Cardinal Caraffa was twice in danger (I say, in danger; for in him the Papacy would have been endanger’d) to be Pope; Once at the time of the Election of Innocent, and before at that of Urban; But at both times he was excluded, for the sole consideration of his being of the Family of Caraffa; the very Name whereof, in remembrance of the Nephews of Paul the Fourth, remains extremely odious both to small and great.
Otherwise, the Cardinal in himself was a Person of merit, and vertue sufficient, to enable to ascend to such a Dignity, as well as those others that have ascended in his place. Some excluded him, because they doubted lest the Caraffi would turn once again to the Sicut erat, that is, to aggrandize themselves at the cost of the Church, and the damage of all Christendom; and so much the more, in regard the number of the said Cardinal’s Nephews was so great, that even himself could hardly count them; notwithstanding that he did what he could to make it believed, that he was wholly free from personal interest, as well as that of blood.
Long would the discourse be, and infinite the words, if I were obliged to give account of the Nephews of all the Popes, one after another (according to the order begun) down to Sixtus the fourth: to whom, as being the Introducer, not of the Nipotismo it self into Rome, but of the Pride and boundless Authority thereof, may be justly attributed all the Evil, which, for the two last Ages, the Nephews of Popes have caused to the Church.
Wherefore, I will for the present omit to make a distinct survey of the mischiefs of the other; partly, because I know not readily how to discover the good of any; and partly, because my heart will not suffer me to view, without tears, the Evil of all; which is the more grievous, because irremediable.
What might I say of Marcellus the second, who lived but a short time, and gave no authority to his Nephews? Or what of Julius the third, who minded nothing else but Feasting, sometimes with one, sometimes with another; and kept his Kindred at Rome, rather to accompany him to Entertainments, than to assist him in the Government of the Church, which he little heeded?
What Discourse shall I make of Paul the Third, who would have had the Farnesian Lillies turned the State of the Church into one sole Garden for their own use? Or of Clement the Seventh, who out of a Capriccio lost the Kingdom, by refusing to grant Henry the Eighth of England a Divorce from Catherine, and a Licence to marry Anne Bouillon, with whom he was in love? What praise shall I attribute to Adrian the Sixth, a great Enemy to his own Relations, and perpetually averse from the introducing of a Nipotismo?
What shall I say of Leo the Tenth, of the most Noble Family of the Medici? Where shall I find the good which he did to the Church, spoiling other Princes of their States, to transfer them to his own House? What Title shall we give to Julius the Second, of whom it was not known whether he were inclin’d to the hatred or love of his Relations? What shall I say of Pius the Third, who liv’d not long enough to receive the Visits of his Kindred?
But if there be not much to be said of the forementioned Popes, there is a super-abundance of matter to be said of Alexander the Sixth, whose very memory raises horror in the breasts of the Romans, even to this day. It seems God Almighty thought fit to chastise Christendom with the barbarity of this Pope, who, not contented with his own cruel, covetous, and insatiable nature, introduc’d a Nipotismo not degenerating from the manners of their Uncle.
Amongst the other Popes and their Nephews, was seen, though in the midst of much ill, some spark and glimmering of good; whereas in the Person of Alexander and his Nephews, was never perceptible the least ray of good, amidst a vast Ocean of evil; deplorable even by future Ages, not only to those which were so unhappy as to see him living.
Some strongly believed, That this Barbarian Pope had sworn himself, and caus’d his Kindred likewise to swear, Never to do good to the Church. And they had reason to think so, whilst no sort of Reason prevailed with him, or any of them, who acted all things with an Authority not otherwise limited than by their own unbridled Passion.
He would not allow that the City of Rome should enjoy certain holy priviledges peculiar to it alone; and therefore in the year 1500, having publish’d an Universal Jubile, he granted more Indulgences to those that staid at home than to those who, as the custom is, came to visit the Churches of Rome, ordain’d for that purpose.
Nevertheless, some were willing to think that he did this out of good policy, as doubting lest, all the people of Christendom being already offended with the wicked carriage of his Sons, there might happen at Rome, amidst the variety and confusion of sundry Nations, some resolution to the prejudice of all his House. But such reasons had no place in his mind; for those that came to Rome, were led thither by devotion; and the diversity of Nations hinders the Union of a People that would take Arms against their Lord.
The principal cause lay in his own humour, which was cruel and totally averse from doing good to any others besides his own Relations: And whereas by so great a concourse the Romans were likely to gain something by the traffick of holy Merchandise, to wit, Medals, Crowns, and other consecrated works, besides the Rent of Lodgings, and sale of Provisions; He would not that they should enjoy this benefit, although the hindrance of it was accompanied with loss both to himself, the Church of St. Peter, and the Office of the Datary.
All the good he did to the Church, was, that he shew’d himself very liberal to Writers and Learned men of all sorts; not out of any natural inclination towards them, but only to oblige them to write well of himself and his Kindred. And accordingly there were some infamous Writers (as I may deservedly call them) who made comparison between his Raign and that of Alexander, with a parallel of the qualities of these two persons. Amongst the rest one made a Book, intituled, The glories of the Papacy of Alexander the Sixth and the Borgian Family. God give a thousand ill years to such Writers, who flatter falsly, and at their pleasure make Angels of Devils, and Saints of Tyrants.
An other good thing which this Pope seem’d to do to the City of Rome, was, that there being a great dearth in the State, he caused great plenty of corn to be brought from Sicily, and by this means render’d the City very plentifully stored. But ’twas not any affection for the people that induc’d him to it, but he did it out of consideration of great profit to himself; for he sold corn at Rome for double the price it cost in Sicily, trading with the Churches money, and putting the gain into the purse of his Bastards. Whence it may be concluded, that he never had any intention to do good to the publick.
Innocent the eighth, of the house of Cibo, was as benign and inclin’d to do good, as Alexander was cruel and addicted to do evil. The truth is, Innocent, who gave neither Offices nor Riches to his Relations, but with moderation (as I have said in due place) was a Pope worthy of that time, when Christendom seem’d to be threatned with most heavy calamities.
This man studied from morning to night how to procure benefit to the Church, ease to the People, and comfort to the Catholicks; so that no sooner was any thing mention’d to him, but he presently answer’d, So be that it bring good to the Publick. From whence it may easily be gather’d, that all his motions tended to do good, and were far from the design of doing evil.
He rewarded all those Cardinals who had nominated and promoted him to the Papal Chair. To the Monastick Orders he granted particular favours and priviledges, especially to that of St. Dominique and St. Francis. He lightned the Church, and likewise the Palace and Court of all superfluous expenses. He us’d great charity towards the Poor. He lov’d his Country, and caus’d most ample satisfaction to be given to the Genoeses who had been ill treated during the vacancy of the See. He honour’d, and requir’d others to honour all extraneous Nations of the World; insomuch that the Turk himself sent an Embassadour to him with some Presents, meerly because he had understood this generous demeanour of the Pope; amongst which Presents was the Title of the Holy Cross, and the Spear which pierc’d the side of our Saviour. Thus the Romans report and believe; and accordingly I write it.
He readily pardon’d injuries receiv’d, provided his Pardon were desir’d with humility; and he receiv’d Embassadours with so great curtesies, that in those days, the Princes of Christendom knew not how to do a greater favour to a deserving Officer of State than to send him Embassadour to Rome, to negotiate with so worthy and good a Pope.
He re-bless’d the Venetians, who had been interdicted by his Predecessor; and although a Genoese, yet he omitted not to bestow divers favours on the Senate; being wont to say, That Popes may receive great honour by keeping good correspondence with the Republick, and great shame by breaking with it. Whence during his Government he entred into League with the Venetians, not in order to raise war against any, but only for procuring an Universal peace, and the tranquillity of all Christendom.
He suppress’d all those Tyrants who in several places tyrannis’ed over the State Ecclesiastical. He reduc’d unto friendship the disunited hearts of the Romans, particularly, the Families of Colonna, Orsini, Margoni, and Santa Croce, which were all embroil’d together in civil feuds; and he commanded all Governours of the State to use their utmost endeavour for extinguishing all other intestine combustions.
He reduc’d all the Kings and Princes of Europe to an Universal Peace (and believe me, ’tis little less than a miracle to unite together so many disunited minds.) And indeed since the daies of Augustus Cæsar, never was there seen in Europe so great a peace and concord between all Princes: who attributed this blessed tranquillity to the pious intention and good conduct of the Pope.
He brought to pass, that three the most powerful Armies that ever appeared in the world were rais’d for the destruction of the Turk; two by Land, whereof one was commanded by the Emperour, the other by the King of Hungary; and the third was a very mighty Fleet commanded by the Pope in Person, accompanied with the Kings of France, Spain, and England, besides part of the Colledge of Cardinals, and a great number of Princes.
But whilst all things were putting in order, and eight months of the year allotted for preparation already elapsed, this great Pope fell sick; and his death shortly ensuing hindered Christendom from the most glorious expedition that ever was (or perhaps will be) undertaken against Asia; and so much the more in that Alexander the Sixth was his Successor.
These examples are alledged by me, to shame those Popes who are so infinitely strangers to the spirit and qualities of Innocent. The Church indeed much needs in these daies such a Pope as he to remedy the innumerable disorders and scandals which are so dayly multiply’d in Rome and the whole State by this practice of advancing Nephews. But since the death of that Pope so well dispos’d to do good, there have succeeded in the Papacy a multitude of Wretches, inclin’d to nothing but to do mischief, and to avert whatever good might accidentally come to pass.
The chief mischief I find in the Papacy, is, that the unworthy examples of so many Popes addicted to do hurt to the Church, far exceeds the good example of Innocent, who hath had few (or none) like himself, in constant seeking good, and averting evil, not only from Rome, but also from all Christendom.
In this present Age, Popes strike in with the most, and relinquish the fewest; that is, they follow evil because many have follow’d it, and they despise good because they see it embrac’d by few; accounting it better to hazard their lives amongst a herd of Wolves than to be secure in the company of Sheep.
Greater mischief could not befall the Church, than that which hath befaln it through the strange changes either of the Nature or Disposition of the Successors of Innocent the eighth, to the admiration of all but the Popes themselves; who never wonder at any thing, conceiving that they have authority sufficient to sanctifie wicked actions.
Now to make a little comparison between the actions of Innocent the eighth with those of Urban the eighth, Innocent the tenth and Alexander the seventh, the three last Popes; it appears that these latter were wholly bent upon sumptuous Buildings, beautifying of Altars, repairing of Walls, and other external Ornaments; whereas Innocent on the contrary slighted all Pomps and Magnificences, seeking only the substantial and internal good of the Church. The former plotted from morning to night how to sow division amongst Princes: but Innocent spent all his nights in considering how to unite all States and Kingdoms, for the common benefit of Christendom.
Nor is there much need to believe that the Popes, who shall succeed Alexander, will be apt to imitate Innocent the eighth. For in the whole Colledge of Cardinals ’tis not possible to find even but one of the like disposition; and I am confident there may be found above fifty of the humour of Urban, and above as many more of that of Innocent the tenth, as also no less number of that of Alexander the seventh; although there be not in all much above threescore Cardinals.
They would think it a sin to imitate good Examples for this reason, if for no other, that they have seen the same imitated by few. And the truth is, good examples are so scarce, that the Popes have not had, these forty years, time to seek them; the same being in a manner hid from their eyes, and strangers to the City of Rome, from whence goodness seems utterly banish’d, and wickedness recall’d thither with promise of great rewards.
Great Volumes might be filled with the History of Sixtus the fourth, who was the man, that first made his Nephews absolute Lords of the Church: If I should set down all the good and evil committed by the said Pope during his Reign. But it would be superfluous, since all the Church receiv’d by that Pope’s actions, is summarily contain’d in the Introduction and Advancement of his Nephews. A thing extremely scandalous to all Ages, and withal so mischievous that ’tis impossible ever to be laid aside; in regard the Romans themselves are so accustom’d to it, being like Lepers, that feel neither the Iron nor the fire which corrodes their bowels.
It comes here into my mind, that travelling once from Rome to Loretto, in the same Litter with a very aged Roman Gentleman, I fell to discourse with him about sundry things pertaining to the Papal Government; and particularly I had the curiosity to ask him, How it could be consistent with the spirit of true Romans to suffer so patiently the Dominion of the Pope’s Nephews, who were so addicted to scrape up wealth, affront most Princes, overturn all things, and tyrannise both in Temporals and Spirituals, with an authority so absolute, uncontroulable, and even contrary to reason, that their Government seems rather Turkish than Christian?
He answer’d me with a smile, That the Romans were become callous, that is insensible; alluding to their spirits, which alike endure all things from the hands of Nephews, who by several waies tend to the destruction of whatever they meddle with.
God forgive that scandalous resolution of Sixtus the fourth to introduce (I will not say the Nipotismo, but) the Insolence, Vanity, Ambition, Avarice, and the too great Liberty of the Nipotismo: For the Church had formerly seen Pope’s Nephews in the Vatican, but not till then the Vices in their Nephews, which peradventure (if not without all peradventure) were brought in by the aforesaid Pope by means of the conniv’d-at Liberty which he suffered his Relations to take, and for that having no regard to the future, but minding wholly the present, he went in the direct road to the destruction both of Church and State.
This was that Pope, who made war against the Colonneses, quarrell’d the Venetians, and committed several other exorbitances, for no other reason but the sake of his Kindred; who, during his thirteen long years Popedom, were never any one of them the Authors of least advantage to the Church, but altogether addicted to spend and spoil, to waste and poure out their Prodigalities at her cost.
More might be said, but to what purpose is it to rub old sores whilst every day produces new and fresh occasions of grief and trouble?
Where are those Primitive times, when the lives of the Ecclesiasticks were solely dedicated to the publick good, and they possess’d nothing as their own; but whatever was surplus to what was necessary to sustain Nature, was all disposed of to the poor, with so holy and overflowing Zeal from the true fountain of perfect Charity that it refresh’d even the very sight of the beholders?
One of the greatest evils which the Nipotismo hath constantly caus’d hath been their little regard to do good to the poor. The Romans do and ever have observ’d (and would to God they had not observ’d throughout all ages) that the least charity is that which comes from the houses of the Pope’s Nephews, who themselves have nothing but what they receive as it were by a general Alms; which is no sooner got into their clutches but it becomes transformed into hereditary Principalities, and into a Revenue not temporal, but perpetual and eternal.
But methinks they ought at least to cover these substantial wickednesses with an appearance of good, by giving the poor the remains of their superfluities; and not suffer them to clamour at their Palace doors, from whence they are so often driven by the violence of their servants.
But the truth is, the Romans give so little credit to the good they should do, having been witnesses themselves to so much of their ill; that it is not possible for them to believe that what they give in Alms proceeds from a good and charitable heart, but from hypocrisie and design.
If there was ever a charitable Cardinal in Rome, certainly ’tis Cardinal Francisco, who is indeed the most Eleemosynary person in the world: which I know, as not only having seen his publick, but his private Alms. And yet notwithstanding, there is not a Roman but believes this to be a meer design, to gain the hearts of those who may be able to advance him to the Papacy. And to say the truth, The principal vertue that shined in Alexander, when he was Cardinal, was the great charity he shewed to the poor, giving them almost his whole Revenue; which was mention’d in design of his advantage in the Conclave. But he was no sooner chosen Pope but that humour left him, and ever after he held for the height of Charity, what he did to enrich his Kindred, who were indifferently poor, and stood in need enough of the Alms of the Vatican.
I conclude this Book with affirming, that the mischiefs which the Nipotismo have occasion’d, and still do continue to the Church, are more easie to be seen with the Eye, than writ with the Pen; and therefore those who have been at Rome will have more satisfaction in the reading it, than those to whom it will be very difficult to be believ’d, nay, even to be conceiv’d in their imagination.
The THIRD BOOK.
The Contents.
Of the difficulty which the Ministers of Princes meet with in treating with the Nephews of the Pope. Of those things that prevail most in the Nipotismo. Of the policy of the Church-men. Of the way the Court of Rome useth to make others to conform to their designs. What Graces are hard to be found in Rome. Of what they ought to be provided of, that would dispatch their business well with the Pope. Of the Roman Climate, subject to variation. Of the causes why some Ministers lose themselves in Rome. Of the manner how the Pope calls the Cardinals. Of the Popes, who understand not Court-affairs. Of the Papacy of Gregory the fifteenth, troublesome to those who were to negotiate with him. Of some Ministers, who play their State-affairs at hazard. Of the Assembly of the Cardinals, which serves the Pope for false pretext. Of the intricacy that was found in the time of Urban the eighth. Of the manner of the Pope’s Negotiations with the Ministers of Princes. Of Negotiations never to be concluded. Of the Answer of Seigneur de Lion to his Friend. Of the Policies of the Barbarini. Of the disgust, the Republick of Venice receiv’d from the Barbarini. Of the dissatisfaction of the Lucheses, the Crown of Poland, and the Bollougneses. Of the cheats put upon the two Crowns of Spain and France. How the Barbarini serv’d the King of Portugal, in reference to the Bishop of Lamego his Embassadour. Of some Examples of the Contrivances of Pope Innocent. Of the Duke of Parma’s Army going into the Field. Of the humour of Urban the eighth, to deny favours to all. Of the affronts, which Princes do receive from the Court of Rome. Of the nature of the Ecclesiasticks. Of the Catholick Crown, that admits in their State none but of the Roman Faith. Of the damage the Spaniards receive, by suffering themselves to be governed by the Court of Rome. Of the displeasures that do arise betwixt Rome and Spain. Of the Northern Policy, and of Italy, which laughs at the Spanish Zeal. How many Princes are disgusted, to see the Spaniards humble themselves so to the Pope. How many Ministers are deceiv’d, who confide in Cardinals. Of the effect of the Protection of Cardinals to Princes. Of the interest of the Cardinals to advance the Papacy. Of the Corruption of the Colledge of Cardinals. What qualified persons they chuse to be Cardinals. Of the Pope, how he shews himself a Monarch, when he pleaseth, and Head of a Commonwealth when he listeth. Of Alexander the seventh’s applying himself to publick business. Of his Ambition to undertake more than his constitution could endure. Of the answers which Embassadours receive from the Cardinal Padrone. Of the secresie and craft of the Court of Rome. How Cardinals use to reveal secrets to Princes their Friends. How little the Pope trusts the Cardinals. Of Papal Excommunications. Of the fear of the Church-men. Of the Title of Universal Father in the person of the Pope. Of a pleasant Example of Paschal the second, applied to his Successors. How Popes treat Leagues with Princes. Of the sudden change of the Nephews of the Pope, from a low to a high degree. Of the effects which that produceth. What the Kindred of Alexander did in Sienna. Of the disgust which Ministers receive by treating with unexpert persons. Of the time that is lost in studying the nature of the Nipotismo. Of a strange example which befel an Embassador who negotiated with Cardinal Capaccino, Brother to Urban the eighth. Of a burlesque and biting Answer, given by the same Embassadour, to the same Cardinal. Of the answer of the Embassadour Justiniani, made to one who asked him, if he went to negotiate with Cardinal Astalli. Of some Examples of the Covetousness of Pope Boniface, prejudicial to the Negotiators of the Court. Of Clement the seventh. Of Paul the fourth. Of Sixtus the fifth. Of Urban the eighth. Of the names, the Nephews give the hours they spend in publick business. Of a Reproof that Gregory the fourteenth gave to his Nephew. Of that Peevish way wherewith the Pope’s Nephews negotiate with Embassadours. Of the Reason, why the Family of the Popes do not continue long in Grandeur. Of a similitude of Trees applied to the Nephews of the Pope. Of the wonder that ariseth in the world, to see the houses of the Popes decay. Of some Families that are yet in being. Of the difference between those Families that give being to Popes, and those that receive their being from them. Of the Popes which came out of the house of Colonna. Of the Glory of the House of Rovere, how it failed in Urbino, how long it continued in its Grandeur. Of two Popes that came from the House of Cibo in Genoa. How that Family despised the being citizens of Rome. Of the Family of Alexander the sixth. How it was divided into two branches; one in Italy, the other in Spain. Why that in Italy failed before that of Spain. Of the Family of Picolomini. Of the force of Leo the tenth, used to render the House of Medici potent. Of the time that the Familie of Medici supported themselves in Grandeur before Clement the seventh. How they are deceiv’d, who believe the Grandeur of the house of Medici proceeds from the papacy. Of the destruction of the Commonwealth of Florence necessary to the Ecclesiastical State. The example of this Family ought not to serve for a pattern to those who discourse of the ruine of the Families of the Popes. Of the Family of Farnese. How they first came into Italy. Of valiant men in the world. Of services performed by the House of Farnese. Some examples concerning the same. A notable saying of Eugenio the fourth concerning the Farnese. Of the Ambition the Popes had to be served by them. Of the ingratitude of Urban the eighth, and Innocent the tenth, towards the Family of Farnese. Of the interest that moved Paul the third, to make them great. Of the great persecution it hath receiv’d, for above these forty years. Of the Government of Parma and Piacenza, how it came to the hands of the Farnesi. Of the house of Monte, how little a while it lasted in great splendor, although raised by Julius the third. Of the House of Caraffa. Of its fall; how near to the birth of its good fortune. Of the disdain of Paul the fourth, and Pius the fourth, to the Caraffies. Of the glory in which the House of Caraffa shines now in Naples. Of the House of Buon Compagnii of Gregory the thirteenth. Of the House of Perotti of Sixtus the fifth. To what greatness raised. How long it continued in that state. Of its failing. Of the House of Sfondrata of Gregory the fourteenth. Of its rise, and fall. Of the house of Aldobrandina, what it was, and what it is. Of the Family of Burghesi, and Ludovisi, and of some other particulars touching the failing of the Pontificial Families.
The difficulties, which the Ministers of Princes meet with in their treaties with the Pope’s Nephews, are so great, that the most refined Wits and politick Heads of the Universe cannot easily fathom them; every one losing himself in an Abyss of wonder to see the Court of Rome, in all her own concerns, and with all persons, so selfish and singular, whilst she alone glories in the Title of Universal.
It would be no great matter, if the Nephews would rest satisfied with embroyling and discomposing the minds only of the Principal Ministers of State; and did not likewise make themselves the unhappy instruments of bringing Treaties and Negotiations of the greatest weight to irreparable confusion: the ruine whereof must necessarily draw the consequence of damage to the Pontifical State, disorder to Christianity, and perpetual distaste to those Princes, who know themselves obliged to send their Agents to a Court, where they shall rather receive occasion of disgust than profit. For the Church-men cannot treat with any Prince, without wounding his reputation with secret reproaches and back-biting language.
There are two things, Ignorance and malice (the usual Patrimony of Popes Nephews) which are predominant in the Nipotismo, which subvert and drown even those appearances of good, that might otherwise be found in the Court of Rome: And the mischief of it is, that these two are inseparable, and go alwaies hand in hand together in the Nipotismo; their ignorance is not accompanied with that honest simplicity which often is seen in some of weak understanding; but quite contrary, an ignorant Nephew no sooner marches into the Vatican (which thing God knows too often happens) but Artificial Malice displaies her Banners; and if by chance within the Camp there happens to be found out any one that’s good and vertuous, she doth her utmost to make him pass for an ignorant lackwit. Whence the Church, Christendom, and the Court do all suffer by the malice and ignorance of those Lordly Nephews, who matter not by which of these two abject qualities they govern.
There have been several Princes in our Age, who finding themselves deluded in some of their affairs, have blam’d their own Officers, judging the errors which occasioned their damage, and were indeed committed by the Nipotismo, to be caused by the inability of their Ministers; as if it had been in their power to overwhelm the Course of nature, and thwart a malicious Ignorance.
Odoardo Farnese, Duke of Parma, a Prince truly worthy of a Crown, seeing the business of Castro, and his other Affairs with the Church, not to succeed according to his desire, rebuked his Minister who was at Rome, believing him a person of very slender experience in the management of the matters committed to his charge.
But when it hapned that his occasions drew himself thither, and consequently oblig’d him to treate personally with the Nephews of Pope Urban, he speedily reform’d the ill impression made in his mind against his Ministers, knowing then very well, by his own experience, that all the damages, he sustain’d in that affair, were derived from the ill-will was borne him by the Barberini: Whereupon as he went from Rome he let these words fall, That the Church indeed is a holy body, of which the Princes are the Members, and the Pope the Head; but the Nephews by their ill management do daily discompose the Members, not at all regarding how thereby they prejudiced the Head.
And to say the truth, the Pope’s Nephews cannot oftentimes distinguish, what difference there is betwixt a Prince and his Minister; nor what respect the Court ought to shew to them which come to honour it.
The Church-mens understanding, to accommodate the Church so well to the benefit of their proper interest, makes many believe the subtilty of them in politick affairs to be very great. And truly, the conceipt is not ordinary, which most men have of the politick understanding of the Ecclesiasticks; every one knowing that the City of Rome, in the Art of Governing and making others reasons conform to its will, hath ever been in all times and ages the truest School of Policy, and almost, if not altogether, the Mistris of all Nations: as she who, at her birth from the belly of the rest by a special gift of nature, brought with her into the world the most polite Endowments and refined Customs she could bestow upon her.
Such were alwaies the Customs of Rome, who for the space of more than twelve Ages past, knew very well to frame conformable maximes to their own designs. But after that the Nipotismo began to take possession of an Authority, not limited otherwise than by their own passions, every thing began to put on a new countenance. And having renounced the true and ancient Rules of Government, and found new methods of deport to those who make addresses to them, the Agents and Ministers of Foraign Princes, who come thither to negotiate their Masters affairs, mistake the way that others use to walk in with so much reputation.
From whence it happens, that there are very few return from their Negotiations there without just occasion of complaint; not only that they have not met with due civilities, but that they have likewise been deluded in all their transactions.
The Court of Rome indeed, whilst the Popes liv’d without the Nipotismo, were instrumental in the world to resolve the greatest intricacies of Christendom: but after they were introduced, they served only to confound and entangle the easiest matters; who interposing in things not at all concerning them, they ruin’d others business and affairs, besides their own. For they will do nothing now in Rome without pretence of perfect Zeal unto Religion; and yet that Zeal hath certainly the least shew in any of their concerns. Good serves them only for the shadow, but Evil for the substance. Kindnesses from them, as honey from Bees, being seldom got without the sting of prejudice.
There are some that have fansied the Courting and flattering the Nipotismo to be the only way to arrive at the end of their unbridled designs, but these found themselves deceived; for all the merit or other insinuation in the world is not able to move the obstinacy of those who (except it proceed from some capricious fancie or other inclination of their own) have no regard to remunerate or gratifie either Subject, Prince, or Prelate.
Yet it is more easie to obtain, than keep their favours: But he that doth, had better be without them: since ’tis so hard to judge whether the Tap they draw their favours from be sweet or sower.
’Tis hard to express the difficulties the Ministers of Princes meet with in their treating with the Nephews; which are so great, that some of them have caused an infinitie of Masses to be celebrated to the Holy Ghost, before they began their Negotiations with them. I my self knew one, who vowed to make himself a Capuchin Frier, if he could effect a certain business with them; but I believe he had no great intention to put on that habit, because his demand was for his own advantage, and the Nephews are never wont to grant any thing to any one, but what is to their prejudice.
’Tis my opinion, that to be well prepared to treate in Rome, one ought to be well provided of that double spirit, which Elisha so earnestly desired of Elijah, whilst double dealing and hypocrisie are the chiefest rudiments of their Policy, I will not say that now do, but, for the space of two Ages past, have reigned in Rome.
Let the Agents and Ministers of Princes therefore lay their heads together in Rome, and say Masses to obtain new waies of managing Political Affairs, let them arm themselves with a double spirit; for the Pontificial Negotiations will try the skill of the most experienced Statesmen.
Venice, that with so great prudence in State-affairs foresees the future, never sends any Embassadour to Rome, that hath not first been tried, and rendered an incomparable Politician by the experience he hath gotten in the Courts of the chiefest Monarchies of the Universe: yet notwithstanding I my self have heard these words said by an Embassadour sent to Rome from thence: Sin hora sono stato nell Ambasciate scabrose, hora entro nelle pericolose, dio me la mandi buona conquel Nipotismo: Till now I have been in rugged Treaties, now I enter into a dangerous one: God send me good luck with the Nipotismo.
He, who can live five years in the Court of Rome without a stumble, will not find it hard to pass an Age or two (if nature would give him leave) in any other place with reputation and credit.
Yet we know very well by every daies experience, that many Politicians and expert Statesmen, who, for many years together in the management of several Treaties, had rendered themselves as it were immortal by the no small reputation obtained in the several Courts they had been formerly employed in, no sooner came to Rome, but speedily they lost it. And indeed they all come thither swell’d with the Titles of most eminent and able Statesmen, but depart from thence with very little credit.
And the reason of this is, because as the Sea Coast, which encompasses the Ecclesiastick State, is subject to the usual Tempests of the Ocean; so the Roman Havens are very subject to their sudden variations and changes: From whence it happens, that both without and within Rome is so subject to perils and ship-wracks. They therefore who go for succour to that Climate, that is not understood by those themselves that are born under it, cannot but meet with storms and tempests. Where affairs put on every day a several face and shape, the difficulty must needs be very great; And many Ministers lose themselves in the Court of Rome by this means. For when they believe they Negotiate with a Monarchy, they find they have to do with a Republick; and when they think they treat with a Commonwealth, they find they are ingaged with a Monarchy full of Monarchs, whilst there is not one of the Papal Nephews that doth not expect to be treated, with as a Soveraign.
Yet because the Pope is chosen by the Cardinals, many would believe that these have the same Authority with the Pope, not only to treat, but conclude; as the Electors have with the Emperour in Affairs of great importance. And indeed, to hear his Holiness call them Fellows, Companions, and Brethren, makes a strange impression in the Citizens, Strangers, Subjects, and Princes, of I know not what greatness in favour of the Cardinals, every one imagining that they cannot chuse but have a share in the privatest concerns of the Government of the Church.
But for all that things appear quite otherwise, and the Pope’s become absolute Soveraign over those who chuse him; who never know any thing in any affairs untill they are concluded on: He sends Embassadours at his will, treats both of Peace and War at his own pleasure, and in fine, doth whatsoever he hath a mind to, without participating it to any, but those to whom he is guided to by his particular inclinations.
But that, which makes the treating with the Court of Rome more difficult, is, That for the most part the Pope himself neither understands the Negotiations, nor Negotiators of them. And the Ministers of Princes sometimes as little know which is the Pope, for frequently he treats as Nephew, and the Nephews treat as Pope. A thing indeed enough to confound any ones understanding, to have the Pontificacy so promiscuously made up of Pope and Nephews; He for the Exteriour, and they for the Interiour part of it.
For the Nipotismo, which manageth publick affairs, at whose Girdle the Keys of business are tied, Resolves, Negotiates, and concludes any thing without acquainting either the Pope or Consistory.
Let any one judge, how it was possible for any Embassadour to make any honourable result in the management of the interests of his Prince at Rome in the time of Gregory the fifteenth; since he himself was so fearful to displease Cardinal Ludovisi, his Nephew, that he suffered him to do whatever he had a mind to: who, finding the power he had over him, did every thing without his knowledge.
There were some Embassadours who in their ordinary Visits would in general terms touch upon business, only to feel his Holiness his Pulse, which way he was enclined. But so soon as ever he perceived them to begin to ask Questions, he would immediately make this Answer; You speak with us, and our Nephew doth all things without either us or you; speak with him, and what he doth, that we do. And with such like answers he usually entertained those Embassadors that came to him.
From hence it came to pass, that most of the Treaties did not only confound those who managed them; but also the Ministers found themselves obliged to put all their affairs upon Chance, Fineness and Policy standing them in little stead, who were necessitated, as a Ship in an unruly storm, to give themselves up altogether to Fortune.
It was a thing worth the observing, to see how the Embassadours laboured both with bodies and mind, sometimes on this, sometimes on that side; now with the Nephews, then with the Pope; from one drawing this Answer, Speak to our Uncle: From the other, Go to our Nephew. So that very often when they concluded any thing with the Nephew, they were in doubt whether or no the Uncle would be contented: And so it hapned on the other side, if they treated any thing with the Uncle, they were ever fearful least the other, being displeased at it, should cross the whole design; so that though matters were concluded by either of these, they were still uncertain whether the result would be for good or evil.
This Nephew, who did every thing without the knowledge of his Uncle, gave out, he could do nothing without participating to others; and particularly in the beginning the Papacy he alwaies answered, in affairs of greatest concernment, We will see, We will do, We will speak, We will procure, We will consent, and such like dilatory expressions.
And the Embassadours were most mortified with this manner of proceedings of the Pope and his Nephews, who knew very well how to agree amongst themselves to the prejudice of those who treated with them. And when things did not go on according to their pleasures, or they found themselves unable to resist the perswasions and arguments of the Embassadours, they would both sing in the same tune: The holy Colledge of Cardinals must be acquainted with the affair, without whom there was never any thing concluded.
And yet those Ministers themselves knew very well, that was but a false pretext; for although the Cardinals were in Rome, yet they were not in the Court, and never knew of the designs of the Pope, nor the Treaties of his Nephew.
In Urban’s time there were other Labyrinths in the Court, although this Pope was a far greater Politician than Gregory, and the Barbarins much more expert in Government than the abovesaid Cardinal Ludovisio.
At that time, before any thing could be done, all the Nephews favours must be purchased; for he was resolved not to treat with any that was not dependent on his Family. And not only Francesco, the Cardinal Patrone, was to be courted, but Cardinal Antonio, and Don Tadeo, and his Wife likewise, who so aspired at the Visits of the Ministers of Princes, that the Pope would not give Audience to any that had not first paid his devoir to that Lady: which was the Reason, why the Duke of Parma had such ill success in all his business.
In the beginning of his Reign the Pope, in a manner alone, manag’d all the most important affairs of Christendom, with no small ardency and zeal. But wot you what? The things which he did in the day he undid in the night; for coming to consult with his Nephews, who alwaies found their Uncle’s Opinion contrary to their own, they oftentimes brought him to contradict himself, and reverse what he had formerly granted and concluded.
’Tis true, he did this with great subtlety, not failing to find out some fair and specious excuses wherewith to colour their pretexts, and clear the Pope of levity; by which means Embassadours were perpetually deluded, even when they thought they had the Fish in their hands, which on a sudden slipt away from between their fingers, beyond possibility of recovery.
Hence affairs were protracted in infinitum; So that though in Urban’s time many Princes treated of a League with the Church and the Pope himself, nevertheless there was not any considerable one concluded in a Reign of twenty three years; during which time divers Princes concluded a League offensive and defensive against the Barbarini.
The reason of this was, for that the Pope was too hard towards others, and too soft towards his own Relations; Cardinal Francesco too soft towards others, (but dissemblingly) and hard towards his Uncle; Cardinal Antonio hard towards Francesco, and soft towards the Pope; and Don Thadeo, who knew not how to do better, was hard towards the soft, and soft towards the hard.
Cardinal Francesco fear’d to disgust Antonio, and delighted to displease the Pope; Cardinal Antonio fear’d the Pope, but caus’d Francesco fear himself; Don Thadeo sided with him that was most obstinate in his opinion; And the Pope deny’d to one what he could not grant to the other, granted to this what the other desired, becoming obstinate where there was need of pliableness, and pliable where it behoved him to be obstinate.
Now a Court of this humour afforded work enough to the Ministers of Princes, who were alwaies receiv’d by the Pope with ambiguous expressions, by Cardinal Francesco with abundance of faire promises, and by Cardinal Antonio with a long train of exquisite complements. But when the Ministers press’d to come to a conclusion of any important business, Cardinal Antonio sent them to his brother Francesco, who at the appointed hour of Audience us’d to go his visits to the seven Churches, and the Pope himself pretended indisposition of body. And thus the effecting of all urgent business was rendred impossible.
In Urban’s time ’twas hard for Princes Ministers to find the streight gate to enter into publick Negotiations, and when they were in, they found themselves in a Labyrinth, out of which they could scarce extricate themselves after a thousand turnings and windings.
Monsieur de Lionne, a person of great Abilities, being employ’d Embassadour to Rome by the most Christian Crown, one day ask’d a familiar friend of his (pleasantly) What kind of person himself had? To which his Friend answered. That he had the person of a man worthy of this Age. Monsieur de Lionne reply’d to him, That he took himself to be like a Tennis-ball bandi’d to and fro by foul-players; alluding hereby to the Artifices and tricks put upon him by the Barbarini in his negotiating with them concerning the affair of Castro.
The truth is, any other Minister but Monsieur de Lionne would have shewed much anger in Rome, in the time of the War of the Duke of Parma with the confederate Princes. This great Man, who was dispatch’d on purpose to procure the appeasing of the rising tumults, knew not which way to turn his wits to invent projects and artifices enough to oppose those of the Barbarini, who continually promis’d what they never intended to perform.
He was sent from Herod to Pilate, and from Pilate to Caiphas: The one answer’d, Yea: The other, No. But what was most important, the Pope had granted him leave to treat with the two Cardinals his Nephews, with a promise to confirm what should be by them concluded. Hereupon having one day by the power of perswasions reduc’d the said two Lords to reason, he repair’d to the Pope to beseech him to confirm the Treaties agreed upon with his Nephews; but he receiv’d for answer, That ’twas expedient to consider upon the matter; which consideration never had an end.
All the Policy of the Barbarini lay in drawing out affairs in length, and concluding nothing; so that when ever these Nephews concluded any thing with the Ministers of Princes, they presently sent word to the Pope, that he should deny to confirm what they had done, and at the same time gave out that such denial was contrary to their wills.
The Republick of Venice, when they saw that ancient Monument remov’d out of the Vatican, which represented the Benefits done by St. Mark to the Church, sent an Express to carry their just complaints to the Pope, but he could never obtain any kind of satisfaction, not so much as in words, the Pope turning the matter from himself to his Nephews, and the Nephews from themselves to the Pope.
In the mean time great affront was done to the honour of a Republick so well deserving of the Church, without which one may say perhaps there would not be now a Pope in Rome, if any where else.
In like manner the Commonwealth of Lucca sent an Embassadour to Rome to complain of the injury done to them by the Pope’s sending to them the Lord Recagna with the title of Commissary, (which was a thing not a little derogatory from the Soveraignty of that State) and the more, in that this good Prelate, sent from the Barbarini, had something of the Barbarian.
But this Embassage had no effect, besides a return of Plenary Indulgency, which the Embassadour carried home, who seeing himself so often baffled at the Vatican, fell into the humour of negotiating with the Saints, and made his business to receive the Stations sometimes of one Church, and sometimes of another.
The Crown of Poland for six years together solicited by its Embassadour to have a Cardinal’s Hat for the Lord Visconti, according to his just Priviledges; but in all that time he not only could not obtain his intent; but moreover the Popish Embassadour at his return knew not what cause to tell his Master of the denial; for they all gave him good words, and bad deeds. Cardinal Antonio excus’d himself by saying, That he had no authority to effect it; Cardinal Francesco, That his desire was to serve his Majesty, but his Holiness did not think the Person worthy; And the Pope pretended, That he could not make a man Cardinal who was an enemy to his Nephews.
The same was the case of the Citizens of Bononia, who dispatch’d an Agent to Rome, to supplicate his Holiness, that he would please to remove the Commissary Della Grascia, whose being there mightily intrench’d upon their Priviledges, but they receiv’d the same Answer with those of Lucca; their Envoy returning laden with fair words, but not with Indulgences, as he of Lucca; for out of displeasure to have miss’d his intent he would not visit the holy places, but said to a Friend that moved him to go and receive the Stations of St. Mary Maggiore, (rather like a Protestant than a Catholick) My Friend, If there be no treating with the Barbarini who can speak, there is less with the Saints who cannot. To what purpose is it to solicite the dead, if it be so hard to address to the living?
The two Crowns of France and Spain are manifestly imposed upon every day, the Spanish Policy little availing with the Barbarini, whilst they stir not a hairs breadth from their ordinary Maxime, which is to perplex the understanding of Embassadours, one of them denying as much as the other promis’d. Which gave occasion to a certain Florentine of the great Duke’s Court to say, That the greatest miracle of Rome was to see all the Ministers of Princes tantaliz’d with the ambiguous and confus’d treating of the Barbarini, to so great prejudice of all Christendom.
But if ever any Prince was tantalized by them, ’twas the King of Portugal, who by the advice of France, and upon hopes given by the fair words of the Barbarini, sent the Bishop of Lamego with the title of Embassadour Royal to Rome, where he was receiv’d with great honour and respect. But in substance ’twas all but smoke, the Embassadour being unable to obtain either a favourable Yea, or a flat No; that I say not that he obtain’d sometimes the one, and sometimes the other.
This intricate procedure in so important a matter was the cause of great disorders, the Spaniards distrusting the words of the Barbarini, and the French giving little or no credit to the offers made by them. For Cardinal Antonio never ceas’d to assure France, That Lamego should not fail to be receiv’d as a publick Embassadour; and Cardinal Francesco continually promis’d Spain, That his Holiness would never admit a Portugal Embassadour.
And accordingly by this course the Barbarini wholly disgusted the Portugal, little satisfied the Spaniard, and nothing at all the French, and brought the City it self into danger by that fray which happen’d between the two Embassadours, with the death of some Courtiers on both sides, and the declaring Lamego irregular and depriv’d of all Ecclesiastical Benefices, according to the usual penalty of Homicide.
A thousand other Examples might be brought of like nature, but I must omit them to pass on to the actions of Innocent the tenth, who had reduc’d the Court to such a confus’d state, that no body knew where, nor how, to begin any Negotiation; whereupon a Minister of the Duke of Parma said one day, That ’twas easier to make a bed for a dog, than to understand the humour of Innocent.
The Government of Urban was the best in the World in comparison of that of Innocent; for Urban delighted to negotiate with Embassadours, but the other avoided their presence as much as possible he could; and when he receiv’d them, ’twas after so disobliging careless manner, that few car’d to confer with him.
No hours were so tedious to him, as those wherein he was to give Audience to a publick Embassadour; for he little car’d to be troubled with the important affairs of Christendom, or those of the Papacy it self.
His particular Maximes were to deny all favours, to answer all sutes with a Negative, and never to resolve upon any thing that might advantage the Church, or weaken its Enemies.
What others avoided, was in him predominant; that is to say, He lov’d that which was worst. If he possess’d any vertue, he employ’d it not to the benefit of Christendom, but of his own Family; as on the contrary he did his ill qualities to the mischief of the Church and the City.
At first indeed he seem’d so desirous of knowing all affairs both publick and private, that ’twas hoped, his Government would prove the happiest that ever was to the Church. But this vigilance caused no small hurt in general; for when the Subjects of the Ecclesiastical State, Prelates, and forreign Ministers, conceiving the same to proceed from zeal to Justice, had brought and delivered their Memorials, in hopes of a speedy Answer, it prov’d all but loss of time; for they never were call’d, nor admitted to any answer at all. Whence, the Pope’s way, of denying all and resolving nothing, being understood, it became an ungrateful employment to have any thing to do at Rome.
And to make the way of arriving at their ends more difficult to Princes Ministers, for a long time together there was no Officer at Court to present the Petitions of Suiters, as formerly, but he declared one of his Nephews to be Cardinal Patron; who was the Cardinal Astalli, but with an authority so streight and limited, that he was almost asham’d of it.
By this means the Court became so much the more at a loss; for such as address’d to this Nephew, receiv’d no other comfort, but to behold him shrink up his shoulders, (as young maids do when ask’d by their Fathers whether they will marry) and hear him tell them, That all should be represented to his Holiness. And the truth is, as to this point he was very punctual: But he did it after so timerous and indifferent a manner, out of fear to cross the Pope, whose answer he knew was alwaies the same, That the matter shall be taken into consideration; The plain meaning whereof was, That nothing at all shall be done in it.
In this confusion some thought it best to address immediately to the Pope; but, besides the difficulty of Access, the Event prov’d alwaies alike; whatever care they took to make their Proposals clear and intelligible, they alwaies hung in the hedge. Yet there were some too that fansied Innocent one of the greatest Politicians of the World, till perceiving by effects the clean contrary, they remain’d as mute as Statues for shame of their mistake.
His suffering Donna Olympia to rule all, his exalting, and abasing his adopted Nephew Astalli; his banishing, and recalling Don Camillo his own Nephew; his persecuting, and reingraciating with the Barbarini; and in a word, his changing his will and judgment every moment; and his inconstancy in every thing, save granting Sutes, would have imbroiled any Government whatsoever, and much more the Papal, which is naturally full of confusion.
When there happens a Pope like Innocent, bent wholly to reject all the instances of Princes; the only remedy is to sow disturbances in the Church, and broyls between the Protestants and Catholicks, thereby to puzzle the Pope’s brain, and frighten him, so that he shall rather seek the friendship of Princes, than they his. Of the success of which course I shall give some Examples.
When the Duke of Parma’s Army took the Field, to get redress concerning the detension of Castro, under the Command of Don Gauffrido; the Pope extremely affrighted, as one not much accustomed to the Trade of War, caused the Holy Sacrament to be expos’d forty hours, and Processions to be celebrated to all the Churches in Rome.
And not knowing what might be the issue of the War undertaken by the said Prince, who breathed nothing but the extremities thereof against his Person, he thought it his best course to gain the Princes of Christendom to his side, and to oblige them to relinquish the Protection of the Duke, by rendring himself extraordinary easie to all Addresses, granting Favours to all Demanders, and receiving Publick Ministers with so much obligingness, that they needed no more but to open their mouths for any Suit or Request, that of the Pope standing always open to accord it.
A certain Embassador, who for three years together could never obtain any other Favour but that of Common Indulgences, finding his desires now satisfied in what ever he demanded, writ to the Prince his Master, That the Pope, like a Hackney-horse, travelled very well with a Spur in his Flank; and that he had lately obtained, in eight days, more than he could do before in three years: So that it were to be wish’d that the Duke of Parma would give him a touch or two more of the Spur.
In the very same manner, at the time that the French had made themselves Masters of Portolongone, all sort of Favours ran out with a full torrent, many times preventing Requests: Nor did the Pope suffer any man to depart from his Presence, who was not satisfied to the height of his wishes.
But no sooner was this State of Affairs changed, that is to say, Portolongone recovered by the Spaniards, and the Duke disappointed in the War, but Negatives appear’d afresh in the Field with greater peremptoriness than before; and the Pope became as deaf as a Stone to all manner of Supplications or Petitions.
Hence it may be clearly seen, or at least argu’d, That most Popes (if not all) neither grant Favours, nor bear any regard to Princes, save at such time as they stand in need of them.
Urban the Eighth was of this very same humour, denying without exception all sort of Favours, which had not their original from his own or his Nephews inclination, however just Reasons might be alledged for them; and this as well to the French, whom he made semblance to love, but really lov’d not; as to the Spaniards, whom indeed he affected, though without giving them the satisfaction of seeing any tokens of that affection.
Nevertheless, when he saw Odoardo Farnese Duke of Parma enter victorious with 3000 Horse, for the regaining of Castro, most injuriously detained from him, then indeed he began both to humble himself to Spain, which he had kept under before, and to gratifie France, to which he had on divers occasions shewn himself ungrateful; and also to solicite the Friendship of all sort of Princes, as well small as great; and that not by promising, but by real concession of Favours with a plentiful hand in Germany and Italy.
Wherefore seeing the Popes have a particular Method of bearing themselves ruggedly and contemptuously to Princes, when they need them not; ’twere good Policy in Princes to bring it so to pass, that they might always be in a state of Fear, sometimes by threatning neer hand, and at other times by vexing them at distance.
The Indignities which Princes receive often from the Court of Rome, proceed not immediately from an evil intention in the Popes towards them, but from the too good inclination of Princes towards the Popes; there being some so tender-conscienc’d, that they fear the loss of their Souls in disgusting a rascallion Court-fly that bears the Cassock of a Priest, and serves to sweep the Antichamber of his Holiness or the Cardinal-Nephew.
The Ecclesiasticks have Swords in their Mouths, but no Courage in their Breasts; I mean, they threaten all People, without considering what issue such Menaces may have: But when they see themselves reprov’d or threatned, then their hearts fail them, they fall a trembling, and humble themselves to every body, especially Grandees; although withall, they have the cunning to colour their Fear with the pretext of a religious, pious, and devout Meekness.
The nature of the Ecclesiasticks is to disgust such as comply with them, and fawn on those that disgust them; So that if Princes would advance their Affairs, and bring down the haughtiness of Rome, they must endeavour to mortifie the Pope.
The Catholick Crown, in testimony of its affection to the Popes, admits into its Jurisdiction only the Roman Religion; besides that the Spaniards also shew themselves most concerned in keeping up the Pope the Head of the Church, and enriching the Ecclesiasticks.
However, they have fared little or not at all the better for it, as to their Negotiations at Rome, in regard that the Ecclesiasticks (that is, the Popes) esteem them not more than others for it; but through fear commonly afford as much or more countenance to the French: from whom on the other side they receive greater disgusts, under pretence of the Gallican Priviledges.
’Tis true, the Roman Court very well perceives, that the Spaniards reverence it as the Sanctuary of their Glory, and the Absolute Mistress of the preservation of their States; and accordingly it treats them familiarly, that is to say, with good words and ill deeds, with fair shews and bad substance.
The Spaniards suffering themselves to be too much domineer’d over in the Court of Rome, is not only hurtful to the Government of the Spaniards themselves, but also thereby prejudices the Interests of all those Princes that have concerns either at Rome, or with Rome; For when any inferiour Prince would with specious Reasons defend his Right over Ecclesiastical Persons, these men presently alledge for their justification the Example of the Spaniards, and thereby enforce him not to refuse, what so great and powerful a Monarchy as Spain refuseth not to do. And of these Examples the Popes have the Vatican full, and make use of the same in all Occurrences, to the perpetual nauseating of Princes therewith.
This manner of proceeding between the Ecclesiasticks and the Spaniards cannot last long, because the long languishings of Princes, ensuing thereupon, will enforce them either to yield to some violent Remedy, or to open the gate to death.
Every day, yea, every moment, displeasures arise between the Crown of Spain and Rome; which, how-much soever debated, turn always to the satisfaction of the Pope, and the disadvantage of the Interests of the Catholick King.
In brief, The Dominion which the Court of Rome hath gotten over the Spaniards is so great, that how many and considerable soever the disgusts be which this Court puts upon them from day to day, nevertheless the Spaniards dare not come to a Rupture with it, being better contented to suffer themselves, than to make others suffer.
The Policy of the North, yea and that of Italy too, laughs at this Spanish Zeal, which stoops in so humble sort to the arrogance and insolent Proceedings of the Ecclesiasticks. And indeed What reason is there that such a Monarchy should submit its Empire to a simple Bishoprick? Nevertheless, this is seen done every day in the Ecclesiastick State.
Were it not for the Spaniards, I verily believe Affairs at Rome would not be so imbroil’d and perplex’d as they are; for the Popes become so extremely proud towards other Princes, and render all Negotiations so extremely difficult, through the little account they make of Publick Ministers, in regard they see themselves back’d and supported by so potent a Crown in Italy.
Nevertheless, I cannot but imagine, That other Princes are for this reason extremely incensed with anger against the Spaniards, who to satisfie an apparent out-side Zeal, ruine the Common Cause of the Sovereignty of all other Princes.
If the Spaniards would comply with other Sovereigns, to give the Popes now and then a touch of the Spur, thereby to oblige them to go on in the right way, the management of Affairs at Rome would be very expedite, and the Ministers of Princes would not meet with so many difficulties: Which I leave, with the rest, to the consideration of the Spaniards and other Princes.
Some Ministers there are, who flatter themselves into a belief that they may be able to bring their Negotiations to a prosperous end, by means of the friendship they have with Cardinals, and the great Interest these Cardinals have to defend those Princes of whom they are intitl’d Protectors.
But this Opinion of theirs hath no other effect but to confound their Negotiations so much the more, whilst the Protection of Princes by those Cardinals is only external and nominal: for otherwise Policy obliges them to seek in the first place the advantage of the Pope, before the profit of the Princes, whom they serve, or at least seem to serve.
Every blow of mortification which the Pope receives from any Prince, recoils to the damage of the Cardinal Dignity; and therefore the Cardinals labour to bring it about, that the Advantages may be always on the Popes side. Nor is it necessary to believe the Cardinal, who professeth, That the Interests of his Prince are dearer to him, than those of the Scarlet Gown it self.
But this would be a great failure in Policy and Interest: Whence it was, that when Innocent beheld his Cousin Olympia anxious and troubled lest the Ecclesiastical State should become involv’d in a War, and lest many Cardinals should engage in it on behalf of the Duke of Parma, out of spight to the Pamphilian Family, the Pope comforted her with these words; Cousin, fear nothing, the Cardinals will be for us in spight of their own teeth, and will defend the Ecclesiastical State in consideration of their own Interest, though we should go about to ruine it for ours.
The Grandeur of the Scarlet Gown depends upon the Majesty of the Triple Crown, and the Cardinals are proportionably Great as the Pope is so; whence it is that they strive with all possible ardour to promote the Advantage of the Church, and the Honour of the Pope; which failing, their own Reputation and Glory must partake in the Eclipse.
Great undoubtedly is the Magnificence of the Colledge of Cardinals; and greater it would be, if it had not been perverted both from the first Institution thereof, and retrench’d of the Prerogatives wherewith it hath been augmented by divers Popes, for the maintenance of its Grandeur and Honour.
But the Popes have corrupted and spoil’d all; inasmuch as into that Colledge, into which the greatest Princes of the World think it a glory to enter, they have introduc’d some, who have received their Original from the vilest Dunghil of the World; and ’tis not many years ago, that one was created Cardinal, who was the Son of a base Catchpole.
Hence it comes to pass, that the Popes seeing the Scarlet Robe upon the Shoulders of so vile and unworthy Persons, they despise it likewise when it is worn on the backs of Great Princes. And ’tis more than true, That good Popes honour the Cardinals, when such Honour brings profit to themselves; otherwise they make a mock both of their Persons, and their Order.