenian Patriarch, and charged him to desist from his present course. This was an important point gained. It was now virtually decided, that the evangelical subjects of the Porte could have a civil existence in Turkey, without being under the spiritual dominion of the Patriarch.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, p. 218.

But freedom from the Patriarch's civil power they did not actually attain until their full and formal recognition as a Protestant community. In point of fact, there was no material relief from the persecution; though the Patriarch issued a pamphlet, about this time, utterly denying that there was any. He even proclaimed from the pulpit, that religion was free in Turkey. There was no doubt a change for the better in the Turkish government, and the Patriarch was gradually learning that persecution for religious opinions was not to be allowed. Therefore he felt constrained to use every artifice, so that nothing should seem to be done contrary to law; and, if possible, so that no ambassador should be able to prove upon him an act of persecution. At that very time, however, thirty-four shops were closed in Constantinople, and their former occupants were forcibly kept from resuming their business, merely because they did not subscribe to the Patriarch's creed. This was all, however, under the pretense of law. The Patriarch was the civil head of the Armenian community, and as such was responsible to the government for every trade. No person could open a shop without a license, and each trade was incorporated, and regulated by a small committee of the most prominent persons in that business. The license came from this committee; and each one taking out a license was required to give two or more sureties for good conduct. Licenses were refused to the evangelical Armenians; or if not, they were not accepted as sureties for each other, and none others ventured to assume the relation. Thus, until the slow moving Turk discovered the abuse, the persecutor pursued his work with impunity under the broad shield of the law.

It was specially so in the interior. One of the most trying cases of persecution was that of Priest Haritûn at Nicomedia, whose conversion was mentioned in connection with that of Vertanes, more than twelve years before. When Der Vertanes was anathematized, the bishop of Nicomedia required Haritûn to write a confession of his faith, in order to show the people that he was a true son of the Armenian Church. The document was far from being satisfactory, and his letter appended to it was still less so, for in that he affirmed the Holy Scriptures to be the only infallible rule of faith and practice, and declared his willingness to receive whatever punishment was prepared for him. He was naturally timid, but now he was filled with the spirit of martyrdom. He was brought to the church on the Sabbath, and the bishop, after reading his confession, immediately pronounced him excommunicated and accursed. Two priests then violently tore his clerical robes from his shoulders, and with boisterous shouts, cried, "Drive the accursed one from the church." The excited rabble now fell upon him, and with kicks and blows thrust him into the street. All this he received with the greatest meekness, and returned to his house exceeding glad that he was counted worthy "to suffer for the name of Jesus."

The bishop then sent him a paper of recantation to sign. Refusing to do this, he was by an easy artifice, thrown into prison. Finding that he owed small sums to different individuals, the debts were all bought up by a magnate of the place, and immediate payment was required. Being unable to meet the demand, as it was well known he would be, he was cast into prison. It was under sanction of the law. After thirteen days, he was conducted by a soldier to the bishop's palace, where the Patriarch's creed was offered for his signature. When they could not persuade him to sign it, he was threatened with the loss of his beard, which was considered the greatest indignity to a priest. He replied, "For the wonderful name of Christ, I am, God helping me, ready even to shed my blood." A barber was called in, and not only his beard, but all the hair from his head was shaved off. They then tore his clerical cap, and cast it into a filthy corner of the street, together with the hair and beard. A mob of boys now fastened the beard and the disfigured cap to the end of a long pole, and paraded through all the wards of the city, shouting, "Heads out! behold the cap of the accursed Haritûn." He was afterwards sent back to prison, the soldiers leading him by a circuitous route to prolong his sufferings, and the mob continually following him with opprobrious language. "I entered the prison," he wrote to a native brother, "with a joyful heart, committing myself to God, and giving glory to Him, that He had enabled me to pass through fire and sword, and brought me to a place of repose."

The Turkish governor of the prison, moved by pity, immediately released the unoffending old man. Passing through a Turkish burying ground, he reached his home unobserved. It was the Sabbath day, and he says, "Being delivered from the hands of reckless men, I fell down on my face about the eighth hour, with my wife alone, and gave glory to God that He had accounted me worthy of such an honor, which I formerly avoided, but now by his grace he has made me cheerfully to receive, though I am altogether unworthy. He has kept me for such a day."

Haritûn's inability to pay his debts subjected him to a second imprisonment; but as his cup increased in bitterness, his resolve was the more firmly fixed, never to deny his Lord and Saviour. His spotless reputation, and his meekness in suffering, procured for him many friends, even among the Mohammedans.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, pp. 219-223, 366.

It deserves to be recorded, that the magnate who secured his imprisonment, was thrown from his horse, not long after, and received a fracture of the skull, from which he died; and his splendid mansion was subsequently consumed by fire.

After having thus cruelly treated Priest Haritûn, the bishop summoned the evangelical brethren before him, as a body, and so wrought upon their fears, that they all agreed to sign the paper of recantation. Some of them, however, declared to the bishop, at the time, that they should continue to read the Gospel, and come together for prayer; and he assured them, that he merely wanted their signatures as a matter of form, and that they should be left at liberty to believe and act as they pleased. But they lost all peace of mind from that moment, until they had abjured their recantation, and publicly declared their determination to abide by the doctrines of the Gospel, even unto death. This was in March, 1846. They were all soon after excommunicated.

At Adabazar, there was much suffering. Four of the brethren were seized for debt, and thrown into prison. The Protestants were assailed with hootings and curses. Fresh outrages were of daily occurrence. A native brother, named Hagop, on his way from Adabazar to a village an hour distant, was passed by one of the persecutors on horseback, who turned upon him and cruelly beat him. Returning home with eyes and forehead swollen and blackened, and his limbs bloody from the blows he had received, he was taken by his friends to the Turkish governor, and two Turks came in as witnesses; but the governor refused to give him a hearing. Soon after, the houses of the brethren were stoned, and some of them were imprisoned on false pretenses, while the governor and judge, though perfectly aware of these things, cared not for them. Emboldened thus, the chief ruler of the Armenians headed a band of about fifty desperate fellows, and went in the evening to the house of Hagop, who had been beaten a few days before, broke down the door, rushed up-stairs, and, in the presence of his family, beat him on his nose and mouth, and wherever else the blows happened to fall, and threw him down stairs. They there beat him again, pushed him into the street, and dragged him to a place of confinement. Other brethren were subjected to similar violence, until the mob became so outrageous that the governor and judge were obliged to interfere.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1846, p. 270.

At Trebizond, a young man, refusing to sign the recantation, was beaten on the soles of his feet, the vartabed aiding with his own hands in inflicting the blows. He was afterwards thrown into a miserable stable as a prison; water was plentifully poured upon the cold, damp ground on which he stood with mangled feet; his hands were tied behind him by the two thumbs; a rope was passed under his shoulders and fastened to a beam over his head; and in this torturing condition he was left to stand during the night. Orders were also issued that no one should give him food. After being kept here nearly two days, with some mitigations, and repeatedly importuned to sign the recantation, with terrific threatenings in case he did not, the sufferer was induced to yield. The ecclesiastics were encouraged by this to bastinado and imprison all who refused to comply. Those who could, fled to the house of the missionary, and ten men were at one time lodged in the chapel, and fed at his table.

This mode of proceeding could not continue. The British Consul interposed and gave information to the Pasha, who arrested the barbarous proceedings, and virtually advised the brethren to secede from their persecuting Church. Mr. Powers thought the effect of these sufferings had been salutary on all the brethren.1

1 Missionary Herald, 1806, [sic, 1846?] pp. 298-300.

Another case occurred at the remote station of Erzroom, and I mention it because of the extreme violence of the persecutors, though regretting that they partially gained their point. The man was a recent convert, but his answers when interrogated, were so judicious and decisive, and so sustained by Scripture proofs that his adversaries were unable to reply. The main question was, whether he would worship the sacred pictures. This he refused to do, whereupon he was severely bastinadoed; and afterwards some of the priests kicked him, spat in his face, and smote him on the face, till the blood gushed from his nose and mouth. He was then put in chains, and thrust into a cold prison, without being allowed water to wash the blood from his face, though he earnestly requested it.

During the evening two priests went to his prison, and he begged them to secure his removal to a stable. They called him a dog, and told him he could receive no favor unless he submitted in everything. This he said he could never do. He was afterwards removed to a stable, and the next day was brought before his persecutors and required to sign a creed they had drawn up. This he did, after the most objectionable parts had been erased. Emboldened by this, and by the refusal of the Pasha to protect the sufferer, the ecclesiastics next Sabbath ordered the same man to appear before them, and he was immediately thrust into prison. In the evening he was taken into the church and brought before the altar, where, in the presence of a great multitude, curses were heaped upon him without measure. The vartabed who performed this service, used language fitted to stir up the worst passions of the people; many of whom being partially intoxicated, became so enraged that when the brother was conducted to the vartabed's room they grossly abused him, not only by words, but by blows and spitting in his face. They crowded the door, declaring that he was worthy of death, and that they were ready to shed his blood, even if for so doing, they should have to shed their own, and it was with difficulty they were prevented from rushing upon him. Indeed some actually entered and kicked him on the head as he was seated on the floor, without one word of rebuke from the ecclesiastics. Their object was to compel him to sign a paper recently sent them by the Patriarch. He told them he could never heartily sign such a paper. "No matter about your heart," they exclaimed, "perform the outward act." In consequence of this remark, and terrified by the mob, which seemed panting to lay violent hands upon him, and into the midst of whom he was to be thrust if he did not sign his name, he at length yielded, and the next morning his sentence of excommunication was revoked.

A month later, this man much regretted having done so, even under such a pressure, and had no thought of abandoning the new religious life. He continued his efforts to enlighten the dark minds of those to whom he had access, though by so doing, he exposed himself to new trials.1

1 Mr. Peabody, in Missionary Herald, 1846, pp. 265-267.