Indian Biography; Vol. 1 (of 2) / Or, An Historical Account of Those Individuals Who Have Been Distinguished among the North American Natives as Orators, Warriors, Statesmen, and Other Remarkable Characters

CHAPTER XI.

Canonicus succeeded by Pessacus—Mexham—Ninigret, Sachem of the Nianticks—Proposals made by them to the English, and by the English in return—They commence hostilities against Uncas—The English resolve to make war upon them—They make concessions—Their visits to Boston—Subsequent movements against Uncas. An armed party sent against Ninigret and Pessacus—They are accused of a league with the Dutch against the English.

Strictly speaking, there was no successor to Canonicus in the government of the Narraghansetts, the lineage, talents and age of that sachem having given him a peculiar influence over his countrymen, which none other among them could command. At his death, therefore, the authority which he had monopolized at one time, and afterwards shared with Miantonomo and others, reverted into that form of dominion (half way between oligarchy and democracy, and occasionally vibrating to each extreme,) which is common among the Indian tribes.

One of the Narraghansett chiefs, after that period, was his son, Mexham, otherwise called Mexamo, Mixamo, Meihammoh, and by Roger Williams also Mriksah and Mejhsah. Considering the multitude of his names, he is rather less distinguished than might be supposed. Mr. Williams however gives him the credit of inheriting "his father's spirit" of friendliness for the English. In another passage, speaking of the Nipmucks, he says "they were unquestionably subject to ye Narrhigansett sachims, and in a special manner to Mejhsah, ye son of Caunonnicus, and late husband to this old Squa-Sachim now only surviving." [FN] This letter bearing date of May 7th, 1668, Mexham must have died previous to that time. The name of his widow and successor, (sometimes called Quaiapen, and more frequently Magnus,) who was a woman of great energy, figures not a little in the history of King-Philip's war. We may hereafter have occasion to mention both husband and wife.

[FN] MS. Letters.

A more distinguished character was Pessacus, generally believed to have been the brother of Miantonomo, [FN] and therefore nephew of Canonicus—a better authenticated theory than that of Johnson's, who (in Wonder-Working Providence,) calls him a son. He was born about the time of the English settling at Plymouth, and was therefore not far from twenty years old when his brother was killed. His name being associated with that of Canonicus in the deed of 1644, alluded to in the preceding chapter, it may be presumed, that the mantle of Miantonomo, after his death, fell upon the shoulders of Pessacus. It will soon appear, how much he interested himself, both as sachem and brother, in the revenge of that outrage.

[FN] Winthrop.

It is impossible to pursue the career of either of these chieftains, eminent in history as some of them are, without connecting them not only with each other, but with a foreign party who still remains to be named. We refer to Ninigret, [FN] chief sachem of the Nianticks, generally considered a Narraghansett tribe, and certainly the most considerable of all those which profited by the alliance of that people. Miantonomo spoke of them to Governor Winthrop in 1642, "as his own flesh, being allied by continual intermarriages;" and the governor consequently had "some difficulty to bring him to desert them." In fact, they were rather confederates than tributaries to Canonicus during his life, and the relationship of blood, with no other bonds of sympathy, would have abundantly sufficed to keep up an intimate connexion after his death. Prince states that Ninigret was the uncle of Miantonomo; but other writers represent him as the brother or brother-in-law; and considering the age of the parties especially, the latter supposition is much the more plausible. Either will explain the regard which he will be found to have cherished for the memory of the dead chieftain, and for the person of Pessacus, the living brother.

We first hear of Ninigret in 1632, from which time to 1635 a violent war was carried on between the Narraghansetts and Pequots. In this he is said to have taken no part; and the fair inference is, that he was not from his relation to the former under any necessity, and probably not under obligation, to assist them.

A similar conclusion might be drawn from the division of captives made at the close of the war of 1637, when Ninigret's services were acknowledged by the compliment of twenty Pequots—in the same manner, though not in the same measure, with those of Uncas and Miantonomo. Like the latter, however, Ninigret took no personal or active part in that war; and like him, he permitted his subjects to go volunteers under Mason. Mr. Wolcott thus mentions him on the occasion of Underhill's arrival in his territory, [FN] on his way to the Pequots:

[FN] The principal residence of Ninigret, and the centre of his dominion, was at Wekapaug, now Westerly, R. I. It was formerly a part of Stonington, Conn.

"And marching through that county soon they met The Narraghansett Prince, proud Ninigrett, To whom the English say, we lead these bands, Armed in this manner, thus into your lands, Without design to do you injury, But only to invade the enemy; You, who to the expense of so much blood Have long time born their evil neighborhood, Will bid us welcome, and will well excuse That we this way have took our rendezvouz, &c." [FN]

[FN] "A Brief Account of the Agency of the Hon. John Winthrop Esq. in the Court of King Charles the second, Anno Dom. 1682; when he obtained a charter for the Colony of Connecticut." Vol. IV. Mass. His. Coll.

If what is here intimated was true, that the Pequots had been bad neighbors to the Nianticks, as they certainly had been to the Narraghansetts, it is no matter of wonder that numbers of those tribes engaged in the English expedition; and it indicates the pride, if not magnanimity on the other hand that neither would consent to fight against the common enemy of both.

From Major Mason's account of the affair, it would appear that the English took this independence of Ninigret rather in dudgeon. "On the Wednesday morning," says that writer, "we marched from thence to a Place called Nayanticke, it being about eighteen or twenty miles distant, where another of those Narraghansetts lived in a Fort; it being a Frontier to the Pequots. They carryed very proudly towards us; not permitting any of us to come into their Fort." Upon which Mason set a guard about them, forbidding the Indians to go in or out, and quartered in the neighborhood over night. Whether this "Sachem" was Ninigret or one of his subjects, the conduct of Mason could hardly have left a very gratifying impression on the mind, of that chieftain. Possibly, if borne in mind by the reader, it may throw some light upon subsequent events.

From the time of Miantonomo's death, all the sachems we have mentioned as succeeding to his power, came prominently into intercourse with the English. Ninigret and Pessacus, particularly, were distinguished by a continual series of controversies alternately with that people, and the Mohegans, and very often with both. They inherited the strong prejudice of the slaughtered Narraghansett against Uncas and his tribe; and most bitterly was that prejudice exasperated by the slaughter itself.

Anticipating such an excitement, the commissioners, immediately after the execution of the sentence, despatched messengers to Pessacus, who were directed to inform him that they had heard of the quarrel between himself and Uncas; and to propose that he should send delegates to Hartford; these should meet delegates from Uncas, and thus all differences be adjusted. A conference accordingly was agreed upon, and it took place as proposed. The result was stated, in the commissioners Report: "They did require that neither themselves [the Narraghansetts] nor the Nayanticks should make, any warr or injurious assault vpon Vncus or any of his company vntil they make proofe of the ransome charged &c."—alluding to the allegation that Uncas had embezzled money, deposited in his hands for Miantonomo's redemption.

The following agreement was subscribed by the four "Narrohhiganset Deputies," as they are called in the Report. It should be observed, that although "the Nayantick sachems" are ostensibly here represented, the only evidence going to justify such a phraseology, so far as we know, is in a previous statement (in the Report,) that when the English messengers had been sent to propose this conference, the Narraghansett sagamores "consulting among themselves and with Kienemo one of the Nayantick sachims had sent a sagamore &c." We copy literatim and punctuatim:

"Weetowisse one of the Narrohiggansett sachims Pummumsh (alias) Pumumshe and Pawpianet two of the Narrohigganset Captaines being sent with two of the Narrohiggansett Indians as Deputies from the Narrohigganset and Nayantick sachims to make proofe of the ransome they pretended was given for their late sachim's life as also to make knoune some other greevances they had against Vncus sachim of the Mohiggins did in conclusion promise and engage themselves (according to the power committed to them) that there should be no war begun by any of the Narrohiggansets or Nayantic Indians with the Mohegan sachim or his men till after the next planting tyme, and that after that, before they begin warr, or vse any hostility towards them, they will give thirty dayes warneing thereof to the Government of the Massachusetts or Conectacutt.

"Hartford the XVIIth of September, 1644

This, considering it an agreement authorised by Pessacus, was certainly as much as could be reasonably expected of him; for such was his eagerness to revenge the death of his brother, that he had himself sent messengers to confer upon the subject with the Massachusetts Government. Only a month or two after that event, they carried a present from him, of an otter coat, with Wampum to the value of fifteen pounds. Proposals of peace and friendship were tendered; but a request was added, that the Governor should not assist Uncas, whom he (Pessacus) intended shortly to make war upon. The Governor replied, that he desired peace, but wished that all the Indian tribes, including the Mohegans, might be partakers of it; and that unless Pessacus would consent to these terms, his present could not be received. The messengers said, they had no instructions upon this point; they would however return, and consult with Pessacus; and meanwhile the Governor was requested to retain the present, which he did.

After this, (in April, 1644) and previous to the Hartford conference, the Governor sent messengers on his own part to the Narraghansetts, probably to sound the disposition of Pessacus. They went first to the wigwam of the old sachem Canonicus, whom they found in such ill humor that he did not admit them, (as they stated) for two hours, during which time they were not altogether at ease, being obliged to endure the pelting of a rain-storm. On entering, they found him lying upon his couch. He noticed them, not very cordially, for the purpose of referring them to Pessacus; and for him they waited four hours more. When he came, he took them into a shabby wigwam, and kept them talking with him most of the night. On the whole, he appeared determined to wage war on Uncas forthwith; not in the manner of Miantonomo, but by sending out small war-parties, to cut off the straggling Mohegans, and to interfere with their hunting and fishing.

There is reason to believe, that he either had taken, or was about taking some measures in pursuance of this scheme; and that the message of the commissioners was therefore rather as much in consequence as in anticipation of his acts. On the 23d. of April, messengers came to Boston from Pomham, (a chief, hereafter noticed at length, who had put himself under the Massachusetts protection,) with intelligence that the Narraghansetts had captured and killed six Mohegan men and five women; and had sent him two hands and a foot, to engage him in the war. If this statement was true—and we know no particular reason for doubting it—the commissioners might certainly consider themselves fortunate in checking hostilities, so far as they did in September.

They convened again, at Boston, early in 1645; and messengers were again sent to the Narraghansetts, with directions afterwards to visit the Mohegans, inviting all the sachems to meet them for a new adjustment of difficulties. The instructions given to these men [FN] imply, that the commissioners supposed Pessacus to be in a state of warfare with Uncas at that time—whether it was now past "planting-tyme," or not—but the same records show that the messengers brought back "a letter from Mr. Roger Williams wherein hee assures vs the warr would presently break forth and that the Narrohiggansett sachims had lately concluded a neutrallyty with Providence and the Townes upon Aquidnett [Rhode] Island."

[FN] See records of the United Colonies. Hazard.

It would seem, then, that the treaty was not yet broken—when the messengers were sent. Pessacus at first told them, that he would attend the commissioners' summons, and that meanwhile there should be no operations against Uncas; but he soon afterwards said, that his mind was changed. They then went to Ninigret. He expressed great discontent on account of certain military assistance which the English had sent to defend Uncas; and threatened haughtily, (said the messengers) that unless that force were withdrawn, he should consider it a violation of the treaty. "He would procure as many Mowhauques as the English should affront [meet] them with, that would lay the English cattell on heapes as heigh as their houses, and no Englishman should stir out of his doore but he should be killed."

After meeting such a reception here, the messengers were afraid to set out for the Mohegan country, and they therefore went back to Pessacus and requested him to furnish them with a guide. He offered them an old Pequot squaw—in derision (as they supposed)—and even while they were speaking, several of his Indians who stood close behind him, appeared to them to be frowning rather grimly, besides brandishing their hatchets in a most ominous manner.

"Wherevpon," [on the return of the messengers] says the Report, "the commissioners considering the great provocations offered and the necessyty we should be put unto of making warr vpon the Narrohiggansets &c." it was agreed, "First, that our engagement bound us to ayde and defende the Mohegan Sachem. 2dly, That this ayde could not be intended onely to defend him and his in his fort or habitacon, but (according to the common acceptacon of such covenants or engagements considered with the fraude or occasion thereof) so to ayde him as hee might be preserved in his liberty and estate. 3dly, That this ayde must be speedy least he might bee swallowed vp in the meane tyme and so come too late."

The engagement here alluded to was made at Hartford in these words: "That if they assualt Vncus the English are engaged to assist him." Whether they had assaulted him or not—whether, if they had, it was under circumstances which started such a casus faederis as to justify the English interference—and whether, under any circumstances, the latter could justify sending an expedition designed "not onely to ayde the Mohegans but to offend the Narrohiggansets, Nyanticks and other their confederates" [FN]—need not now be discussed. Nor shall we inquire whether any blame was chargeable, on the other hand, to Uncas, as having himself secretly provoked hostilities—which, it may be observed, is a matter that in its nature cannot easily be determined.

[FN] "Instructions for Serjeant Major Edward Gibbons, comaunder in chief of our military forces and for such as are joyned to him as a counsell of warr." Hazard.

Preparations were made for a war; but, at the suggestion of some of the Massachusetts Government, it was concluded to make still another offer of compromise to the Narraghansetts, returning at the same time, by way of manifesto, the present of wampum "long since sent and left by messengers from Piscus [Pessacus]." A conference took place between some of the messengers and some of the Sachems, at which Mr. Williams officiated as interpreter, and the result was almost necessarily pacific, several of the allegations of the English (which Benedict upon oath had formerly certified [FN]) were denied, says the commissioners' Report, and others excused; and as the English desired further conference, it was agreed "that Pissicus chiefe-sachem of the Narraghansetts and Mixano Canownacus his eldest sonn and others should forthwith come to Bostone to treat with the commissioners for the restoreing and settleing of peace."

[FN] Report of Commissioners, 1645. Benedict Arnold is here referred to, a person employed as messenger for a long series of years. He seems to have been in this case the only witness against the Sachems; and what his testimony amounted to, we have already seen.

This promise was faithfully kept. The sachems just named, with a Niantick deputy, made their appearance at Boston within a few days, followed by a long train of attendants. Some altercation took place between them and the commissioners, in the course of which the latter charged them (as the Report shows,) that, notwithstanding the Hartford treaty, "they had this summer (1645) at severall tymes invaded Vncus &c." At length, with great reluctance, and "after long debate and some private conferrence they had with Sergeant Cullicutt they acknowledged they had brooken promise or covenant in the aforemenconed warrs." They then offered to make another truce, but that not satisfying the commissioners, they wished to know what would. Upon which the commissioners, "to show their moderacon required of them but twoo thousand fathome of white wampon for their oune satisfaccon," beside their restoring the boats and prisoners taken from Uncas, and making reparation for all damages. A treaty, containing these and other stipulations, and providing that the payment of one instalment should be made in twenty days, was drawn up and finally subscribed by all the deputies. Four hostages were given for security, including a son of Pessacus; the English army was disbanded; the sachems returned home; and the 4th of September, which had been appointed for a fast, was now ordered to be observed as a day of thanksgiving.

We have thought it the less necessary to specify all the provisions of this "treaty," inasmuch as the circumstances under which it was made, amount, as appears to us, to such a duress as not only must have exasperated the Sachems, but clearly invalidated the treaty itself. This point, however, we shall leave to be decided by every reader who will trouble himself to become familiar with those minutiæ which cannot here be stated. It is sufficient to add, that the Report itself; as above cited, shows the consideration (so to speak) upon which the whole transaction was founded, to have failed, or rather never to have existed. The "acknowledgements," indeed, like the agreements, under the circumstances we count nothing; but even these, as the commissioners state them, only intimate that the Narraghansetts had invaded Uncas "this summer"—that is, (for aught we are told) subsequent to "planting-tyme," when the former treaty expired—and not then without previous and repeated declarations to the English, as we have seen, of their intended movements. No remarks need be made upon the invasion of the English, or upon the requisitions on the deputies at Boston.

One provision of the treaty was, that the Narraghansetts should meet Uncas at New Haven in 1646, which they failed to do, though Uncas himself attended the meeting of the commissioners at that place. Nor did they make their payments of wampum according to promise. Three instalments, to the amount of one thousand three hundred fathoms, being now due, they sent into Boston one hundred fathoms—mostly, it is said in "old kettles"—excusing themselves on the score of poverty and the failure of the Nianticks to contribute their proportion. So small a sum the commissioners would not accept; and the messengers who brought it therefore sold their kettles to a Boston brazier, and deposited the money in his hands, to be paid over when they should bring the residue of the debt. Messengers were sent for Pessacus, but he failed to make his appearance.

The summons being repeated in 1647, on the 31st of July, "Thomas Stanton returned with Pessacks answere as followinge. Pessack being charged for not meeting the commissioners at New Haven the last yeare, his answere was, he had no warninge. It is true, said he, I have broken my covenant these two years, and it is and hath been the constant griefe of my spirit. 2dly, The reason why he doth not come at this time is, because he hath bene sicke and is now sicke; had I bene but pretty well, said he, I would have come to them." He also stated, that he when the last treaty was made, he had acted in fear of the English army; [FN] and he proposed to send Ninigret to Boston forthwith, with full authority to treat in his own name.

[FN] Report of the comm. for 1647. "He doth say when he made his covenant he did it in feare of the army that he did see, and tho' the English kept their covenant with him there and let him go from them, yet the army was to goe to Narragensett ymmediately and kill him there, therefore said the commissioners sett your hands to such and such things or els the army shall goe forth to the Narragensetts." Excellently well stated!

Ninigret accordingly came on the 3d of August. When the commissioners demanded an explanation of his past defaults, he at first affected ignorance of what agreements had been made by the Narraghansetts. He then argued the matter, and inquired upon what pretence the alleged debt was originally founded. He was reminded of all the old subjects of complaint, including his own declarations of hostility towards the English. In respect to the latter, he said that the messengers had given him provocation. As to the money, he considered it impossible ever to pay it, but nevertheless wished to know how the reckoning now stood. It appeared, on examination, that Pessacus had paid seventy fathoms of wampum the first year. As for the kettles sold to the braziers, that property had since been attached by one Woddy, a Boston man for goods stolen from him by a Narraghansett Indian. Ninigret excepted to this procedure. It was neither the property of Pessacus, he said, nor of the thief; it was deposited as part payment of the debt, and ought so to be received. Having gained this point, he next proposed that credit should be given him for one hundred and five fathoms, sent by the hand of the Indian called Cutchamaquin. [FN-1] It was rejoined, that the sum referred to had been intended as a present to the Governor. Ninigret, "being pressed to cleare the questione himselfe, he answered, his tounge should not belye his heart, let the debt be satisfied as it may—he intended it for the Governour." He had sent ten fathoms to Cutchamaquin for his own trouble; but that covetous Indian, unsatisfied with so liberal a commission, had appropriated all but forty-five fathoms to his own use and "lied" about the residue. The facts came out upon a cross-examination, instituted by Ninigret in presence of the commissioners. [FN-2]

[FN-1] Whom we suppose to be the Sachem of Braintree, (near Boston), so well known for his violent opposition to Mr. Elliot's preaching, and called also Kitchmakin and some half dozen other names. He submitted to the Massachusetts Government in 1643. Neal says, that soon after his appearing at Mr. Elliot's lecture, and protesting against the building of a town for the Christian Indians in what he considered his dominions, "he himself turned Christian." But that reverend missionary does not himself state quite so much. In that old tract, The Light Appearing &c. he says, that after a certain pungent discourse which he took occasion to level at the Sachem, and not long after his remonstrance just mentioned, "Elder Heath his observation of him was, that there was a great change in him, his spirit was very much lightned, and it much appeared both in his countenance and carriage, and he hath carried all things fairly ever since." We are glad to leave him thus—he died soon after his reformation.

[FN-2] Hazard Vol. II. p. 80 (quarto 3d. Phil. 1794) "Hereupon Cutchmaquin was sent for and before Ninegrate questioned &c. He at first persisted, and added to his lyes, but was at last convinced by Ninegrate &c." A good illustration of the impropriety of giving implicit credit in such cases.

He then asked time to give in his final answer, and the commissioners allowed him a day. Having consulted meanwhile with his companions, he appeared the next morning again. He was sorry to find, he said, that the burden of the business had been shifted from the shoulders of Pessacus upon his own, but he had determined to do what he could; and he would therefore send some of his men home to collect the arrears due to the English. In the course of three days he should know the result, and in ten he thought the wampum might be forwarded. He would himself remain at Boston till that time, and send word to the Narraghansetts of the arrangement. "But if the collection," he added, "should fall short of the sum due, he desired some forbearance, being sure that the residue would be shortly paid, and that the English would at all events perceive his great desire to give them entire satisfaction." The commissioners accepted these proposals, and Ninigret despatched his messenger.

They returned on the 16th of the month, but brought only two hundred fathom of wampum. The commissioners complained of this new default, and Ninigret was a little embarrassed. He said, it must be owing to his own absence; but as it was, he wished that the Wampum intended, but not yet received, as a present to the Governor, should go in part payment of the debt. For the remainder, he desired a respite till the next spring, when, if it were not fully paid, the English should have his country and his head. [FN] The commissioners accordingly gave him leave to return home, and allowed him twenty days for sending in one thousand fathoms; if he failed, he must suffer the consequences. If he did what he could, and Pessacus failed, as heretofore he had done, they should punish him, and expect Ninigret's assistance.

At their meeting in 1648, the commissioners received information of new movements of Pessacus and Ninigret, in disturbance of the common peace. Both sachems were said to be withdrawing their old men, women and children into swamps, hiding their corn, and preparing for the reception of the Mohawk, whom they had engaged to assist them. The invading army was to consist of eight hundred men. The Mohawks had four hundred guns, and three pounds of powder to a gun. Ninigret had made inquiry whether the English would probably defend Uncas, and seemed to calculate, in that case, upon the necessity of fighting them. The Pocomtock tribe were also engaged to assist him. But both these and the Mohawks were finally discouraged from undertaking the expedition, by the prospect of having to contend with the English.

But depredations were soon after committed by some of the Narraghansetts upon the English; and as for Uncas, the hostility against him was carried so far, that he came very near losing his life by an Indian hired to assassinate him, having been run through the breast with a sword, as he was going on board a vessel in the river Thames. At the commissioners' meeting in 1649, he appeared, laid his complaints before them, and demanded the protection of his ally. Ninigret also presented himself. As to hiring the Indian to assassinate Uncas, he observed, the confession of the criminal himself was the only evidence in the case, and that was forced from him by the Mohegans. As to the arrears of wampum, of which much was said, he thought there been a mistake in the measure, and that only two hundred fathoms were due, while the English at this time acknowledged the receipt of only one thousand five hundred twenty-nine and a half in the whole. But the commissioners were dissatisfied with his answer; and they therefore once more set themselves to making vigorous preparations for war.

The measures adopted in 1650, may be learned from the following passage of the commissioners' record for that year. "Taking into consideration the seueral offensiue practices of the Narraghausetts whereby they have broken their couenents and endeauoured to disturbe the peace betweene the English and themselves; and how they yet delay to pay the wampum which hath been so long due [having sent but one hundred fathom since the last meeting at Boston;] it was therefore thought meet to keepe the colonies from falling into contempt among the Indians, and to preuent their improuing said wampum to hire other Indians to joyne with themselves against vs or Vcus, that twenty men well armed bee sent out of the Jurisdiccon of Massachusetts to Pessicus to demand the said Wampum which is three hundred and eight fathom, and vpon Refusall or Delay to take the same or to the Vallew thereof in the best goods they can find; Together with so much as will satisfy for their charges &c."

The messengers were farther instructed to go to Ninigret, and make the following complaints. 1. That the commissioners were told he had married his daughter to the brother of the old Pequot chief; Sassacus, and had made some pretensions to the Pequot territory. 2. That Weekwash Cooke had complained to them of certain grievances received at his hands. 3. "That about twelve years sence a Mare belonging to Elty Pomary of Winsor in Connecticatt was killed wilfully by Pequiam a Nyantick Indian brother to Ninegrett which Mare cost twenty-nine pounds, for which satisfaccon hath often been required." &c. They were then to demand payment of all charges due the English, and as also categorical answers to a certain list of questions.

The party sent out by Massachusetts in pursuance of these orders was commanded by Major Atherton. On meeting with Pessacus, and stating the purposes of his visit, some altercation ensued. As the Narraghansett warriors meanwhile appeared to be collecting around him, Atherton marched directly to the door of his Wigwam, posted a guard there, entered himself with his pistol in hand, seized Pessacus by his hair, and drawing him out from among his attendants, declared he would despatch him instantly on perceiving the least attempt for his rescue. This bold stroke made such an impression, that all arrearages were paid on the spot. Atherton then visited Ninigret, and having stated the accusations, suspicions and threats of the commissioners—though without obtaining any farther satisfaction—returned home. [FN]

[FN] Trumbull's expression is—"Having in this spirited manner Accomplished his business, he returned in safety." History of Conn. Vol. I.

In 1653, the commissioners sent messengers to demand of Ninigret, Pessacus and Mexham, answers to the following questions. They are given in full, as a curious illustration both of the policy of the former and the character of the latter. The object and occasion are sufficiently manifest on the face of them.

"1. Whether the Duch Governor hath engaged him [Ninigret] and others to healp them to fight against the English, and how many?

"2. Whether the Duch Governor did not attempt such a Conspiracy?

"3. Whether hee [Ninigret] hath not received of the Duch Governor guns powder bullets and swords or any ammunition to that end; and how much or many of the said provision for warr?

"4. What other sachems or Indians to his Knowlidg that are so engaged?

"5. Whether himselfe or the Rest are Resolved according to theire engagement to fight against the English?

"6. If hee bee Resolved of his way what he thinks the English will do?

"7. Whether it bee not safest for him and his men to be true to the English?

"8. Whether the Duch hath engaged to healp him and the Rest of the Indians against the English?

"9. If hee haue engaged against us to aske vpon what grounds and what wrong wee haue donn him?

"10. Whether hee thinks it meet to com or send his messengers to give satisfaction concerning these queries?

"11. Whether hee hath hiered the Mohakes to healp him against us?"

The answer of Mexham, as reported by the messengers, to the first question, was thus. "I speak vnfeignedly from my hart without Dessimulation that I know of noe such plott that is intended or ploted by the Duch Governour against the English my frinds. Though I bee poor it is not goods guns powder nor shott that shall draw mee to such a plott." Pessacus said, "I am very thankfull to these two men that came from the Massachusetts and to you Thomas and to you Poll and to you Mr. Smith that are come soe fare as from the Bay to bring vs this message, and to enforme vs of these things wee knew not of before."

To the second, Mexham answered "No." Pessacus said, "that for the Governor of the Duch, wee are loth to Inuent any fakehood of him, though we bee far off from him, to please the English or any other that bring these Reports. The Duch Governor did never propound such a thing." He also represented the evident folly of his leagueing with a remote people against his nearest neighbors. He gave a negative to the fifth question. The sixth he supposed to be already answered. To the seventh, he said, "wee desire to keeps it [peace] feirmly to our dieing day as neare as we can." The eighth and ninth, Mexham and Pessacus thought they had answered already. As to the tenth, they replied, that Pessacus was too old [FN] to "trauell two daies together, but they would send some men into the Massachusetts to speak with [tell] the Sachems that they had sent to Mr. Smith and Voll his man to speake to Mr. Browne that they loved the English sachems and all English in the Bay." The charge implied in the last query they absolutely denied.

[FN] Probably meant for too ill.

The answers of Ninigret, which were given separately, are the more worthy of notice that he was known to have visited New York during the previous winter, and had been accused by various Indians, including some of the Mohegans, of having formed an alliance with the Dutch against the English. He utterly disclaimed such conduct. "But," he added, "whiles I was there att the Indian Wigwames there cam som Indians that told mee there was a ship com in from Holland, which did report the English and Duch were fighting together in theire owne countrey, and theire were severall other shippes cominge with amunition to fight against the English heer, and that there would bee a great blow given to them, but this (said he,) I had from the Indians, and I cannot tell how true it is." Next, four queries were answered in the negative. As to the sixth, "What shall I answare these things over and over again? What doe the English thinke that I thinke they bee asleep and suffer mee to do them wronge? Doe we not know they are not a sleepy people? The English make queries for gunpowder, and shot and swords. Do they thinke wee are mad to sell our liues and the liues of all our wiues and children and all our kindred, and to haue our countrey destroyed for a few guns powder shott and swords? What will they doe vs good when wee are dead?" The eighth, ninth, and eleventh, were denied. To the seventh he replied, that he knew no reason for breaking his league with his old friends the English; and why should he ally himself to a few Dutchmen, so far off when he lived next door to them? The answer to the tenth would puzzle the most mystifying politician of modern times. "It being indifferently spoken whether hee may goe or send yet bee knowing nothing by himselfe wherein hee hath wronged the English but that hee may goe yet being Indifferently spoken hee would send to speak with the English." [FN]

[FN] We copy punctuatim, from the Records of the United Colonies, as preserved in Hazard's Collections. Perhaps the Interpreter was to blame for this problematical sentence.

Letters having been also sent to the sachems from the commissioners, Pessacus and Mexham sent word in return, that they wished for a good understanding, and hoped it might be preserved. They requested, furthermore, that the English would make known the names of their accusers, and the other sources of their information respecting their alleged league with the Dutch. Ninigret replied as follows:

"You are kindly welcom to vs and I kindly thanke the Sachems [magistrates] of the Massachusetts that they would Nominate my Name amongst the other to require my answare to the propositions; had any of the other Sachems been att the Duch I should have feared theire folly might have donn some hurt one way or other, but they have not been there. I am the Man that haue bene there myselfe, therefore I must answare for what I haue donn. I doe utterley deney and protest against any such acteings doun by mee or to my knowlidge att or with the Duch. What is the story of these great Rumers that I hear att Pocatocke, that I should bee cut off and that the English had a quarrell against mee. I know of noe such cause att all for my parte. Is it because I went thither to take Phisicke for my healthe? Or what is the cause I found noe such entertainment from the Duch Governour, when I was there to giue mee any Incorragement to sturr mee up to such a league against the English my friends. It was winter-time, and I stood a great parte of a day knocking at the Governor's dore, and he would neither open it nor suffer others open it to lett mee in. I was not wont to find such carriage from the English my frinds." The messenger promised to be sent by Pessacus was sent accordingly. The English, examined him very closely, but ascertained nothing new.

CHAPTER XII.

Sequel of the lives of Ninigret and Pessacus, from 1653—Various accusations, deputations, and hostile movements between them and the English—Controversy between Ninigret and Harmon Garrett—Application for justice in 1675—Conduct of Ninigret in Philip's War—Consequences of it—His death—Death of Pessacus—Some of the charges against the former considered—His hostility to Uncas, and the Long Islanders, and "League with the Dutch"—Remarks on his character.

In September, 1653, new complaints were made against the Narraghansett and Niantick Sachems. It was reported to the commissioners, that they had attacked the Long Island Indians, and slain two Sachems and thirty others. This was deemed a case requiring their interference; and messengers were forthwith despatched as usual, to demand explanation and satisfaction, on penalty that the commissioners would otherwise "proceed as they should find cause." These men executed their errand, and returned on the 19th of the month. According to their own account, they were not very graciously received, as indeed it was hardly to be expected they should be.

They declared upon oath that, on entering the Niantick country, they saw about forty or fifty Indians, all in arms, who came up to them as they rode by; and the leader having a gun in his hand, "did, in the presence of Thomas Staunton Serjeant Waite and Vallentyne Whitman, put his hand back as if hee would have cocked it; Richard Waite said this man will shoote; whervpon the English men faced about, Rode vp to the said Indians, asked what they intended to doe and bedd them goe before, which some of them did but others would not; and particularly the said Captaine Refused. The English rode on in the way towards Ninigrett, but coming vp into the Woods, the former company of Indians first fell on shouting in a triumphing way. After the English Messengers came to a greater company of Indians, all armed, whoe comaund them to stand to alight and to tye there horses to a tree showed them, which the Messengers refused to doe. The Indians then strove to becompase the English, which they would not suffer, but being Informed that Ninnigrett would come thither they stayed awhile, but Ninnigrett not coming the English tould the Indians that if they might neither passe nor Ninnigrett come then they would return home. The Indians answared hee would com presently, but hee not coming the English rode forward and mett Ninnigrett; the Indians running on both sides hollowing, the English Messengers made a stand, when they mett Ninnigrett haveing many armed men with him and him selfe a pistoll in his hand. Ninnigrett sat doune and desired them to alight which they did. The Indians then surrounded them and som of them charged their guns with powder and bullets and som primed their guns. The English in the meen time delivering their message to Ninnigrett his men were so Tumultus in speaking especially one whoe they said was a Mohauke they were much desturbed." [FN]

[FN] This Valentyne is apparently the same whom Ninigret familiarly called "Voll," and another chief, "Poll."

The messengers were afterwards informed by one of Ninigret's chief men, "that the aforementioned Mohauke came to see what news, for they heard that English were coming to warr against the Narraghansetts, which if true the Mohaukes take what is doun against the Narraghansetts as doun against themselues." After leaving Ninigret, two Indians, with bows and arrows in their hands, came running out of the woods, and roughly demanded of Staunton whither he was going, when he was coming back, and which way he should come.—Upon this report, the commissioners decided to make war at once, with the exception of Mr. Bradstreet alone, (the member from Massachusetts,) who protested against such a proceeding, and thereby prevented it.

In 1654, the commissioners were informed, that Ninigret was not only prosecuting hostilities against the Long-Island Indians as before, but had hired the Mohawks, Pocomtocks and Wampanoags to assist him. They immediately sent messengers demanding his appearance at Hartford, and the payment of the tribute so long due, as they alleged, for the Pequots under his dominion. One article in the messenger's instructions was expressed thus. "That vnlesse hee either com himselfe forthwithe to Hartford or give som satisfying securitie to the commissioners for the true and constant paiment of the said Tribute the commissioners shall thinke of some course forthwithe to despose of the said Pequots some other way." On the 18th of September, the following report was made of the result of the interview.

"1. When Ninigret was told, that the commissioners had perused the letter he had sent to the governor of Massachusetts [FN] concerning the suspicions he had of Uncas, he answered, that he knew nothing of such letter, and expressed great wonder at its being charged upon him."

[FN] We see no previous mention of this letter. It must have been one of many cases where the commissioners were deceived by false testimony.

"Again, as to the breach of covenant alleged against him, he desired to know who could say that he had any Pequots under him. 2. Mr. Eaton and Mr. Hopkins, being both at New Haven, had told him that he was to pay for the Pequots only ten years. And 3. Those ten years had elapsed three years before." [FN]

[FN] Such an agreement was made in 1651, between the commissioners, Uncas, and some of Ninigret's men. The ten years were to commence with 1650; but, probably, Ninigret was either uninformed or misinformed respecting this stipulation. Frequently, treaties were not understood even by those who subscribed them.

"3. In respect to the Long-Islanders he answered in the following remarkable manner: Wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners therewith when the long-islanders had slayne a sachem's son and sixty other of his men; and therefore he will not make peace with the long-islanders, but doth desire the English would lett him alone, and doth desire that the commissioners would not Request him to goe to hartford; for hee had doun noe hurt what should he doe there; hee had bene many times in the Bay, and when was Uncas there; Jonathan [the messenger] asked him whether he would send two or three of is men that might act in his Rome and steed if hee would not goe him selfe hee answared what should hee or his men doe att hartford; Adding if youer Governor's sonne were slayne and seuerall other men would [you] aske counsell of another Nation how and when to Right yourselves; and againe said hee would not goe nor send to Hartford.

"4. Concerning the vpland Indians his answsre was they are my frinds and came to healp mee against the long-islanders which had killed seuerall of my men; wherefore should I acquaint the commissioners with it; I doe but Right my owne quarell which the long-islanders began with mee."

This spirited reply, alone sufficient to immortalize Ninigret, brought on open war. A body of troops was raised in the three united colonies, and sent into the Niantick country, under Major Willard of Massachusetts, with orders to demand of Ninigret the Pequots subject to his control, the tribute already due from them, and also a cessation of hostilities against the Indians of Long Island. On refusal to comply with these terms, they were to reduce him to submission and tribute by force, and take hostages for security. The place of general rendezvous was appointed at Stanton's house in the Narraghansett country. On arriving there, Major Willard found that Ninigret had fled into a swamp ten or fifteen miles distant from the army leaving his country, corn, and wigwams, at the invader's mercy. Messengers were sent to him, inviting him to a conference, and pledging the safety of his person. He returned answer that aggressions had already been made upon his territory and property, and he did not think it safe for him to visit the Major. He wished to know, too, what had occasioned the present invasion. What had he done to the English, that they beset him in this manner?—Whatever the difficulty was, he was ready to settle it by messengers, but not in person.

A day or two afterwards, as he was still in close quarters, six new messengers were sent to him, two of whom, only, after much debate with his guards and scouts, were admitted to his own presence. They began with demanding the Pequots; to which he replied, that most of that people had left him already—nearly one hundred had deserted to the English army—; and the few that remained were hunting and straggling up and down the country. He however set his mark to the following agreement, dated Oct. 18, 1654.

"Wheras the commissioners of the vnited collonies demaund by theire Messengers that I deliuer vp to the English all the captiue Pequotes in my countrey I heerby ingage myselfe to surrender the said Pequotes within seuen daies to Mr. Winthrope or Captain Mason Witnesse my hand.

"Witnesse Thomas Stanton and Vallentine Whitman Interpretors Witnesse alsoe Thomas Bligh."

The messengers next demanded the tribute due for the Pequots. He replied, that he never engaged to pay it. "Why then," said they, "did you pay it, or part of it, at New Haven?" "Because," he readily answered, "I feared they would be taken from me if I did not, and therefore made a gratuity out of my own wampum to please you." Being now forbidden in the commissioners' name, to pursue hostilities against the Indians of Long-Island, he stood silent for some time, and then asked if it was right that his men—such men—should lose their lives and their blood, and not be revenged. The English observed, that he should have offered his complaints to the commissioners; but to this he made no reply; nor yet to the unceremonious if not uncivil declaration of the messengers, that in case he gave any farther trouble to any of the friends of the English, they should forthwith take the liberty to set his head upon a pole. The conference ended with their requesting him to pay the expenses of the expedition, which he refused to do; "Hee was not the cause of it, but longe-Island Indians killed him a man att Connecticott." Thus the affair ended. The commander was censured by the commissioners, for neglecting a good opportunity of humbling a troublesome enemy, but no farther strictures ensued. [FN] They contented themselves with stationing an armed vessel in the road between Neanticut and Long-Island, with orders to prevent hostile movements on the part of Ninigret, and with encouraging his Indian adversaries by promises of English assistance. The next year, Ninigret continuing his attacks, they thought themselves under obligation to furnish it.

[FN] A Mss. private letter of Major Willard is extant, (in the possession of Mr. Shattuck, author of a very valuable History of Concord, which we hope may be soon published,) in which, alluding to this expedition, he rather mysteriously speaks of his "hands being tied" Whether this alludes to his general instructions, or to something more secret, every reader will judge for himself.

From this time forward, there is little of interest in the life either of Pessacus or Ninigret. We hear of them occasionally, but not much farther than is sufficient to indicate their existence. Whether they gave less reason to be complained of than before, or whether the English at length grew weary of sending messages to them, cannot be ascertained; but there is probably some truth in both suppositions.

One of the last deputations to Ninigret, in 1656, was occasioned by complaints which he made to the English of grievances received from the Long-Islanders. He failed to prove them as alleged, and the commissioners took that occasion to remind him of his own duties and defaults, in their wonted manner. The lesson was repeated in 1657, some affrays and assaults having meanwhile occurred, which threatened to bring on more serious troubles between the Indian tribes. The most remarkable circumstance connected with the deputation of this season, is the dissent of the commissioners of Massachusetts, who frequently had occasion to differ with their associates in regard to intercourse with the Indians. The terms of this opinion, expressed in the records, are worthy of notice, as throwing a casual light on the charges brought against Ninigret.

"There hauing bine," say they, "many messengers to this purpose formerly sent from the commissioners to the Indian Sachems, but seldom obserued by them, which now to Renew againe when many complaints have bine made against Vncus by seuerall sachems and other Indians of his proud Insolent and prouocking speeches and Trecherous actions, and with much probabilitie of truth, besides his hostile attempts at Potunck &c.—seems vnseasonable; and can in Reason have no other attendance in conclusion than to Render vs lo and contemptable in the eyes of the Indians, or engage vs to vindicate our honer in a dangerouse and vnecessarie warr vpon Indian quarrells, the grounds whereof wee can hardly euer satisfactoryly understand, &c." There is manifestly great truth, as well as some severity, in this declaration. We may hereafter allude again to what is said respecting Uncas.

We now refer to the instructions of messengers sent two years after the embassy last named, merely to illustrate the style of diplomacy which still continued to be used. They were directed "to Repaire to Ninnigrett, Pessicus, Woqnocanoote, and the Rest of the Narraghansett Sachems, and distinctly and clearly deliuer to them the following message." One article of complaint runs thus:

"The comissioners doe require ninety-five fathom of Wampam ordered by them to bee payed the last yeare for the Insolencyes committed att mistress Brewster's feet to her great affrightment and stealing corne &c. and other affronts."

Again: "The comissioners doe charge Ninnigrett with breach of couenant and high neglect of theire order sent them by Major Willard six yeares since not to Inuade the longe Iland Indians; and doe account this surprising the longe-Iland Indians att Gull Iland and murthering of them to be an insolent carriage to the English and a barbarous and inhumaine acte; therefore the comissioners haue proeuided for his entertainment at longe-Iland if hee shall dare further to attempt vpon them before hee hath satisfied the comissioners of the justnes of his quarrell, ordering the English there to assist the Indians and driue him from thence." It will be recollected, that Ninigret had always disclaimed the right of the English to interfere in this contest with his neighbors, though he explained to them, so far as to justify himself on the ground of having been first aggrieved and attacked by his enemy. More recently he had chosen—probably for the sake of keeping peace with the English—to make complaints to them; but because he had failed to prove them (—and no doubt they were mostly incapable of being proved, in their very nature—) the commissioners had taken no other notice of his suit than to send Thomas Stanton and others to reprimand him at once for his present insolence and his old sins.

Still, he was not utterly discouraged, for he did not invariably fail of having justice done him. In 1662, the commissioners being informed of his intention to sell a certain tract of land in his actual possession, which was nevertheless claimed by one Harmon Garrett, they sent to him—not a message of threats by Thomas Stanton—but "a writing vnder theire hands sertifying the said Harmon Garrett's claime, which being made knowne to Ninnigrett, the said Ninnigrett by his Messengers to the comissioners att theire last meeting att Plymouth made claime to the said land, and Refered the Determination therof to the next meeting of the court att Boston, desireing that notice might bee given to the said harmon Garrett att the said Meeting of the comissioners to apperr."

This honorable proposition was adopted. Garrett made his appearance, and Ninigret sent his attorney to meet him at Boston. Garrett stated, that his father was a great sachem, and was possessed of the lands in controversy, and that Ninigret was the said Sachem's younger brother. On the other side, Cornman in behalf of Ninigret, showed that his master was possessed of said lands according to the Indian custom, being allowed to be the chief sachem, and having married the sister of Harmon Garrett; and that said Harmon was not of the whole [Niantick] blood, because his mother was a stranger. This evidence was furnished orally by divers Narraghansett and Pequot Indians, as also by Uncas and others in writing. The commissioners decided, that it was "not meet to prejudice the title of Ninnigrett, being in posession by any acte of theires, and that the writing giuen vnder theire hand att New-hauen conserning harmon Garrett bee not vnderstood nor made vse of to prejudice Ninnigrett's title and posession, but aduise all the English to forbeare to disturbe Ninnirett." [FN]

[FN] Records of the Colonies. Hazard, Vol. II.

The good effect of this decision is to be seen in the almost total silence of history in regard to Ninigret for the next twelve or thirteen years, when we find him coming forward, confidently and amicably, in a similar case. The particulars may be best gathered from a letter written by Mr. John Easton, (probably a magistrate living near the sachem,) to the Governor of Plymouth Colony. It runs thus:

"Ninigret, one of the two chief sachems of the Narraghansetts in our colony, importuned me thus to write to you, that, as he saith, it is the Indian custom or law, that when any sachem's men are driven and cast ashore, or their goods, upon any other sachem's Jurisdiction, or taken up by any other sachem's men, that the goods are to be restored to the sachem whose men they were; and this spring, twelve Indians, at a time, were drowned in the sea, coming from an Island, and some of their goods drove up in your jurisdiction at Dartmouth; and he desireth you to inform those Indians [at Dartmouth] that they should restore to him all the goods of those drowned that they have got." [FN]

[FN] Sixth volume of the Mass. His. Col. 1st series.

This letter was written in March, 1675, just on the eve of the great war of King Philip. The friendly disposition of Ninigret was now put to the test. The Nipmucks, Nashaways, Pocontocks, the Hadley and Springfield Indians, the Pokanokets of Philip, the tribes of Maine, and still nearer home the Narraghansetts, were involved in the common controversy of the times. But Ninigret remained faithful to the English; and though he took no personal part in the war, some of his warriors distinguished themselves more than once by their zealous cooperation with their allies. Ninigret was one of the signers of the treaty of July, wherein the Narraghansetts bound themselves to remain neutral; and in October his counsellor, Cornman, signed a confirmation of the same instrument, in his name, at Boston, with an additional agreement to surrender up such Pokanoket refugees as might be found in his territories. Several of the Narraghansett sachems did the same, but Ninigret, alone, seems to have maintained his fidelity. At all events, he alone had the credit of it, and the consequent benefit. The Narraghansetts were completely subdued, and their country overrun and subjected. The tribe and territory of Ninigret were spared; and several of their descendants were living on the premises so late as 1738, when few, if any, of the Narraghansett blood could be found within the limits of Rhode Island. [FN]

[FN] Callender's Century Discourse.

The precise time of the death of Ninigret is not recorded. It is not probable that he lived long after Philip's war, for two good reasons. He is rarely if at all mentioned, subsequently; and he must have been already quite advanced in age. It was now over forty years since that Pequot war, at the date of which he is mentioned by Prince. Pessacus must have died previous to Phillip's war. We do not find his name in the Colonial Records after 1658, though it would certainly have been among the signatures to the treaty last mentioned, had he been living at the date of its execution. The English regarded him as the leading man of his tribe.

The three principal complaints made against Ninigret, and the occasion of the ill-treatment he received from the English, were his hostility to Uncas, his intercourse with the Dutch, and the wars which he waged with the Long Islanders. Respecting the latter, enough has already been said. Enough appears in the protest of the Massachusetts commissioners, alone, to show that the English had but a poor reason for interfering as they did. They barely alleged that these Indians were their friends; but nothing is more obvious than that such reasoning, however satisfactory to themselves, could only render them, in the words of the protest, "low and contemptible in the eyes of the Indians."

"There being noe agreement produced or proved,"—said Mr. Bradstreet, of Massachusetts, in 1653—"whereby the collenies are obliged to protect the Long Island Indians against Ninnegrett or others, and so noe Reason to engage them in theire quarrells the grounds whereof they cannot well vnderstand: I therefore see not sufficient light to this vote."

It is obvious that even an "obligation," by agreement, to protect those Indians, might not imply a right to do so as regarded other parties—but granting such a right as consequent upon sufficient provocation, it still remains to prove upon which party lay the blame of the first attack. Ninigret always asserted that he acted in self-defence, and no doubt such was his real opinion. The English only reprimanded him upon old scores, when he laid his grievances before them; and then sent an armed vessel and a body of troops to fight for his enemies. The Long Islanders told a different story; but this was at best but one Indian testimony against another; and how much theirs in particular could be relied upon, appears from the fact, that within a year or two after this same affair, they themselves committed the most flagrant depredations upon the English. Trumbull says, that in 1657, "after all the trouble and expense which the English had been at for their defence, they became tumultuous, and did great damage to the inhabitants of Southampton."

To conclude this discussion, we introduce some passages of a manuscript letter from Roger Williams to the government of one of the colonies, which has already been cited. It bears date of Oct. 5, 1654, and was written to prevent war. [FN]

[FN] Col. Rec. of R.I.

"The Cause and Roote of all y^e present mischief is y^e Pride of 2 Barbarians, Ascassassôtick, y^e Long Island Sachim, and Nenekunat, of the Narigansett. The former is proud and foolish. The latter is proud and fierce. I have not seene him these many years, yet from their sober men I hear he pleads,

"First, y^t Ascassassôtick, a very Inferior Sachim (bearing himself upon y^e English) hath slain 3 or 4 of his people and since y^t sent him challenges and darings to fight and mend himself.

"2dly. He, Nenekunat, consulted by Solemn messengers with the chiefe of the English Governors, Major Endicott then Gov^r of y^e Massachusetts, who sent him an Implicite consent to right himselfe.

"3. After he had taken revenge, upon y^e Long Islanders and brought away about 14 Captives, yet he restored them all again upon y^e mediation and desire of y^e English.

"4. After this peace made, the Long Islanders pretending to visit Nenekunat at Block Island, slaughtered of his Narigansetts neere 30 persons at midnight, 2 of them of great note, especially Wepiteammock's sonn, to whom Nenekunat was uncle."

Mr. Williams afterwards says;

"1. I know it is said y^e Long Islanders are subjects; But I have heard this greatly questioned, and indeed I question whether any Indians in this Country, remayning Barbarous and Pagan, may with truth or honor be cald y^e English subjects.

"2. But graunt them subjects, what capacitie hath their late massacre of y^e Narigansetts (with whom they had made peace) without y^e English consent, though still under y^e English name, put them into?"

As to a league between Ninigret and "the Duch Governor," his own reply to the charge has been given. It will furnish some amusement, at least, to review parts of the evidence upon which it was founded. Ninigret and Pessacus sent an Indian named Awashaw to the commissioners, in pursuance of their agreement to give what satisfaction they could in regard to this subject; "whoe being demanded why Ninigret went to the Manhatoes the last winter, answared that Ninigret told him that hee went thether to bee cured of his disease, hearing there was a Frenchman there that could cure him; that Mr. Iohn Winthorpe knew of his going; that he carried thirty fathom of wampam, ten whereof he gave the Doctor and fifteen to the governor; and the governor gave him in Lieue thereof sleived coates but not one gun, but the Indians there gave Ninigrett two guns." This was in 1653.

Not long before, it seems that Uncas—the last man whose evidence should have been noticed at all—had called on Governor Haynes at Hartford, and informed him of Ninigret's visit to the Dutch; as also that he had made a league with them, bought up a large quantity of ammunition, and negotiated with the New York Indians for a war against Uncas and the English. Furthermore, it was said that Ninigret had sent to a neighboring Sachem, to procure a man skillful in poisoning, and had promised him one hundred fathoms of Wampum in return. The Wampum was sent by a canoe, which Uncas intercepted, with seven Indians aboard, one of whom his men had killed, (according to his own story,) and two others had confessed Ninigret's whole plot. We are inclined to hold, that this testimony should be received only so far as it goes against Uncas himself, showing that he took the liberty, on the strength of his suspicion alone, to assault a canoe belonging to Ninigret, and to murder one of his subjects. When these accusations were stated by the commissioners to Awashaw, the messenger just mentioned, and he was particularly questioned who and what was in the canoe, he replied, "that in the canoe that was sent back which was taken by Vcus his men, hee sent in it sixty fathom of wampam to pay for the two guns which he had of the Indians whiles hee was att the Monhatoes, and the Remainder of the Phissicke he had there." Being asked what corn Ninigret sent, to the Dutch in the Vessel taken by the English [another aggression it would seem,] he said, "that hee Intended not to send any corne to the Duch Governor, but what come was aboard the Duch vessel was for the hier of the vessel that brought him home," It appears, he had returned by water, while some of his men had walked; and he paid for his passage in corn.

Awashaw on this occasion had an Indian in company with him, named Newcom Matuxes. The means resorted to for obtaining proof of the accusation, are farther illustrated by the information gravely given us in the Records, that this fellow "spake with one Iohn lightfoot of Boston, an Englishman, whoe as Lightfoot saith, told him in Duch that the Duchmen would cutt off the English on Long-island. Newcom also confesseth that Ninnigrett said that hee heard that some shipps were to come from holland to the Monhatoes to cutt off the English; and that when the said Newcom lived att Southhold an Indian tould him that the Duch would come against the English and cutt them of; but they would saue the weemen and children and guns for themselves; But Captaine Simkins and the said Lightfoot doe both affeirme that the said Newcome tould them that the Duch men tould him as before, tho' he now puts it of and saith that an Indian tould him. Further hee the said Newcom tould captaine Simkins (as hee confidently afeirmeth) that if he would goe to serue the Duch the Duch would giue him an hundred pounds a yeare." It matters but little, we conceive, whether Captain Simkins recollected correctly or not, his reminiscences amounting to nothing in any case. Ninigret had himself expounded the transaction, much more completely than all these witnesses together.

But the examination was still pursued, "Thomas Stanton [Interpreter] being there alsoe to charge it vpon him. The said Newcom not being able to cleare himselfe from the guilt of the charge, the comissioners then tould Awashaw that had the said Newcom not bine a Messenger sent by Ninnigrett hee should not have escaped without some punishment, and therfore they willed Awashaw to tell Ninnigrett hee would doe well to send the said Newcom againe to vs, the better to cleare himselfe from all suspition." This manœuvre has a little too much the air of a pretext for getting a farther opportunity to cross-examine and confuse poor Newcom; he had thus far been able to make out a respectably clear statement.

Before leaving town, Awashaw sent a request to the commissioners for another interview; which being granted, he inquired who had informed them of these matters against Ninigret. They mentioned in reply "severall Indians, and more particularly the Monheage Indian, and the Narraghansett taken by Vncus his men." Awashaw then requested restitution of the wampum taken by these men. The commissioners only said, that they had not yet ascertained the truth of that affair; but when they had thought of it more, he should know their decision.

The following amusing document is a fair specimen of the testimony furnished against Ninigret by other Indians. It is the deposition—taken in May, 1653—of one Adam, of whom nothing further is known. After mentioning what the Dutch Governor had done among the Indians, which is not to our purpose,

"Further hee saith that Ninnegrett the Fiscall [Treasurer] and the Duch Governor were vp two daies in a close Roome with other Sagamores; and there was noe speaking with any of them except when they came for a cole or fier or the like and much sewam [Wampum] was seen at that time in Ninnegret's hand and he carried none away with him; Further hee saith that Ronessocke a Sagamore on longe Island tould the said Addam that the Duch Governor bid him fly for his life; for that the plott was now descovered; and besides hee sends word dayly that they had as good appear now for when hee is cutt of they English will cut them all of.