Human Leopards

As to the hair found in his house, it seemed clear that many persons, even educated persons in Freetown, have a superstition about their hair being left about, and take precautions to have it disposed of in such a way that nobody can get possession of it. Strong “medicines” are supposed to be made with human hair, and with this “medicine” injury can be inflicted on the person from whom the hair was obtained. He said that soon after he arrived at Gbangbama he had his hair cut and that he kept it pending his return to Mattru, where he intended to have it destroyed. Finger and toe-nails also appear to be capable of malevolent use, and should not be left lying about; he said that he had cut his finger-nails just before he left Mattru, and had put the parings carefully in his gown, intending to get rid of them later, but forgot about them, and that was how they came to be in the pocket of his gown when his quarters were searched. As to those found at Mattru, he stated that the wife who assisted him when cutting them must have put them away in the small box in which they were found, that that box used to stand upon his table, and that his wife must have forgotten them, but that they were quite safe, as the box was the one in which he used to keep his pocket cash and was usually locked.

The sebbeh cap he denied the ownership of. He stated that it belonged to an Aku or Yoruba medicine man who came to Gbangbama about the same time as himself, that this man placed the box containing the cap in his house, and that the cap was not found with his things, but in another box altogether. This statement was to some extent supported by the fact that the sebbehs when opened did not, as was expected, contain Arabic texts, but only black powder and tree bark, and he called as his witness the Yoruba man to whom he alleged the cap belonged.

The defence of the second accused, the girl’s uncle, was that Mini was of weak intellect, and that during a period of insanity she had wandered into the bush, and, not being able to find her way out, had died there. He stated that she first became insane after the birth of her second child, and that she became so violent that she had to be put in the stocks. He said that he obtained and had given her some sacred water and a charm which cured her for a time, that she subsequently lost the charm and became insane again, and could not be made to wear any clothes, that he was absent from Kabati at the time she disappeared, and that on his return he had made every effort to find her.

The third accused’s defence was that he had left Kabati about six weeks before the girl’s disappearance and was absent in another chiefdom at the time of her disappearance; that on the 10th June, 1911, he arrived at Yandehun, where he had a “wife,” and then for the first time heard of what had happened in Kabati, whither he immediately returned.

The prisoners were defended by counsel, and forty-five witnesses were examined in the case.

The chief witness for the Crown was the accomplice who had turned informer. His evidence on one or two points one could not help regarding with suspicion, though on the other hand he gave his evidence freely; he was quite open, there was little hesitancy, he did not shelter himself under generalities, but was always prepared to go into details. In view of the fact that he had given evidence upon so many different occasions, and that he had to keep in mind so many different meetings, one was struck with the small number of inconsistencies, and every now and then it was noticeable how two unconnected details fitted in with the rest of the evidence; then the further he was cross-examined the more truthful did his narrative appear, matters which seemed doubtful at first were cleared up, and at the end his evidence seemed stronger than at the beginning, and formed a marked contrast to the evidence of many of the other witnesses. Finally an inspection of the locus in quo tended to confirm his testimony. But this witness being an accomplice, corroboration of his evidence as to each of the accused was necessary before the question could be considered as to whether or not the accused were guilty of murder. There was ample corroboration as to the circumstances of the murder, and that it was committed by members of the Human Leopard Society, but in addition to this it was necessary that there should be corroboration of the evidence of the accomplices as to the identity of each of the persons charged.

On the question whether it was proved that the first accused, the Mahawa or paramount chief, took part in the murder of the girl Mini the Court was divided and the majority were in favour of a verdict of NOT GUILTY. This man was, however, deposed from the chieftainship, and has, on the recommendation of the majority of the Court, in accordance with the provisions of the Special Commission Court Ordinance, been expelled from the Colony and Protectorate of Sierra Leone.

There was ample corroboration as well as strong circumstantial evidence against the second accused, the uncle of deceased, and he was found guilty of murder and publicly executed at Imperri on the 2nd June, 1913.

There was some doubt as to the identity of the third accused. Another person of the same name appears to have figured prominently in the conferences of the Society. He was therefore found not guilty and discharged.

This case was one which created exceptional interest locally by reason of the fact that the accused was a minister of religion and a man well known in the Colony and Protectorate. He was connected with the United Brethren in Christ Mission and had been a minister of religion since 1878.

The accused, who was defended by four members of the Freetown Bar, was first charged with the capital crime of murder, but after some evidence had been given the Crown Prosecutor realized that he had not sufficient evidence to secure a conviction on that charge, and intimated that he proposed to call no further evidence, whereupon a formal verdict of Not Guilty was recorded.

The accused was then proceeded against on the following charges—(i) of being a member of the Human Leopard Society on or before the 5th November, 1912, the date of the Human Leopard Amendment Ordinance, 1912, and (ii) with having taken part in the operations of an unlawful society on the 17th October, 1909.

The accused had apparently been well educated, and whilst he was in the witness-box it was difficult to conceive how a man of his stamp could possibly be connected with a cannibal society; on the other hand, it was undisputed that he had permitted himself to be elected Mahawa (paramount chief) of one of the chiefdoms in the Protectorate, and had acted in that capacity from 1899 to 1905, which connotes much; and he stated that he only ceased to be Mahawa after his trial upon a charge of cannibal murder which took place before a judge and jury in Bonthe in 1905.

The case for the prosecution depended chiefly upon the evidence of two informers. Upon the depositions their testimony was corroborated by the evidence of two witnesses, one of whom was a petty trader and the other a teacher in another branch of the United Brethren in Christ Mission, but, as these witnesses when before the Special Commission Court swore that their previous statements were false, the case for the prosecution was left to depend almost solely upon the evidence of the two informers.

These two informers stated that towards the last quarter of 1909 (cutting-rice time) a meeting of the Human Leopard Society was called near Yandehun for the purpose of arranging for a certain newly appointed Mahawuru (sub-chief) to provide a victim to celebrate his appointment. At that meeting a number of important persons were present, and it was settled that the Mahawuru should give a girl to whom he stood in loco parentis, and that the murder should take place on the evening of the fourth day from that.

On the evening arranged the two informers and many others arrived at the appointed place, the Mahawuru enticed the girl to the spot, and he and his Lavari set upon her and killed her. Her body was divided up and one of the informers was despatched with a portion of the girl’s flesh to the accused and another member who had not attended the meeting. He handed over this flesh to this other member and asked him to give the accused his portion.

The next morning the informer went to the town of Victoria and saw the accused at the French Company’s Factory, and informed him that he had been sent to ask him whether he had received a share of the “meat” that was sent for him, to which the accused replied that he had received it. The informer stated that the accused then said, “All right, I am now going. I only came for that purpose,” and that the accused then took the road leading in the direction of Mobundo (New London), which is situated farther down the river and is one of the starting-places when going by water to Bonthe.

If that story was true, there could be no doubt that the “meat” was a portion of the body of the murdered girl, and an admission by the accused to a member of the Human Leopard Society that he had received such “meat” would have been conclusive proof that he was a member of that Society.

Both the informers also stated that they saw one of the witnesses, a petty trader, at the French Company’s Factory on that particular occasion, and also the school-teacher referred to. That was practically all, apart from proof of the girl’s disappearance at the time in question, that the prosecution could prove at the trial.

Upon the depositions, however, the case was much stronger. At the preliminary investigation in the District Commissioner’s Court the previous September the petty trader referred to stated that about two and a half years before September, 1912, early one morning he saw one of the informers and the accused coming out of the French Company’s Store. He further said that he got the school-teacher referred to to write a letter to a person at Moyamba, but he did not actually connect this letter with the day on which he saw the informer and the accused together. He admitted that the school-teacher had written a letter for him, that he took this letter to a person at Moyamba, and that just before he started for Moyamba with that letter he went to the French Company’s Store to get some provisions; but he denied, when before the Special Commission Court, having seen either the informer or the accused there.

The school-teacher in his depositions at the preliminary investigation in September, 1912, gave important corroborative evidence. He there said that the accused came to Victoria on the 17th October, 1909, and stayed the night with him; that the accused went out about 9 p.m. and returned about 10 p.m. with two persons (who had since been executed for leopard murder), and that these two stayed with him for about a quarter of an hour; that next morning the accused went to the French Company’s Factory and came back to the house; that he asked the accused to stay and preach for him, but the accused said “No,” that he was in haste, as the Government, since his previous trial, never allowed him to come to Victoria, and the witness fixed the date by saying that the petty trader came to him the same morning to have the above-mentioned letter written. This letter was produced and identified, and was dated 18th October, 1909. At this preliminary investigation this witness, when cross-examined by counsel for the accused, said further, “I am certain that the accused slept at Victoria on the night of October 17th, 1909.” He also said in cross-examination that he was certain that accused came there only for the purpose of collecting subscriptions for the Mission to which he belonged, and that on this occasion he got a subscription from at least one other person besides himself. But before the Special Commission Court all this was changed. The keystone of the accused’s defence was that his collections at Victoria were made on or about the 17th December, 1909, and that he only paid this one visit to Victoria during the year 1909, and these two witnesses, when before the Special Commission Court, made their evidence fit in with this defence.

The school-teacher witness was married to a niece of the accused, and both he and the petty trader witness admitted having gone back on their statements about seeing the accused in Victoria in October, 1909, after an interview with the son of the accused—who was also connected with the United Brethren in Christ Mission.^[15]

The introduction of outside influences to vary the evidence of important witnesses for the prosecution gave rise to grave suspicion, but the net result so far as the actual charges were concerned was that the prosecution was left without corroboration of the evidence of the accomplices.

Had the only issue before the Court been the charges recorded, it is possible that counsel for the defence would not have called any witnesses, but would have claimed a verdict upon the evidence; but the Court drew attention to Section 11 of the Special Commission Court Ordinance, 1912, which declared that notwithstanding an acquittal, if the Court is of opinion that it is expedient for the security, peace, or order of the district that the acquitted person should be expelled therefrom, the Court shall report to the Governor, who may expel such person from the Colony and Protectorate accordingly.

Counsel for the defence therefore decided not to let the matter rest there, but to call evidence so as to exonerate the accused completely if it were possible to do so.

The accused himself first went into the witness-box and proved by letters to persons connected with his Mission in Freetown that in September, 1909, he had arranged to make a tour of his district early in October. He gave evidence to the effect that he started on the 20th October, proceeded up certain rivers some distance from Victoria, and that he remained in those parts preaching and giving magic-lantern entertainments, with the object of obtaining subscriptions for his mission, until early in December, when he came to New London (Mobundo), which he reached on the morning of the 7th December, 1909.

He related how he had gone to the school-teacher’s house at Victoria and then to the French Company’s Factory and then to one King, and how he had got subscriptions, only spending an hour or two at Victoria. He stated that he then walked to the outlying villages and obtained subscriptions from persons named Nicoll and Cole, that he then returned to New London, where he picked up his boat and started home for Bonthe, which he reached early on the morning of the 8th December. In corroboration of his story he produced the subscription book which he kept during the tour, and in which there can be little doubt that the names of King, Powell, Nicoll, and Cole written by themselves appear in their due places after the subscriptions given during the earlier period of the tour.

These subscriptions seemed to be perfectly genuine, the entries of the names seemed perfectly genuine, the whole book bore every appearance of being quite genuine. King and Nicoll, two respectable traders, proved their signatures in the book and said that they put them there in December 1909. In some details the evidence of King was inconsistent with that of the accused and his boatman, but this pointed to little more than that there had been no collusion.

Several servants of the accused were also called as witnesses for the defence, and a number of discrepancies were found to exist in the various accounts given of the circumstances connected with the trip to Victoria—a matter not without importance, as one at least of these servants would probably have accompanied the accused if he visited Victoria in October as well as December.

One thing was quite clear: viz., that the accused was at Victoria in or about December, 1909, and that he then collected subscriptions. The question therefore naturally arose as to whether his presence in December was inconsistent with his presence there on the 17th and 18th October. There could be no doubt that it was not. It is true that he had produced evidence that he was only at Victoria once during the year 1909, but this evidence was not of high value. There was nothing to prevent the accused having been at Victoria on the 17th and 18th October. His letters to Freetown showed that he had intended to begin his tour early in October, but his start was delayed until the 20th. The first Human Leopard meeting at Yandehun was, according to the prosecution, on the 13th October; prominent members of the Society would have had notice of this meeting prior to the 13th October. Assuming that the accused had such notice, he would have received it just about the time he had originally meant to start, and this would account for his start being delayed until the 20th of October. And the view that he made a surreptitious visit to Victoria for unlawful purposes was strongly supported by the fact that the witnesses for the Crown who testified to his visit had been tampered with. Then the chain of facts worked out by the prosecution connecting the witnesses and the letter of 18th October with the accused’s visit, though not sufficient to be of itself corroboration, was significant confirmation of the story of the informers.

The Court in giving judgment stated that, as the accused was a man of education and a minister of religion connected with a Missionary Society, they had been slow to form an opinion adverse to him, but that after careful and anxious consideration they were unwillingly forced to the opinion that he was so connected with the Human Leopard Society that it was expedient for the security, peace and order of the District that he should be expelled from the Colony and Protectorate of Sierra Leone; and this was accordingly done.

This man, who was born in America, successfully raised his American citizenship on the previous occasion when he was indicted for cannibal murder. The trial of a person residing in the Protectorate for an indictable offence ordinarily takes place before the Circuit Court Judge and assessors, who take the place of a jury, the assessors being usually native chiefs who sit with the judge and advise him on questions concerning native law and custom. At the close of the case the judge sums up to them as he would to a jury, and they individually give their opinion as to the guilt or otherwise of the person being tried. The judge, although he is not bound by their opinions, naturally attaches a good deal of weight to them, but the final verdict is left entirely with him. Non-natives, however, have the right, when charged with a capital offence, to be tried by a judge and jury in the Colony instead of the Circuit Court Judge and assessors, and the plea to the jurisdiction was successfully raised by counsel when the accused was before the Circuit Court, on the ground that he was an American subject and therefore a non-native so far as the provision regulating the trial of natives of the Protectorate was concerned. The case was then transferred to Bonthe, where he was found Not Guilty by a jury of educated natives. After his acquittal he rejoined the United Brethren in Christ Mission and went on a lecturing tour through America on behalf of the Mission. One of the European members of the Mission who was present during the trial of the case before the Special Commission Court stated that he had heard him lecture in the United States, and that by his eloquence and interesting description of Sierra Leone he drew large audiences and was successful in collecting a considerable sum of money for Mission purposes. He is also known in England, where he had many friends; on several occasions he has been the guest of persons in high position, to whom his trial upon a charge of cannibal murder must have come as a most unpleasant shock.

The first of these cases was one against an important person who held high office in the Imperri Chiefdom. The charge against him was that in or about the month of July, 1912, he had in his possession without lawful authority or excuse certain articles, to wit a native medicine commonly known as “Borfima,” and a “kukoi” or whistle, contrary to Section 2 of Ordinance No. 28 of 1909 (The Human Leopard Society Ordinance) as amended by Section 7 of Ordinance No. 17 of 1912. There were two other counts charging him with (i) the custody and (ii) the control of the “Borfima” and “Kukoi” mentioned above. The accused was a man of striking personality, and appears to have exercised a great influence in the Imperri Chiefdom.

The facts of the case were simple. In July, 1912, it was stated by members of the Society who had turned King’s evidence that he had been present at several meetings of the Human Leopard Society and had taken a prominent part in the preliminary arrangements for securing various victims, and that he had at these meetings produced the “mother” Borfima of the Imperri Chiefdom. In these circumstances he was arrested and his houses at Gbangbama and Victoria were watched by Court Messengers.

Early one morning the senior Court Messenger saw one of the accused’s wives leave the house at Gbangbama with a bundle. He followed her, and when she saw that there was no escape she threw the bundle down and ran away. This bundle held, amongst other things, an iron pot containing “medicine.”

The accused admitted that the “medicine” was his, and made a statement as to how it had come into his possession. This will be best described in his own words: “I am a sick man. My sickness arose over a dream. A snake swallowed me up to my waist. I screamed and then awakened. In the morning I was unable to move. My legs and body up to the place where the snake had swallowed me became ‘dead.’ I remained like that for four years. I heard that there was a Mori Man at a town called Behol, and sent a messenger for him. I employed this man to make a medicine for me and I paid him £3 for it. That is the sebbeh (charm) which was in the pot which the Court Messenger took from my wife. The Mori Man told me that I would not dream again, and that the lassimo (medicine) would ward off ill-health and bad dreams so long as I always kept it with me. Ah! if he were not dead I would not be here” (meaning that had the Mori Man been living it would not have been in the power of the white man to interfere with him).

The accused caused some amusement in Court by describing how the senior Court Messenger brought the sebbeh to Gombo-kabbo (“Fire in the grass,” the native name for the Assistant District Commissioner), and how he heard him shout out in a triumphant voice, which he imitated, “I have brought Daddy Borfima—come and see!”

He likewise imitated the voices of the two ex-members of the Human Leopard Society who were witnesses against him. One of these men had a deep voice and the other’s voice was just the reverse, but this did not appear to present any difficulty to this extraordinarily good mimic.

Evidence was given that he bore the mark of the Human Leopard Society. His retort was that even in England people have marks. He went on to say that the people were beginning to say that the white man “is bad,” but that it was not altogether the white man’s fault, as he was being misled by the persons who said they had been members of the Human Leopard Society and now, to save themselves, gave evidence for the prosecution. He gave one to understand that words failed him to express his contempt for these persons, and that if they had to deal with them under native law they would know what to do.

He described how the District Commissioner had forced him to throw the Borfima into a fire made for that purpose; and how he had protested against this, stating that he had lost good money over its destruction. He went on to pay a subtle compliment to the Court by saying, “We were thinking in this country that there were no judges in England until you ‘daddies’ arrived.”

Although the accused very ably defended himself, there was no doubt from the evidence of the witnesses that the medicine in question was Borfima. It was also proved very clearly that he was one of the leaders in the Human Leopard Society. Found Guilty, and asked if he had anything to say why sentence should not be passed on him, he replied: “I am the cow with the short tail, God will drive the flies away. The Judges, you, represent God. You didn’t believe when I spoke of those men who said they belonged to the Leopard Society. I see the result now.”

A sentence of fourteen years’ imprisonment with hard labour was passed on this man, who, even after the passing of the sentence, had a last word of protest and pathetic appeal. As he was leaving the Court, he burst out, “I am an old man, fourteen years is a longer time than I will live: Judges, if you must have my life take it at once; the soldiers are there with their guns to shoot”—the military guard round the Court-house when the Court was sitting.

It may be mentioned in connection with this case that the prisoner, without any family influence, had gained an ascendancy over the people of the Chiefdom unequalled by even the Chief himself. Some years ago he was tried for Leopard murder, but was acquitted, and from that date he appears to have been marked out as a person of distinction. It was asserted that his “medicine” was sufficiently strong to guard him against all bad trouble that might be put upon him, and he was selected as the custodian of the chief “medicine” of the Human Leopard Society known as the “Mother Borfima.” When fresh Borfima was made it was necessary that a small portion should be taken from the parent Borfima, and this formed the foundation for the new Borfima.

Another interesting native was brought before the Court in the person of a Chief from the southern portion of the Protectorate near the Liberian frontier, charged with a similar offence. The District Commissioner obtained information that this man had in his possession the “medicine” belonging to a branch of the Society, and Court Messengers were detailed to search his house, with the result that a large quantity of “medicine” of various sorts was discovered and produced before the Court.

The accused in his defence stated that he had been one of the leaders of the “War boys,” who operated with the British force during the 1898 Rebellion, and that the “medicine” produced had been seized by the War boys from the rebels and was afterwards deposited for safe keeping in his house; that the War boys had never returned to claim these curiosities or trophies, and that the bags in which the “medicine” had been kept had never been opened up until their seizure by the Court Messengers. There was reliable evidence that a portion of the “medicine” was Borfima, and it was apparent that some of the leather wrappings round it had recently been repaired. From the evidence it was clear that the prisoner had made use of the “medicine” for unlawful purposes, and he was therefore found Guilty; but as he had been a great warrior and had rendered valuable service to the Government during the 1898 Rebellion, a comparatively light sentence was passed on him.

Another Chief from yet another part of the country was indicted for being in possession of Borfima without lawful authority. There was also a second charge against him of having in his possession a Kukoi, i.e. a special kind of whistle used for calling together members of the Human Leopard Society. Information reached the District Commissioner of the Island of Sherbro during the month of August, 1912, that the accused had Borfima in his possession. This man was known to be of a rather truculent disposition, and it was considered desirable that there should be some show of force when his chief town was visited for the purpose of effecting his arrest, as otherwise some resistance might have been met with by the officers detailed for this duty. An armed party of the West African Frontier Force accordingly made a surprise visit and surrounded his house, and effected his arrest without any resistance being offered. His house was then searched and a quantity of “medicines” found which were produced in Court.

The accused admitted that the “medicines” belonged to him, but stated that they had been left to him by his predecessor, and that during his absence on one occasion while he was in Freetown they had been put in his dwelling-house, and that he, fearing these “medicines,” had kept them locked up in a leather bag. He further denied that any of the “medicines” was Borfima. The witnesses for the prosecution all stated that a portion of the “medicines” was Borfima, and it was apparent that the wrappings of this particular “medicine” had been recently repaired.

The Court in delivering judgment pointed out that the accused, by keeping this medicine in his possession, gave himself and others the opportunity of using it, and that there was satisfactory evidence to show that it was not kept for curiosity or for any legitimate object, but for an unlawful purpose; however, as there was no evidence to show that the Borfima had been taken to the scenes of any of the recent murders, and there was no reason to believe it had, the Court took this into consideration in deciding on the punishment to be imposed on the accused. The sentence imposed was a term of two years’ imprisonment with hard labour. The evidence regarding the Kukoi (whistle) was not considered reliable, and on this charge he was found not guilty.

A number of other cases besides those mentioned occupied the time of the Court for some weeks, and among them were a number of cases in which prisoners were charged with being members of the Human Leopard Society. As there were so many persons under arrest on this charge, the Crown decided to proceed only against the important men concerned. Most of these men were defended by counsel, who examined the witnesses for the prosecution at great length, but in many cases they were unable to shake their evidence. A number of these prisoners were proved to have been present at various meetings of the Society at which the details of several murders had been arranged, and the Court in giving judgment stated that on the facts proved such persons were really accessories before the fact to these murders and might on the evidence have been found guilty on the capital charge had they been prosecuted for it, and in those cases the Court felt compelled to pass the maximum sentence of fourteen years’ imprisonment with hard labour.

The only other case of interest was one in which a man of some importance in his chiefdom was charged with having in his possession without lawful authority a certain article, to wit an iron needle of a peculiar shape used for marking on initiation members of the Human Leopard Society.

The possession of this article is made an offence under the Human Leopard Society Ordinance, punishable with imprisonment up to fourteen years. The case resolved itself chiefly into a discussion on a point of law, the arguments in the case all turning on the word “branding.”

The case for the prosecution was that iron needles, made specially for the purpose, were used in the following way: the needle was inserted under the skin, the skin and flesh were raised, a razor then cut under or over the needle in such a way as to make a small wound from which blood flowed. A preparation called Nikori was then placed on the wound, and the result was a peculiar scar or mark. It was contended that an iron needle used for that purpose could be held to be a needle used for branding persons.

For the defence it was argued by counsel that “branding” a person meant applying a hot iron to his person, and that marking a person was not the same as branding him; that the word “branding” by itself contained the idea of burning, that the Statute was a highly penal Statute giving exceptionally large powers to the Executive and imposing a heavy punishment for breach of its provisions. It was further argued that the needle was not even for “marking” members—that it was the razor which actually made the mark; that although the needle might be used in the process of marking it was no more used for “marking” the person than the hand which held it.

The Court held that the needle could not be held to be used for “branding,” and found the accused not guilty, and he was discharged.

The Crown Prosecutor entered a nolle prosequi in the case of a number of other prisoners who had been committed for trial but against whom he did not consider that he had sufficient evidence to justify him in proceeding further, and these men, so far as the charges on which they were committed for trial were concerned, were discharged from custody.

This completed the work of the Special Commission Court, which, after sitting continuously from the 18th December, 1912, concluded its sittings on the 15th May, 1913.

Although the work of the Special Commission Court was completed on the 15th May, 1913, there were at that date a large number of persons still in custody who had not been committed for trial, and who therefore did not come within the purview of that Court. It was decided that the District Commissioner should hold an Enquiry under the Protectorate Ordinance and report whether on the evidence given against any of these men he considered such persons to be a danger to the peace of the community.

The first enquiry made was in regard to charges preferred against a number of men of the Imperri and Jung Chiefdoms of being connected with the Human Leopard Society. Evidence was given by informers that all these men were members of or connected with the Human Leopard Society, and mention was made of a number of murders by the Society previously unknown to the Authorities. Apart from the evidence of the informers there was ample evidence to show that a number of these men had actually assisted members of the Society, and the Governor-in-Council approved of the deportation of twelve sub-chiefs and fourteen of the principle Headmen of the Imperri and Jong Chiefdoms from the Northern Sherbro District.

The next enquiry was in regard to charges made against thirty-six sub-Chiefs and principal men of the Gallinas Chiefdom. Three informers gave evidence that they had been members of the Human Leopard Society and had, during their membership, been present at a number of murders, each of these men admitting having given a victim himself and giving details regarding the sacrifices. They said that all the persons who were the subject of the enquiry were members of the Society, and specified the various murders at which each of them had been present; they also gave further evidence regarding the leopard mark and exhibited the marks which they had received on initiation.

One of the witnesses was a boy aged eighteen years. His story was that one evening in the previous year, as he was returning home from a visit to a neighbouring village, night overtook him, and by mistake he took a path leading to the Poro bush at Powolu, where he fell into a number of people. He spoke to them, but no one answered. He then got afraid and commenced to run away, when he was seized by some one who was assisted by several others to make him a fast prisoner. He was then dragged inside the Poro bush and a discussion took place, which he was able to hear, as to whether they should kill him or not. The majority of the members were for immediately killing him in accordance with the rules of the Society, but it was pointed out that another victim had already been secured, and further that as their prisoner was the son of a man of some importance his absence might give rise to some awkward inquiries. It was therefore agreed to give him the alternative of becoming a member of the Society or of being immediately killed. The witness stated that he agreed to join the Society. Borfima was then brought, and the “big man” of the Society explained to him that the Borfima was the “mother” of the Society and should be treated with the greatest veneration; that they were its children and therefore brothers to each other, and in order to join him to their brotherhood some of his blood had to be given to the Borfima to drink; that when the blood was taken from him he should bear the pain inflicted bravely and should not utter a sound, as otherwise it would displease their “medicine” and might result in his being punished in some unexpected way. The “Master” then marked him on the left buttock by cutting a slice of flesh away and rubbing the blood that exuded from the wound on to the Borfima. He was then made to swear an oath on the Borfima not to reveal the secrets of the Society, and was forced to be present and witness the killing of a girl who had been brought to the Poro bush, and was made to eat some of the flesh of this victim.

Although there was no direct evidence apart from that of accomplices, it was clear from the testimony of independent witnesses that all these persons were so connected with the Society as to make it desirable to have them removed from the Gallinas District, where it was stated they exercised great influence over the people. All these men, with the exception of eight sub-Chiefs who absconded to Liberia, have since been deported to the Karina and Koinadugu Districts of the Protectorate.

Some light was thrown on the means used to terrorize the ordinary members of the community into keeping silence regarding anything they may have heard concerning the crimes committed by the Society. When it was discovered that the Government officers were making enquiries regarding the Society an attempt was made “to swear” the whole country—that is, to put all the people under an oath of secrecy. In one Chiefdom this was done by swearing every one who was likely to be able to give any information on a “medicine” called Tillah. If a person breaks an oath on this “medicine,” even though he does so unwittingly, the natives believe that the medicine will catch him and will infect him with a disease which first attacks his lips and nose, which it eats away, and which eventually kills him. There are a few lepers in this Chiefdom, and they are pointed out as people who have broken, though perhaps unintentionally, an oath taken on the Tillah.

Another exhibit which was produced in one of the cases before the Special Commission Court was a stone image which is looked upon by the Gallinas people in the light of a Deity. It is known by the name of Toniahun. The meaning of the word Toniahun is “turn back to truth.” The figure has been carved out from soapstone by some ancient sculptor, and its features are more of the Arab than the Negro type. No woman will look at this image for fear of becoming sterile, and they cover their eyes if they approach it. This figure, notwithstanding its name, was apparently also used for swearing persons on—i.e. to force them to state that they knew nothing of the Human Leopard Society—and so great is the fear of the Society and the various “medicines” employed by it that even the parents of children who have been seized as victims cannot be induced to assist the Authorities in bringing the guilty parties to justice. Prior to July, 1912, no case of Human Leopardism or cannibalism had ever been reported to have taken place in the Gallinas Country, and the Authorities had no reason to suspect that any had taken place. It was not until after a number of arrests had been made in other Districts that it was brought to light that a flourishing branch of the Human Leopard Society had existed in that District for many years, and details of about a score of murders were given by members of the Society who had turned informers. Although the existence of the Society must have been known to hundreds of people, many of whom went about in terror of it, the fear of the “medicines” of the Society acted as a sufficient deterrent to keep the matter from the ears of all Europeans in that part of the country, thus demonstrating the fear that an ordinary native has of doing or saying anything which might bring him into collision with the members of the Human Leopard Society, who might, with the aid of their “medicines,” punish him in some fearful and unexpected way.

The fact that the majority of the persons who were convicted or deported under the Special Commission Court Ordinance were important members of the Human Leopard Society must have the salutary effect of breaking up for the time being this criminal organization; nevertheless, unless vigorous measures are pursued and unless that part of the country is more effectively policed, it is more than probable that the killing of an occasional victim in order to renew their fetishes will be continued. It must be a gradual evolution, which will be brought about by the natives of those parts coming more in touch with European influence and gradually losing faith in the potency of their “medicines.”

While the Special Commission Court was sitting three murders occurred in the Koinadugu District, which hitherto as far as official knowledge goes was entirely free from cannibalism of any kind. According to the evidence given by a number of witnesses, the people of the Symira Chiefdom had a very vexed question to settle in the selection from a number of aspirants of a Paramount Chief as a successor to their late Chief who died the previous year, and who left no near male relative who could of right claim to succeed to the Chiefdom; and it was suggested by these witnesses that the victims were provided as propitiatory offerings by candidates for the Chiefdom.

A small girl aged about seven years was killed at Nerekora toward the end of December, 1912; two days later another small girl about twelve years of age was killed at Bafai; and early the following month another girl aged about twelve to thirteen years was killed at Nerekora. All these deaths were at first attributed to attacks by bush leopards, but the evidence given by various witnesses was to the effect that these three girls were murdered by members of the Human Leopard Society.

Another secret society known as the Human Baboon Society, which exists in one of the northern Districts of the Protectorate, first came to notice about five years ago, when a number of persons were charged before the Circuit Court with the murder of a small child. During the investigation connected with the death of the child, it came to light that a number of persons in the vicinity of Port Lokkoh in the Karina District had banded themselves together and had formed a society which has since become known as the Human Baboon Society. In the case mentioned no evidence could be obtained to corroborate the statements of the informers, and the accused were found not guilty and discharged from custody.

During the month of May, 1913, a small girl was killed near the village of Bokamp, and, according to statements made by persons who turned informers, she was murdered by members of the Human Baboon Society. Their statements were to the following effect: That this Society was formed about six years ago, and consists of twenty-one members made up of eleven men and ten women; that seven victims, all young children, had been provided at various times for the Society; that at their meetings one of the members of the Society dresses himself in a Baboon skin and attacks the victim with his teeth; that the spirit of all members of the Society becomes centred in the person who is for the time being wearing the Baboon skin, which, when not in use, is kept in a small forest, where it is guarded by an evil spirit, and that the “Baboon” bites pieces out of the victim which the other members of the Society devour.

The only explanation that the informers could or would give as to the objects of the Society was that the founder of it had quarrelled with his tribal ruler, who he alleged liberated one of the founders’ slaves and placed him in authority over him; that he, the owner of the slave, became so incensed that he turned himself into a “witch” and induced others to join him in doing “evil things.”

Objects and reasons other than those given by the informers probably exist, but it is doubtful whether they will ever be discovered.

The information in the hands of the Authorities, however, appears to be sufficient to allow of effective measures being taken to put an end to the existence of this Society.