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Hume's Political Discourses

Chapter 8: NOTES, OF COMMERCE.
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About This Book

The collection gathers concise, empirically minded essays that analyze economic mechanisms—commerce, money, interest, trade balances, taxation, and public credit—alongside reflections on population and customary practices. It also turns to political theory, questioning foundations of government, the doctrine of passive obedience, party coalitions, succession, and the idea of a perfect commonwealth. Arguments rely on historical examples and philosophical reasoning to trace causes and consequences and to propose practical policy inferences. The tone is analytical and accessible, combining moral philosophy with economic observation to illuminate how institutions, laws, and fiscal arrangements shape national prosperity and stability.

NOTES, OF COMMERCE.

7 Monsieur Melon, in his political essay on commerce, asserts that even at present, if you divide France into twenty parts, sixteen are labourers or peasants, two only artisans, one belonging to the law, church, and military, and one merchants, financiers, and bourgeois. This calculation is certainly very erroneous. In France, England, and indeed most parts of Europe, half of the inhabitants live in cities; and even of those who live in the country, a very great number are artisans, perhaps above a third.

8 Diod. Sic., lib. 2. This account, I own, is somewhat suspicious, not to say worse, chiefly because this army was not composed of citizens, but of mercenary forces.

9 The more ancient Romans lived in perpetual war with all their neighbours; and in old Latin the term “hostis” expressed both a stranger and an enemy. This is remarked by Cicero; but by him is ascribed to the humanity of his ancestors, who softened, as much as possible, the denomination of an enemy by calling him by the same appellation which signified a stranger. (De Off., lib. 2.) It is, however, much more probable, from the manners of the times, that the ferocity of those people was so great as to make them regard all strangers as enemies, and call them by the same name. It is not, besides, consistent with the most common maxims of policy or of nature that any state should regard its public enemies with a friendly eye, or preserve any such sentiments for them as the Roman orator would ascribe to his ancestors. Not to mention that the early Romans really exercised piracy, as we learn from their first treaties with Carthage, preserved by Polybius, lib. 3, and consequently, like the Sallee and Algerine rovers, were actually at war with most nations, and a stranger and an enemy were with them almost synonymous.