CHAPTER V.
Biography of other Virginian chieftains—Opitchipan—Some particulars respecting Tomocomo—His visit to England, interview with Captain Smith, and return to America—Japazaws, chief sachem of the Patowomekes—His friendship for the English—Ill treatment which he received from them—Totopotomoi, successor of Opechancanough—His services—His death in 1656—Notices of several native chiefs of North Carolina—Granganimo, who dies in 1585—Menatenon, king of the Chowanocks—Ensenore, father of Granganimo; and Wingina, his brother—Plot of the latter against the Hatteras colony—His death—Comment on the Carolinian Biography.
The characters we have heretofore noticed are far the most prominent in the Indian history of Virginia. Indeed, they are almost the only ones which have been preserved with distinctness enough to excite much interest in them as individuals. Still, there are several which ought not to be wholly passed by; and the want of a vivid light and coloring in some of them, may perhaps be compensated, at least, by the appearance of milder qualities than are predominant in the portraitures we have hitherto sketched.
The extant information respecting certain members of the Powhatan family, whose history has not been concluded, may soon be detailed. Opitchipan is not mentioned subsequently to the great battle of Pamunkey, in 1625, when for the first time he appears to have placed himself at the head of his countrymen, in opposition to the English. As the name of Opechancanough is not even alluded to in the records of that period, it may be presumed he was accidentally absent. Generally, he seems to have been out of favor with his reigning brother, and to have contended against his influence, such as it was, in all his design hostile to the colony. Opitchipan disapproved of the great massacre of 1622; and early in the ensuing season we find him sending in Chanco, the Christian convert who disclosed the conspiracy in that case, with a message to Governor Wyatt, that if he would send ten or twelve men, he would give up all the English prisoners in his possession—(which, as we have seen, Opechancanough had refused to do.) He even promised to deliver up his implacable brother—if brother he was—bound hand and foot. "Captain Tucker," says Stith, "was accordingly sent upon this service, but without the desired success. However, Opitchipan sent back Mrs. Boyce, naked and unapparelled, in manner and fashion like one of their Indians." So insignificant, even with these savages, was the power of mere family rank, as opposed to the authority of reputation and talent.
One of the chief counselors and priests of Powhatan, and the husband of his daughter Matachanna, was Tomocomo, who went to England with Pocahontas, and returned with Captain Argall. Smith, who calls him Vttamatomakkin, says he was held by his countrymen to be "a very understanding fellow." The same inference might be made from the commission which Powhatan gave him, on the occasion just alluded to, to take the number of the people in England, and to bring him an exact and minute account of their strength and resources. Tomocomo set about that business with equal simplicity and zeal. Immediately on his arrival at Plymouth, he procured a long stick, whereupon to cut a notch with his knife for every man he should see. But he soon became weary of his task, and threw his stick away. When the emperor inquired, on his return, how many people there were, he could only compare them to the stars in the sky, the leaves on the trees, and the sands on the sea-shore.
Mr. Purchas, (compiler of the famous collection of voyages,) was informed by President Dale, with whom Tomocomo went out from Virginia, that Opechancanough, and not Powhatan, had given instructions; and that the object of them was not so much to ascertain the Population, as to form an estimate of the amount of corn raised, and of forest trees growing in England. Nomantack and the other savages who had previously visited that country, being ignorant, and having seen little of the British empire except London, had reported a very large calculation of the men and houses, while they said almost nothing about the trees and corn. It was therefore a general opinion among the Indians, that the English had settled in Virginia only for the purpose of getting supplies of these two articles; and in confirmation, they observed their continual eagerness after corn, and the great quantities of cedar, clapboards, and wainscoting, which they annually exported to England. Tomocomo readily undeceived his countrymen upon this point. Landing in the west of England in summer, and traveling thence to London, he of course saw evidences of great agricultural and rural plenty and wealth; and was soon obliged to abandon the account he had undertaken to keep—his arithmetic failing him on the first day.
In the British metropolis, he met accidentally with Captain Smith; and the two immediately renewed their ancient acquaintance. Tomocomo told the captain, that Powhatan had given orders to request of him—if indeed he was not dead, as reported—the favor of showing Tomocomo the English God, and also their King, Queen and prince, of whom they had formerly conversed so often together. "As to God," as Stith expresses it, "Captain Smith excused and explained the matter the best he could." As to the king, he told Tomocomo he had already seen him, which was true. But the Indian denied it; and it was not without some trouble that Smith, by mentioning certain circumstances, convinced him of the fact. The Indian then assumed a most melancholy look, "Ah!" said he, "you presented Powhatan a white dog which he fed as himself. Now, I am certainly better than a white dog; but your king has given me nothing." Such an arch sense, adds the historian, had this savage of the "stingy" treatment he had received at court. Nothing is known of Tomocomo after his return to America.
The most constant friend and ally of the Virginian English, for twenty years from the settlement of Jamestown, was Japazaws, the Sachem—or, as the old writers call him, the king—of the Potomacs or Patowomekes. He was a person of great influence and authority on the whole length of the river which bears to this day the name of his tribe; being in fact a kind of petty emperor there, and always affecting to treat Powhatan and the other emperors rather as brethren than superiors. He had two hundred bowmen in his own village, at the date of the great massacre. The entire population which was more or less subject to him, appears, though somewhat indistinctly, from Smith's account of his first interview with the Sachem and his people, in 1608.
"The 16th of Iune," he writes, "we fell with the riuer Patowomek. Feare being gone and our men recouered, we were al content to take some paines to know the name of that seuen-mile broad riuer. For thirtie miles sayle we could see no inhabitants. Then we were conducted by two Salvages vp a little bayed creeke towards Onawmanaient, where al the woodes were layd with ambuscadoes to the number of three or fours thousand Salvages, so strangely paynted, grimed and disguised, shouting, yelling and crying as so many spirits from hell could not haue showed more terrible. Many brauadoes they made, but to appease their furie, our captaine prepared with as seeming a willingness as they to encounter them. But the grazing of our bullets vpon the water (many being shot on purpose they might see them) with the ecco of the woodes, so amazed them, as downe went their bowes and arrowes; and (exchanging hostages) Iames Watkins was sent six myles vp the woodes to their King's habitation. We were kindly vsed of those Salvages of whom we vnderstood they were commanded to betray us by the direction of Powhatan." After this, he was supplied with plenty of excellent provisions by the subjects of Japazaws, and furnished by that sachem himself with guides to conduct his party up some of the streams. Finally, he "kindly requited this kinde king and al his kinde people."
Thus auspiciously commenced a valuable acquaintance; and it is eminently worthy of observation, with what fidelity of friendship the English were repaid for the courtesy shown to this intelligent barbarian, and for the justice done to his subjects. Ever afterwards, they sustained the English cause, and supplied the English necessities, when all the rest of their countrymen were willing neither to treat nor trade upon any terms. When Argall arrived, in 1614, for example, "he was sent to the riuer Patawomeake," (as Master Hamer calls it,) "to trade for corne, the Salvages about vs hauing small quarter, but friends and foes as they found aduantage and opportunitie." Then, Argall "hauing entred into a great acquaintance with Japazaws, an old friend of Captaine Smith's, and so to all our nation, ever since hee discouered the countrie," the negotiation ensued which resulted, as we have heretofore shown, in getting possession of the person of Pocahontas, and thereby ultimately effecting a general peace.
The warmth of the Sachem's gratitude perhaps caused him to lay too little stress on the hospitality due to a princess and a guest—if guest she was—but the struggle which attended the bargain, and the sorrow which followed it, both show that Japazaws was not without principle or feeling. The argument which probably turned the balance in his mind, respected the prospect of a treaty to be brought about by means of Pocahontas, in which she and Powhatan had much more interest than himself. The bright copper kettle was a subordinate consideration, though not a slight one. We have seen, that the Powhatan Sachems were willing to barter almost their birthright for a pound or two of blue beads. At all events, Japazaws must have credit for the delicate arrangement by which the princess was first notified of her forlorn condition. "Iapazaws treading aft on the Captaine's foot, to remember he had done his part, the captaine, when he saw his time, persuaded Pocahontas to the gun-roome, faining to have some conference with Iapazaws, which was only that shee should not percieue hee was any way guiltie of her captiuitie."
In 1619, Iapazous—so called by master John Rolfe—came to Jamestown, for the first time, to desire that two ships might be sent to trade in his river, corn being more abundant than for a long time before. Parties were sent, accordingly; but, for some reasons, not explained, they met with indifferent success in the commerce, and so concluded to take eight hundred bushels of corn by force. That Japazaws was not much in fault, would appear from the circumstance that he had no part in the great conspiracy of 1622; immediately after which we find, that Captain Croshaw went up the Potomac, "where he intended to stay and trade for himself by reason of the long acquaintance he had with this King, that, so earnestly entreated him now to be his friend, his countenancer, his captaine and director against the Pazaticans, the Nacotchtanks and Moyaons, his mortall enemies." [FN]
[FN] Smith's History, Vol. II.
Croshaw gladly availed himself of this invitation, first for the sake of conducting his commerce to advantage, and secondly, for the purpose of "keeping the king as an opposite to Opechancanough." It was soon afterwards, that the chieftain last named sent his messengers to Japazaws, with presents of beads, and proposals of alliance against the English—both which were rejected. Then we are told, that "Captaine Hamer arriuing with a ship and a pinnace at Patawomeke, was kindly entertained both by him [Croshaw] and the king." The two were living snugly together at this time; using common efforts for supplying the colony—or at least the captain—on the one hand, and for suppressing the king's enemies, as named above, on the other. Their union was at length interrupted by the machinations of an exile Sachem, who had taken refuge at Potomac from the discontent of his own subjects. Angry with Japazaws for not assisting him in the recovery of his dominion, he forged an artful story about Japazaws and his tribe having recently leagued with Opechancanough.
That story he told to one Isaac Madison, who had just been sent to Potomac by Governor Wyatt, with a reenforcement of thirty men, and a commission expressly charging him to assist the Patowomekes against their enemies, and to protect them and their corn to his utmost power. To give his falsehood the air of probability, this savage Iago cunningly commented upon certain circumstances which had recently occurred. Madison was at length so much alarmed, that sending for Japazaws to his own strong-house (which Japazaws himself had assisted him in fortifying,) he locked in the Sachem, his son, and their four attendants, set over them a guard of soldiers, and then made a violent and bloody assault upon the neighboring village of the Indians. The king remonstrated, but in vain. He denied all the charges brought against him, to no purpose. Madison then led him and the other five prisoners to his ship, promising to set them at liberty as soon as his men were safely aboard. The king meanwhile prevented his subjects from annoying the English on the way. But, contrary to all good faith, the captives were carried to Jamestown, and detained there till the following October, when they were taken home by Captain Hamer and ransomed with a quantity of corn. Madison was prosecuted afterwards for his infamous conduct, but never punished. The Patowomekes must of course have been estranged by it from the English interest, though there is no evidence of their ever opposing them in arms. Japazaws kept himself aloof; and is no more mentioned in history.
The death of Opechancanough was a signal for the dissolution of the famous confederacy which it had required the whole genius of that chieftain and his predecessor to form and maintain. The tribes relapsed into their former state of separate government; and no formidable leader ever again roused them to union. The nominal successor of Opechancanough was Totopotomoi, whom we do not find even mentioned until after a lapse of ten years from his accession. The ancient records of Virginia show, that in 1651, an Act of Assembly was passed assigning and securing to Totopotomoi such lands on York river as he should choose; and commissioners were appointed to conduct him and his attendants in safety to Jamestown, and from that place home again, after the adjustment of the treaty. The termination of his reign and life was as follows. Five years subsequent to the date last mentioned, and after an interval of profound peace with the Indians which had continued for fifteen years, information was suddenly received at Jamestown, that a body of inland or mountain savages, called Rechahecrians, to the number of six or seven hundred, had seated themselves near the falls of James river, with the apparent intention of forming a regular settlement. The motives of this singular movement have never been explained. It is only known, that it gave no little alarm to the colonists; and that active preparations were made for driving the new enemy back to their own territories. A campaign ensued, and a battle was fought; and in this battle fell the king of the Powhatans, gallantly fighting in aid of the English, at the head of one hundred warriors. Victory declared for the Rechahecrians, but a peace was soon after negotiated with them on terms satisfactory to both parties.
Totopotomoi has at least his name immortalized by the author of Hudibras, who introduced him (to make out a rhyme,) in his noted allusion to a certain scandal upon the New England colonists.
A precious brother having slain.
In time of peace, an Indian,
. . .
The mighty Tottipotimoy
Sent to our elders an envoy,
Complaining sorely of the breach
Of league, held forth by brother Patch.
. . .
For which he craved the saints to render
Into his hands, or hang, the offender.
But they, maturely having weighed,
They had no more but him of the trade—
A man that served them in a double
Capacity, to preach and cobble—
Resolved to spare him; yet to do
The Indian Hogan Mogan too
Impartial Justice, in his stead did
Hang an old weaver that was bed-rid.
We may certainly be amused with the wit of the satirist in this case, without insisting upon a strict proof of his statements.
Such is the meagre biography of the last of the Virginian chieftains. We shall close this chapter with some particulars respecting two or three of the principal Indians known, at an earlier date, to the first colonists of Carolina. One of these was Wingina, the king of a considerable tract of territory called Wingandacoa, bordering upon Albemarle Sound. Another was Granganimo, the brother of Wingina. Not much information is extant concerning either of these persons; but the little which is known derives an additional interest both from the style of the ancient writers of that period, and from the circumstance that the foreign settlements which led to this partial acquaintance were among the very first upon the continent.
On the 27th of April, 1584, Philip Amidas and Arthur Barlow sailed from the west of England, as commanders of two barks, fitted out by Sir Walter Raleigh, for the purpose of exploring a vast tract of country granted to him by a patent from Queen Elizabeth, of the March previous. Taking the usual route by way of the Canaries and West Indies, they approached the coast of the Southern States, (now so called,) on the second of July, (enjoying for a day or two "a most delicate sweete smell" from the shore.) After sailing one hundred and twenty miles north, they entered the first harbor they met with, returned thanks to God for their safe arrival, went to view the neighboring land, and then took possession of it, formally, "for the Queene's most excellent majestie." "Which done," writes our ancient chronicler, "they found their first landing-place sandy and low, but so full of grapes that the very surge of the sea sometimes overflowed them; of which they found such plenty in all places, on the sand, the greene soyle and hils, as in the plaines, as well on euery little shrub as also climbing towardes the tops of high cedars, that they did thinke in the world were not the like abundance."
{FN} See the Collections of Hackluyt.
{Transcriber's Note: This citation is not referenced in the text, but appears on the same page as the preceding paragraph.}
This beautiful spot was the island of Wococon, supposed to be the same now called Ocracock. The newly arrived adventurers wandered over every part of it with mingled feelings of amazement and delight. Goodly woods covered the green bosom of its quiet valleys. There, we are told, were the highest and reddest cedars of the world, "bettering them of Azores or Libanus. There, were Pynes, Cypres, Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth mastick, and many other of excellent smelle and qualitie. Then there were deere and conies, and fowl in such incredible abundance, that the discharge of a musket would raise a flock of them from under the very feet of the travelers, with a noise, 'as if an army of men had shouted altogether.'"
On the third day, three of the natives appeared in a canoe, one of whom went fearlessly aboard an English bark. The crew could hold no conversation with him; but they gave him a shirt, a hat, wine and meat. These he liked exceedingly; and so having satisfied his curiosity with gazing, he paddled off to the distance of half a mile. He there loaded his boat with fish in a short time, then landed on a point near by, divided his booty into two heaps—"pointing one heap to the ship, and the other to the pinnace"—and then departed. This pacific interview was followed with happy consequences. The next day Granganimo appeared, with forty or fifty of his people. He came to the point with his train, and seated himself upon a mat. A party of the English went ashore, well armed; but instead of showing any indications of suspicion or fear, he made signs to them to be seated at his side—stroking their heads and breasts, as also his own, no doubt in testimony of his good will. He then made a long speech to his new visitants—probably of welcome—and they presented divers gewgaws to him in return, which he politely accepted. He was so much regarded by his attendants, that none of them would sit or even speak in his presence, with the exception of four. To them the English gave other presents; but they were immediately put into Granganimo's hands, who signaled, with an air of dignity, that every thing of this nature must be at his own disposal.
At the next interview, the English entertained him with a display of many commodities calculated to dazzle and surprise him. But none of them struck his fancy like a large bright pewter dish or plate, and a copper kettle, for the former of which he gave twenty deer-skins, [FN-1] and for the latter fifty. He made a hole in the plate, and hung it about his neck for a breastplate. Much other "truck" passed between the parties, in such good humor and good faith, that in the course of a day or two a meeting took place on board one of the vessels, and, the Sachem ate, drank and made merry with the English, like one of their own number. Not long afterwards, he brought his wife and children, who are described as slender, but well-favored and very modest. The wife wore, as her husband did, a band of white coral on her forehead, and in her ears bracelets of pearl, [FN-2] "hanging down to her middle, of the size of large peas." Her female followers had pendants of copper; and the noblemen—as those who seemed to be leading characters among the males are entitled—had five or six in each ear. All were dressed alike in skins. The women wore their hair long on both sides of the head; the men, only on one.
[FN-1] Then valued at a crown each. The anecdote reminds one of Japazaws.
[FN-2] So called by the early writers on various occasions. Probably they were shells, or rock-crystal, or something of that kind.
The next step in the acquaintance, and a very natural one, was that great numbers of people began to come in from various parts of the neighboring coast, bringing skins, coral and different kinds of dyes for sale; none of which, however, any of them but the noblemen ("them that wore red copper on their heads, as he did,") would undertake to barter in presence of Granganimo himself. The character of the Sachem showed itself more and more to advantage at every interview. With a very considerate and civil regard for the comfort of the English, he never paid them a visit without previously signifying the number of boats he should bring with him, by fires kindled upon the shore; so that his strength might be exactly estimated. He invariably kept, with perfect punctuality, every promise which he made in the course of traffic, as he also regularly sent to the vessels, daily, a gratuitous fresh supply of provisions—generally a brace of bucks, conies, rabbits, and fish; and sometimes melons, walnuts, cucumbers, pears and other roots and fruits. Finally, he invited the English to visit him at his own residence, on the north end of an island called Roanoke, distant about twenty miles from the harbor first made by the colonists.
The invitation was promptly accepted by a party of eight of the English. They found Granganimo's village to consist of nine houses, built of cedar, and fortified with sharp palisades, "and the entrance like a turnpik." The Sachem himself was absent when they arrived; but his wife came out eagerly to meet them. Some of her people she commanded to draw their boat ashore, that it might not suffer from the sea's dashing; others to carry the English on their backs through the surf, and put away their oars under cover. Meanwhile she conducted her guests into a house containing five apartments. As they were wet with rain, she had a large fire kindled in an inner apartment, washed their feet and their clothes, and then served up a bountiful dinner in another room. "She set on the bord standing along the house somewhat like frumentie, sodden venison and rosted fish; and in like manner mellons raw, boyled rootes, and fruites of diuers kindes."
She manifested the utmost anxiety for the comfort of her guests. While they were eating, two or three Indians happened to enter, with bows and arrows, upon which the English started up and laid hold of their arms. She perceived their distrust, but instead of being offended, caused the weapons of the intruders to be snapped asunder, and themselves to be beaten. Still the company did not feel perfectly at home, and towards evening they retired to their boat. This grieved her not a little; but she sent them a supper. When she saw them jealously pushing off some rods from the shore for a safe anchorage, she sent them mats to shelter them from the rain, and directed a guard of her people to watch during the night upon the shore. On the whole, it has been justly observed, that there is scarcely in all history a picture of unaffected and generous hospitality more striking than this.
Wingina, meanwhile, lay at his chief town, ill of wounds he had recently received in battle; and the English saw nothing of him. Nor was any thing more seen of Granganimo, until April of the next year, when Sir Richard Grenville brought out a colony of one hundred and eight persons, whom he left on the Carolinian shore at Hatteras. Granganimo then came on board his ship in his usually friendly and fearless manner. But it was his last visit. He died during the year 1585.
This event produced a great alteration of affairs in the colony. They were settled on Roanoke, an island at the mouth of Albemarle Sound, and that situation made it quite convenient for them to visit the coast and the country in various directions, which they were instructed to do. They explored, therefore, in the course of their expeditions, as far south as beyond Pamlico river; and as far north as the territory of the Chesapeake, on the bay of their own name. They also went up Albemarle Sound and Chowan river, one hundred and thirty miles, to a nation of Indians called Chowanocks, living above the junction of the Nottaway and the Meherrin.
We mention these particulars for the sake of introducing Menatenon, the king of the tribe last named. His province is described as the largest on the whole length of the river; and the town of Chowanock, it is said, could bring seven hundred bowmen into the field. Menatenon was lame—owing probably to a wound in battle—but writes an old chronicler "he had more understanding than all the rest." He amused the colonists, and especially their governor, Mr. Lane, with a story about a copper mine and a pearl fishery, somewhere along the coast. He also gave a strange account of the head of the river Moratuc, (now called the Roanoke,) where lived a king (he affirmed,) whose country bordered on the sea, and who took such an abundance of pearls from it, that not only his skins and his noblemen's, but his beds and his houses were garnished with that ornament. Mr. Lane expressed a wish to see a specimen of them; but Menatenon readily replied, that the king of that rich country reserved them expressly for trading with white men. [FN]
[FN] "This King was at Chowanock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that king he, [Menatenon] sayth hath store of white, and had traffcke with white men, for whom he reserved them."
The source of the Moratuc was described as springing out of a vast rock, standing so near the sea, that in storms the surges beat over it. As for the copper, that he said was generally collected in great bowls, covered with skin, at a place particularly described, and yielded two parts of metal for three of ore. There might be a shadow of foundation for some of these relations; but the chief object of Menatenon—who was a captive among the colonists at the time of his making them—must have been to render himself an important man in their eyes, and perhaps to lead them into some hazardous enterprise. Hearing them talk much about mines and pearls, and the South Sea—which were all hobbies with the credulous adventurers of that period—he adapted his discourse accordingly, and his eager hearers were simple enough to believe every thing he asserted. [FN]
[FN] The Mangoaks haue such plentie of it, they beautifie their houses with great plates thereof; this the salvages report; and young Shiko, the King Chawonocks sonne my prisoner, that had been prisoner among the Mangoaks, &c. . . .
Menatenon also confirmed all this, and promised me guides to this mettall country, &c.
They even undertook the proposed expedition in search of the copper mine and the South Sea; and had actually advanced nearly two hundred miles up the country, before famine and fatigue, and the hostility of innumerable savages compelled them to turn about. It seems that Wingina had heard of this expedition—perhaps from Menatenon—and like that cunning though crippled Sachem, he did all in his power to make it both specious in prospect and fatal in result. After having said every thing to excite the curiosity and avarice of the colonists, till he saw them determined to go, he sent word to the different powerful tribes living on their proposed route, that the English were coming against them; and that the sooner they suppressed this new enemy, the better. Hence it was, that the party several times came very near being cut off by the savages; and hence, instead of being plentifully supplied with choice provisions, as expected, they were glad to live several days upon two dogs "boiled down with saxefras leaves."
Fortunately for the colony, several circumstances concurred in the period of distress which succeeded this enterprise, to prevent Wingina from making open war upon them. One was the influence of his father, Ensenore, the best friend, next to Granganimo, whom the English had ever found among the natives. But the safe return of the expedition made a stronger impression upon the mind of Wingina. Rumors had been circulated that the party were all starved or slain; and then he had "begun to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend vs, so that old Ensenore had no more credit for vs; for he began by al the deuises he could to inuade vs." [FN] But the return of the expedition after having defeated all enemies—"asswaged a little his deuises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should perish, &c."
[FN] See the journal of Governor Lane, as preserved in the old collections.
The last observation suggests another circumstance which went to restrain the enmity of the chieftain. This was a mortal epidemic, of unknown character, which prevailed exclusively among the Indians, and carried off great numbers. The colonists had the art to make these simple beings regard it as a punishment for the hostility hitherto manifested towards the English. Wingina himself, who lived in the immediate vicinity of the colony, was exceedingly overcome by his superstition. Twice he was very sick, and came near dying. He then dismissed the priests who usually attended him, and sent for some of the English to pray for him, and to be—as Master Heriot expresses it, in his "Observations" upon this voyage—"a meenes to our God that hee might liue with him after death." He supposed that he had offended the Deity of the English by his blasphemy. They were themselves in great repute, of course. "This marueilous accident in all the country wrought so strange opinion of vs that they could not tell, whether to thinke vs Gods or men." Of the two, they considered the former most probable, for the whites having no women among them, the inference in their minds was, that instead of being born of women, they were men of an old generation many years past, and risen again from immortality. [FN] All which, we are told, so changed the heart of Pemissapan (—a name assumed by Wingina since the death of Granganimo—) that, at Ensenore's suggestion, when the English were reduced to extremities for want of food, he sent in his subjects to make fish-weirs for them, and to plant the fields they had hitherto thought of abandoning.
[FN] Heriot.
But in April, 1586, Ensenore died; and as Wingina had now completely recovered his health, and most of the enemies which the colony had among the tribes took this opportunity of renewing their machinations, he relapsed into his former hostility. Arrangements were made for collecting seven, or eight hundred Indians, under pretence of solemnizing the funeral of Ensenore. Half of them were to lie in ambush for those of the colonists who daily straggled along the coast in pursuit of crabs, fish and other provisions. The other detachment was to assault the settlement of Roanoke, at a signal by fire in the night. Even the particular houses were allotted to be burned by particular persons or parties. Twenty were charged to beset the dwelling of Governor Lane, and fire the reeds which covered it; this would bring him out, naked and unarmed, and then they could despatch him without danger. The same order was made for Mr. Heriot's, and various other habitations, which were to be fired at the same instant. In the meantime, as it was of great consequence to reduce the strength of the colony by dispersing it, Wingina provided for breaking up the weirs, and strictly prohibited all trade in provisions. He kept himself aloof also with a similar view.
The plan was well concerted, and not without success. The Governor was soon obliged to send off twenty of the colonists to a part of the coast called Croatan, merely that they might collect the means of their own sustenance. Ten more were sent to Hatteras for the same purpose; and other small companies scattered themselves about on the seacoast, to gather oysters and roots. But the ingenuity of the civilized party, driven to desperation, finally prevailed against the chieftain's naked shrewdness. The Governor sent him word he was going to Croatan, to meet an English squadron which had touched there with supplies, covering the object of this fabrication by also requesting the services of a few Indians to fish and hunt for the colony. Desirous of gaining time, Wingina promptly replied, that he would himself visit Mr. Lane in eight days. No doubt he expected to complete his conspiracy in this interval.
But the Governor was not so to be deceived. He resolved, on the contrary, to pay the Sachem a visit the next day after receiving his answer. Previous to that, however, he proposed to surprise the Indians at Wingina's old settlement on the island (Roanoke) and to take their canoes from them. But they, too, were on the alert, so entirely had Wingina prepared them for emergencies. "For when I sent to take the canows," says Mr. Lane in his Journal, "they met one going from the shore, overthrew her, and cut off two Salvages' heads; wherevpon the cry arose, being by their spies perceived; for they kept as good watch ouer vs as we ouer them." A skirmish ensued, and the Indians fled into the woods. The next morning, the Governor crossed over to a place on the main called Dassamonpeak, and sent Wingina word he was going to Croatan, and having certain complaints to make to him respecting his subjects, would be happy to call upon him by the way. On the faith of this proposal, the chieftain, with several of his principal men, met the Governor's party on their route. But no conversation took place. The Governor gave an appointed watchword to his men on approaching, and they fired upon the Indians. Wingina was shot through with a pistol-bullet, and fell. Recovering his feet immediately, he fled, and was near escaping his pursuers, when an Irish boy shot him a second time. He was soon overtaken, and then beheaded on the spot.
We do not feel disposed to dismiss these biographies of the Carolinian Sachems, short and slight as they are, without offering such comment as they most obviously suggest. It appears singular, at first sight, that so striking a difference of feeling towards the English should be manifested by the two brothers. Perhaps there was fault on both sides. Master Heriot admits, that some of the colony, "towards the latter end showed themselves too furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes, vpon causes that on our part might haue been borne with more mildnesse." We have seen with how little ceremony the Governor proceeded to take summary measures. He was driven to extremities, indeed, but that in itself was no fault of the Indians—they were not under obligation to supply him, though it appears that they sometimes did, gratuitously.
Perhaps a remark should be made respecting a provocation which occurred when the colony was first left by Grenville. The English went about ranging the coast from tribe to tribe, and from town to town—which very circumstance, besides being probably accompanied by other trespasses, and at all events wholly unlicensed by the natives, could hardly be looked upon as either friendly or just. Then, "at Aquascosack the Indians stole a silver cup, wherefore we burnt the towne, and spoiled their corne, and so returned to our fleet at Tocokon." [FN] This was certainly no way to make friends, and those who are familiar with the Carolinian history subsequent to Wingina's death, will remember that the injury was by no means forgotten. Finally, setting aside the attempt to justify either party, it will be noticed, by such as may take the pains to look into the annals of this period, that the greater part of the information which the Governor received of the Sachem's motives and movements came through the medium of that shrewd cripple, Menatenon, and his son Shiko. Whatever the facts might be, then, the evidence was clearly inadequate if not wholly inadmissible.
[FN] Relation of Lane.
CHAPTER VI. [FN]
[FN] Not to subject ourselves to the charge of plagiarism, it may be proper to remark here, that several passages in the following notices of the Pokanoket Sachems have been taken almost unaltered from an article on Indian Biography, published heretofore in the North American Review, and written by the author of this work. The same is true of a part of the subsequent notice of Tecumseh and his brother.
Synopsis of the New England Indians at the date of the Plymouth Settlement—The Pokanoket confederacy—The Wampanoag tribe—Their first head-Sachem, known to the English—Massasoit—The first interview between him and the whites—His visit to Plymouth, in 1621—Treaty of peace and friendship—Embassy sent to him at Sowams, by the English—Anecdotes respecting it—He is suspected of treachery or hostility, in 1622—His sickness in 1623—A second deputation visits him—Ceremonies and results of the visit—His intercourse with other tribes—Conveyances of land to the English—His death and character—Anecdotes.
The clearest, if not the completest classification of the New England Indians, at the date of the settlement of Plymouth, includes five principal confederacies, each occupying their own territory, and governed by their own chiefs. The Pequots inhabited the eastern part of Connecticut. East of them were the Narraghansetts, within whose limits Rhode Island, and various smaller islands in the vicinity, were comprised. The Pawtucket tribes were situated chiefly in the southern section of New Hampshire, the Massachusetts tribes around the bay of their own name; and between these upon the north and the Narraghansetts upon the south, the Pokanokets claimed a tract of what is now Bristol county, (Rhode Island) bounded laterally by Taunton and Pawtucket rivers for some distance, together with large parts of Plymouth and Barnstable.
This confederacy exercised some dominion over the Indians of Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard, and over several of the nearest Massachusetts and Nipmuck tribes;—the latter name designating an interior territory, now mostly within the boundaries of Worcester county. Of the Pokanokets, there were nine separate cantons or tribes, each governed by its own petty sagamore or squaw, but subject to one grand-sachem, who was also the particular chief of the Wampanoag canton, living about Montaup. [FN]
[FN] This celebrated eminence (frequently called, by corruption of the Indian name, Mount-Hope) is a mile or two east of the village of Bristol. It is very steep on all sides, and terminates in a large rock, having the appearance to a distant spectator, of an immense dome.
The first knowledge we have of the Wampanoags, and of the individuals who ruled over them and the other Pokanokets, is furnished in the collections of Purchas, on the authority of a Captain Dermer, the Master Thomas Dirmire spoken of by John Smith in his New England Trialls, as "an vnderstanding and industrious gentleman, who was also with him amongst the Frenchmen." Dermer was sent out from England in 1619, by Sir F. Gorges, on account of the President and Council of New England, in a ship of two hundred tons. He had a Pokanoket Indian with him, named Squanto, one of about twenty who had been kidnapped on the coast by Captain Hunt, in 1614, and sold as slaves at Malaga for twenty pounds a man. [FN] Squanto and a few others of the captives were either rescued or redeemed, by the benevolent interposition of some of the monks upon that island. "When I arrived," says Dermer in his letter to Purchas, "at my savage's native country, finding all dead, I traveled along a day's journey to a place called Nummastaquyt, where, finding inhabitants, I despatched a messenger a day's journey further west, to Pacanokit, which bordereth on the sea; whence came to see me two kings, attended with a guard of fifty armed men, who being well satisfied with that my savage and I discoursed unto them, (being desirous of novelty) gave me content in whatsoever I demanded. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at Masstachusitt, who three years since escaped shipwreck at the northeast of Cape Cod." One of these two kings—as the sachems were frequently entitled by the early writers,—must have been Massasoit, so well known afterwards to the Plymouth settlers; and probably the second was his brother Quadepinah. The "native country" of Squanto was the vicinity of Plymouth, where the Indians are understood to have been kidnapped. Thousands of them, there, as well as elsewhere along the whole coast of New England, had been swept off by a terrible pestilence.
[FN] It is gratifying to learn from Smith that Hunt was punished, though not according to the baseness of his infamous crime. "He betraied foure and twentie of these poore Saluages aboord his ship, and most dishonestly and inhumanely for their kinde usage of me and all our men, carried them with him to Maligo, and there for a little priuate gaine sold those silly Saluages for Rials of eight; but this vilde act kept him ever after from any more imploiement to these parts."—Generale Historie of New England, published in 1632.
The first appearance of Massasoit, [FN] after the settlement of Plymouth, was upon the 22d of March, 1621, a week previous to which some information concerning him had been gathered from an Indian named Samoset, who entered the village with great boldness, and greeted the inhabitants with a "welcome." On the second occasion, he came in with four others,—having engaged to introduce some of the Wampanoags, to traffic in furs,—among whom was Squanto, at that time probably the sole remaining native of Plymouth. This party brought a few fish and skins to sell, and informed the English that the great sachem, with his brother and his whole force, were near at hand. Massasoit soon appeared upon the neighboring hill, with sixty men. As they seemed unwilling to approach nearer, Squanto was despatched to ascertain their designs; and they gave him to understand, that they wished someone should be sent to hold a parley.
[FN] We have given the most simple orthography of this word. It is frequently written Massasoyt, Massasoiet, Massasowat, &c. Mr. Belknap says, (American Biography,) that contemporary pronunciation made it a word of four syllables, with the accent on the second,—Mas-sass-o-it. The sachem subsequently assumed another name, which has undergone still more various modifications,—Oosamequin, Woosamequin, and Ausamequin, are some of them.
Edward Winslow was appointed to this office, and he immediately carried presents to the sachem, which were willingly accepted. He addressed him also in a speech of some length, which the Indians listened to with the decorous gravity characteristic of the race, ill-explained as it was by the interpreter. The purport of the speech was, that King James saluted the sachem, his brother, with the words of peace and love; that he accepted him as his friend and ally; and that the Governor desired to see him, and to trade and treat with him upon friendly terms. Massasoit appears to have made no special reply to this harangue, for the sufficient reason, probably, that he did not precisely comprehend the drift of it. He paid more attention to the sword and armor of Winslow while he spoke; and when he had ceased speaking, signaled his disposition to commence the proposed trade forthwith by buying them. They were not, however, for sale; and so, leaving Winslow in the custody of his brother, he crossed a brook between him and the English, taking with him twenty of the Wampanoags, who were directed to leave their bows and arrows behind them. Beyond the brook he was met by Captain Standish and another gentleman, with an escort of six armed men, who exchanged salutations with him, and attended him to one of the best houses in the village. [FN] Here, a green rug was spread upon the floor, and three or four cushions piled on it for his accommodation. The Governor then entered the house, followed by several soldiers, and preceded by a flourish of a drum and trumpet,—a measure probably recommended by Standish, and which answered the purpose of delighting and astounding the Wampanoags, even beyond expectation. It was a deference paid to their sovereign, which pleased as well as surprised them. The sachem and the Governor now kissed each other, and after the interchange of certain other civilities, sat down together, and regaled themselves with what Neal calls an entertainment. It consisted, it seems, chiefly of "strong waters, a thing the savages love very well; and the sachem took such a large draught of it at once, as made him sweat all the while he staid." A treaty was concluded upon this occasion, the terms of which were as follows.
[FN] A stone arch has in modern times been thrown over this brook, to point out the precise spot of the meeting. The hill where the chieftain first appeared was by the settlers of his time called "Strawberry-Hill."
1. That neither he, nor any of his (Massasoit's) should injure or do hurt to any of their people.
2. That if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he should send the offender, that they might punish him.
3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause it to be restored, and they should do the like to his.
4. That if any did unjustly war against him, they would aid him; and if any did war against them, he should aid them.
5. That he should send to his neighbor confederates, to inform them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in these conditions of peace.
6. That when his came to them upon any occasion they should leave their arms behind them.
7. That so doing, their Sovereign Lord King James, would esteem him as his friend and ally.
"All which," says Morton,—and some other annalists agree with him,—"he liked very well, and withal, at the same time, acknowledged himself content to become the subject of our Sovereign Lord the King aforesaid, his heirs and successors; and gave unto him all the lands adjacent, to him and his heirs forever." This acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the King, if it really made a part of the agreement, certainly deserved a place as a distinct article; being by far more important than all the others. The grant of land,—and this grant constituted the entire title of the Plymouth settlers, as against the natives,—is confirmed by subsequent transactions, and especially by the acts of Massasoit. But his submission to the authority of King James, as a subject to a sovereign, is more doubtful; nor does it by any means accord with the seventh express article. That the treaty itself also was not preserved precisely as it was probably understood, may be inferred from the variations of it given by Mourt in his Relation. According to his sixth article, for example, a just reciprocity is maintained, by providing that the English should leave their pieces behind them in their interviews with the Indians. This distinction between alliance and subjection,—at least in the mind of one of the parties,—seems to have been too much overlooked.
Such, however, was the first treaty made with the Indians of New England,—a passage in its history of great interest. It was made upon peaceable and honorable terms. The Indians came in voluntarily to make it; and though they received as a consideration for the immense territory granted at the time, only a pair of knives, and a copper chain with a jewel in it for the grand sachem; and a knife, a jewel to hang in his ear, a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter for Quadepinah, [FN]—yet were all parties satisfied with the substance as they were gratified by the ceremonies of the agreement. It is pleasing to learn from history, that this simple negotiation was remembered and adhered to on both sides for the unparalleled term of half a century; nor was Massasoit, or any of the Wampanoags during his lifetime, convicted by the harshest revilers of his race, of having violated, or attempted to violate, any of its plain, just, and deliberate provisions.
[FN] So minutely is the transaction described in The Journal of a Plantation at Plymouth, preserved by Purchas, and re-published among the Historical Collections of Massachusetts. There is reason to think that Winslow was the author.
The two parties seem to have regarded each other on this occasion with a curiosity of equal interest and minuteness; for while the sachem was inspecting the armor of Winslow, and his Wampanoags exerting themselves to blow the trumpet in imitation of their hosts, [FN] the English by-standers, on the other hand, were making their own observations. The writer of the Journal of a Plantation settled at Plymouth, describes Massasoit as "a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech." In his attire, he is said to have differed little from the rest of his followers, excepting that he wore a large chain of white bone-beads about his neck, which was, probably, one of the royal insignia; and that he had suspended from it behind, a little bag of tobacco, which he drank, says the writer, "and gave us to drink." His appearance otherwise does not seem to have been particularly elegant; his face being painted of a sad red, like murrey, and both head and face so oiled that he "looked greasily." His only weapon was a long knife, swinging at his bosom by a string. His attendants were probably arrayed for this great occasion with peculiar attention to etiquette; some of them being painted black, others red, yellow, or white; some wearing crosses and "other antick works;" and several of them dressed in furs or skins of various descriptions. Being tall, strong men also, and the first natives whom most of the Colonists had ever seen near at hand, they must have made to them a somewhat imposing, as well as interesting spectacle.
[FN] "He marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as well as we could."—Journal.
Leaving a few of their number among the whites, as hostages, the Wampanoags retired to the woods about half a mile distant and spent the night; and Winslow acted as their hostage. The English were not yet prepared, it would seem, to put faith in the professions of savages; for they kept strict watch all night, besides retaining the security just named. Their guests, on the contrary, enjoyed themselves quietly in the woods; and there were some of their wives and children with them, who must have come upon this courteous visit from a distance of forty miles. The sachem sent several of his people the next morning, to signify his wish that some of his new friends would honor him with their presence. Standish and one Alderton [FN-1] "went venturously" among them, and were cordially, if not royally welcomed with an entertainment of tobacco and ground-nuts. "We cannot yet conceive," continues our still unsatisfied informant, "but that he is willing to have peace with us; for they have seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work and fowling, when they offered them no harm, as they might easily have done." They remained at their encampment till late in the forenoon; the Governor requiting the sachem's liberality, meanwhile, by sending an express messenger for his large kettle, and filling it with dry peas. "This pleased them well; and so they went their way;"—the one party as much relieved, no doubt, as the other was gratified. [FN-2]
[FN-1] From whom the outer point of Boston harbor is said to have been named.
[FN-2] Such was the earliest visit, of ceremony or business at least, which the natives of New England paid to the Colonists. The account given of it, though ex parte, as all such descriptions must be, is honorable to the former in the highest degree. They show that many, if not most of the savages, who were fairly dealt with, were at first as sensible and as prone to kindness as could have been wished. They went unarmed among the settlers without fear, disposed to be honest and friendly at all events, and as hospitable as their means permitted. It will appear in the sequel, that they continued so for a long course of years, as they also continued faithful to their express obligations.
We meet with Massasoit again in July, 1621; an embassy being then sent to him at his own residence, Montaup or Sowams. This embassy consisted of Edward Winslow and Stephen Hopkins; and the objects of it were, says Mourt, [FN] "that forasmuch as his subjects came often and without fear upon all occasions amongst us," so the English went now to visit him, carrying with them a coat from the Governor to his friend the sachem, as a token of good will, and desire to live peaceably. It was farther intimated, though with great delicacy, that whereas his people came frequently and in great numbers to Plymouth, wives, children, and all, and were always welcome,—yet being but strangers in the land, and not confident how their corn might prosper, they could no longer give them such entertainment as they had done, and still wished to do; If Massasoit himself, however, would visit them, or any special friend of his, he should be welcome. A request was then made, that the Pokanokets, who had furs, should be permitted to dispose of them to the Colonists. The Governor wished him also to exchange some corn for seed with the Plymouth people.
[FN] See Mourt's Relation, part of which is also preserved in the Collections. The name of the publisher only seems to be attached to it.
The remaining article in this message is more illustrative of the relations understood to exist and to be desirable between the parties. On the first arrival of the Colonists at Cape Cod, it seems they had found corn buried there in the ground. Seeing no inhabitants in the neighborhood, "but some graves of the dead newly buried," they took the corn, with the intention of making full satisfaction for it whenever it became practicable. The owners of it were supposed to have fled through fear. It was now proposed, that these men should be informed by Massasoit,—if they could be found,—that the English were ready to pay them with an equal quantity of corn, English meal, or "any other commodities they had to pleasure them withal;" and full satisfaction was offered for any trouble which the sachem might do them the favor to take. This proposal was equally politic and just.
The visitors met with a generous, though humble hospitality, which reminds one of the first reception of Columbus by the West-Indian islanders. They reached Namaschet about three o'clock in the afternoon; and there, we are told, the inhabitants entertained them with joy, in the best manner they were able; giving them sweet bread [FN] and fish, with a less acceptable accompaniment of boiled musty acorns. Various civilities were exchanged after this primitive and savory repast,—as ancient, by the way, as the early Greeks,—and some time was passed very pleasantly in shooting a crow at a considerable distance, to the vast astonishment and amusement of the Indians. They were then directed to a place about eight miles distant, (Middleborough) where, says the Journalist, they should find "more store and better victuals." They were welcomed, on their arrival, by a party who were catching great numbers of fine bass in Taunton river, and who gave them a supper and a breakfast in the morning, besides the privilege of lodging in the woods near by over night.
[FN] Called maxium, and made of Indian corn, no doubt. Gookin says, that a meal which they made of parched maize was so sweet, so hearty, and so toothsome, that an Indian would travel many days with no other food.
Attended by six of their hosts the next day, they were assisted in passing the river; and here they met with the first indications of ill-will, in the persons of two old Indians upon the opposite bank. These two, espying them as they entered the river, ran swiftly and stealthily among the high grass to meet them; and then, with loud voices and drawn bows, demanded of the strangers who they were; "but seeing we were friends," it is added, "they welcomed us with such food as they had, and we bestowed a small bracelet of beads on them." The remarks which follow this, upon the conduct of the six attendants we cannot forbear citing at large, irrelevant to our main purpose as they are. "When we came to a small brook," says our accurate writer, "where no bridge was, two of them desired to carry us through of their own accords; also fearing we were, or would be weary, offered to carry our pieces; also if we would lay off any of our clothes [it being excessively hot,] we should have them carried; and as the one of them had found more special kindness from one of the messengers, and the other savage from the other so they showed their thankfulness accordingly, in offering us help and furtherance in the journey."
After one more entertainment on the way, our travelers reached Sowams. Massasoit was not at home, but arrived soon after, and was saluted by his visitors with a discharge of musketry. He welcomed them kindly after the Indian manner, took them into his lodge, and seated them by himself. They then delivered their message and presents, the latter comprisinig a horseman's coat of red cotton, embroidered with fine lace. The sachem mounted this superb article without delay, and hung the chain, which they also gave him, about his neck, evidently enjoying the unspeakable admiration of the Wampanoags, who gaze upon him at a distance. He now answered the message, clause after clause; and particularly signified his desire to continue in peace and friendship with his neighbors. He gathered his men around him, in fine, and harangued them; they occasionally confirming what he said by their customary ejaculations. Was not he, Massasoit, commander of the country about them? Was not such a town within his dominions—and were not the people of it his subjects—and should they not bring their skins to him, if he wished it?
Thus he proceeded to name about thirty of his small settlements, his attentive auditors responding to each question. The matter being regularly settled, he lighted tobacco for his guests, and conversed with them about their own country and King, marveling, above all, that his Majesty should live with out a squaw. As it grew late, and he offered no more substantial entertainment than this,—no doubt for the sound reason, that he had nothing to offer,—his guests intimated a wish to retire for the night. He forthwith accommodated them, with himself and his wife, they at one end and his visitors at the other, of a bed consisting of a plank platform, raised a foot or two from the ground and covered with a thin mat. Two of his chief men, probably by way of compliment, were also stationed upon the same premises; and this body-guard performed their pressing duty of escort so effectually, that no other circumstances were necessary to make the honored guests "worse weary of their lodging than they had been of their Journey."
On the following day, many of the petty chiefs, with their subjects, came in from the adjacent country, and various sports and games were got up for the entertainment of the English. At noon, they partook, with the sachem and about forty others of a meal of boiled fish shot by himself, (probably with arrows.) They continued with him until the next morning, when they departed, leaving Massasoit "both grieved and ashamed" that he could not better entertain him. Very importunate he was, adds the Journalist, to have them stay with him longer; but as they had eaten but one meal for two days and a night, with the exception of a partridge, which one of them killed; and what with their location at night, the "savages' barbarous singing of themselves to sleep," mosquitoes without doors, and other trifling inconveniences within, could not sleep at all; they begged to be excused,—on the score of conscience, Sunday being near at hand,—not to mention that they were growing light-headed, and could hardly expect, if they stayed much longer, to be able to reach home.
Massasoit's friendship was again tested in March, 1622, when an Indian, known to be under Squanto's influence, [FN] came running in among a party of colonists, with his face gashed, and the blood fresh upon it, calling out to them to flee for their lives, and then looking hind him as if pursued. On coming up, he told them that the Indians, under Massasoit, were congregating at a certain place for an attack upon the Colony; that he had received his wounds in consequence of opposing their designs; and had barely escaped from them with his life. The report occasioned no little alarm; although the correctness of it was flatly denied by Hobamock, a Pokanoket Indian resident at Plymouth, who recommended that a messenger should be sent secretly to Sowams, for the purpose of ascertaining the truth. This was done, and the messenger, finding every thing in its usually quiet state, informed Massasoit of the reports circulated against him. He was excessively incensed against Squanto, but sent his thanks to the Governor for the opinion of his fidelity, which he understood him to retain; and directed the messenger to assure him, that he should instantly apprize him of any conspiracy which might at any future time take place.
[FN] Which, it may be here observed, was quite considerable. Squanto was ambitious and meddlesome, though not malicious—well-disposed and serviceable to the English, but a little too anxious to have credit for that fact among his countrymen. He amused himself with telling them that the whites kept the plague barreled up in their cellars, that they intended war upon various tribes, &c. for the sake of being employed, sometimes hired, to act as mediator; and of course he always succeeded in settling the difficulty. Squanto died in November, 1622, on an expedition fitted out by Governor Bradford for obtaining corn among the Indians. His last request was, that the governor would pray for him that he might go to the Englishman's God in Heaven. He bequeathed, his little property to his English friends. So perished the last aboriginal of the Plymouth soil. He sometimes played "Jack upon both sides," as Hubbard says, but his death was justly considered a public loss.
That the declarations of Massasoit, upon this occasion, were far from being mere words of compulsion or of courtesy, is abundantly proved by his conduct during the next season, 1623. Early in the spring of that year, news came to Plymouth, that he was very sick at Sowams; and it was determined to send Mr. Winslow to visit him once more, in token of the friendship of the colonists. That gentleman immediately commenced his journey, being provided with a few cordials, and attended by "one Master John Hampden, a London gentleman, who then wintered with him, and desired much to see the country,"—no doubt the same character so eminently distinguished afterwards in the politics of England.
They heard, at various places on their route, that the sachem was already dead; and their guide, Hobamock, indulged himself all the way in the most unbounded grief. They found him still living, however, on their arrival; and the multitude of dependents and friends who thronged his lodge, made way as fast as possible for their admittance and accommodation. He appeared to be reduced to the last extremities. Six or eight women were employed in chafing his cold limbs, and the residue of the numerous company were exerting themselves to the utmost, meanwhile, in making what Winslow rather uncharitably calls "such a hellish noise as distempered those that were well." [FN] He had the good sense to wait for the conclusion of the ceremony; and the exhausted performers being then satisfied they had done all that in them lay for the benefit of the patient, one of them apprised him of the arrival of the English.
[FN] Probably an Indian Powah was leader of the chorus. Of these barbarian quacks, Roger Williams says, that "the poore people commonly dye under their hands," for the very good reason that they "administer nothing, but howle, and roar, and hollow over them, and begin the song to the rest of the people about them, who all joyne (like a quire) in prayer to the gods for them." Key to the Indian Language, chapter xxxi.
"Who have come?" muttered the sachem, still conscious, though his sight was wholly gone. They told him Winsnow had come, (as they generally substituted n for the English l.) "Let me speak with him then," he replied, "Let me speak one word to him." Winslow went forward to the matted platform where he lay, and grasped the feeble hand which the sachem, informed of his approach, held out for him. "Art thou Winsnow?" he whispered the question again, (in his own language,) "Art thou Winsnow?" Being readily answered in the affirmative, he appeared satisfied of the fact. But "O Winsnow," he added mournfully, "I shall never see thee again!"
Hobamock was now called, and desired to assure the sachem of the Governor's kind remembrance of him in his present situation, and to inform him of the articles they had brought with them for his use. He immediately signified his wish to taste of these; and they were given him accordingly, to the great delight of the people around him. Winslow then proceeded to use measures for his relief, and they wrought a great change in him within half an hour. He recovered his sight gradually, and began to converse, requesting his good friend Winslow, among other things, to kill him a fowl, and make him some English pottage, such as he had seen at Plymouth. This was done for him, and such other care taken as restored his strength and appetite wonderfully within the day or two of Winslow's stay.
His expressions of gratitude, as well as those of his delighted attendants, were constant, as they were evidently warm from the heart. Finally, as his guests were about to leave him, he called Hobamock to his side, and revealed to him a plot against the colonists, recently formed, as he understood, among certain of the Massachusetts tribes, and in which he had himself been invited to join. He also recommended certain summary measures for the suppression of the plot, and concluded with charging Hobamock [FN] to communicate the intelligence to Winslow on the way to Plymouth. It may be added here, that these measures were subsequently executed by Standish, and were successful. The conspiracy itself was occasioned by the notorious and outrageous profligacy of the banditti of "Master Weston," at Weymouth.
[FN] The date of this Indian's death is not known. He is said to have once been a war-captain among the Massachusetts tribes. Hubbard describes him as a "proper lusty young man, and of good account among the Indians of those parts for his valor." He was useful, like Squanto, without being troublesome.
The leading particulars in the residue of Massasoit's life, may soon be detailed. In 1632, he was assaulted at Sowams, by a party of Narraghansetts, and obliged to take refuge in an English house. His situation was soon ascertained at Plymouth, and an armed force being promptly despatched to his succor, under his old friend Standish, the Narraghansetts retired. About the year 1639, he probably associated his eldest son, Moanam or Wamsutta, with him in the government; for they came together into open court at Plymouth, it is said, on the 28th of September of that year, and desired that the ancient treaty of 1621 might remain inviolable. They also entered into some new engagements, chiefly going to secure to the Colony a pre-emptive claim to the Pokanoket lands. "And the whole court," add the records, "in the name of the whole government for each town respectively, did then likewise ratify and confirm the aforesaid ancient league and confederacy."
From this time, the names of the father and son are sometimes found united, and sometimes not so, in instruments by which land was conveyed to the English. In 1649, the former sold the territory of Bridgewater in his own name. "Witnes these presents"—are the words of the deed—"that I Ousamequin Sachim of the contrie of Pocanauket, haue given, granted enfeofed and sould unto Myles Standish of Duxborough Samuel Nash and Constant Southworth of Duxborough aforesaid in the behalfe of all ye townsmen of Duxborough aforesaid a tract of land usually called Saughtucket extending in length and the breadth thereof, as followeth, that is to say—[here follow the boundaries of what is now Bridgewater]—the wch tract the said Ousamequin hath given granted enfeofed and sould unto ye said Myles [Standish] Samuel Nash and Constant Southworth in the behalfe of all ye townsmen of Duxborough as aforesaid wth all the emunities priveleges and profitts whatsoever belonging to the said tract of land wth all and singular all woods underwoods lands meadowes Riuers brooks Rivulets &c. to have and to hould to the said Myles Standish Samuel Nash and Constant Southworth in behalfe of all the townsmen of the towne of Duxborough to them and their beyers forever. In witnes whereof I the said Ousamequin have here unto sett my hand this 23 of March 1649.
"The mk of {mark} Ousamequin.
"In consideration of the aforesaid bargain and sale wee the said Myles Standish Samuel Nash and Constant Southworth, doe bind ourselves to pay unto ye said Ousamequin for and in consideration of ye said tract of land as followeth