CHAPTER X.
State of several Southern tribes during the last century—The English send deputies to the Cherokees, in 1756—Their lives threatened, and saved by Attakullakulla—Account of that Chieftain and his principles—The party opposed to him headed by Occonostota—War with the Colonies in 1759 and two years following—Anecdotes of both these Chiefs—Saloueh, Fiftoe, and others—Several battles—Peace concluded—Attakullakulla visits Charleston—His subsequent Career, and that of Occonostota—Remarks on their character.
Contemporary with the individuals who have just been mentioned, were a number of noted chieftains among the more Southern tribes. Of them we may take this occasion to say, that the Chickasaws generally affected the English interest; and the Creeks, the French;—so that the friendship or the hostility of Great-Mortar, the Standing-Turkey, the Wolf-King, and the other leading men among the latter tribe was nearly neutralized, as regarded the several civilized parties, by the counteraction of the former.
The Cherokees had been friendly to the English ever since the treaty of 1730; but, owing partly to the influence of the Mortar, and partly to the direct exertions of the French, they had now become wavering and divided in sentiment. In 1756, deputies were sent among them, to secure their aid against the French. A council was convened, and was likely to terminate favorably, when tidings suddenly came that a party of Cherokees, who had visited the French on the Ohio, were massacred by some of the Virginians on their return home. The Council was in an uproar, as much as an Indian Council could be,—the gravest political assembly on earth,—at once. Many cried aloud that vengeance should be taken on the persons of the Deputies; and it was not without a great exertion of influence, that they were at length rescued by Attakullakulla, or the Little-Carpenter.
This is the earliest appearance of that renowned Chieftain in history, though he is said to have been already famous both among the Cherokees and the English, especially for his magnanimity, wisdom, and moderation. Nor has there ever been, upon the continent, a more faithful or useful friend to the English cause. We cannot better illustrate his career or his character than by comparing both with those of White-Eyes; and indeed, some of the incidents related of that chief, independently of other circumstances, make it highly probable, that a diplomatic and personal good understanding was constantly maintained between them.
Like White-Eyes, too, Attakullakulla was opposed by a war-party, the chief difference being that it was less formally organized, and that it generally operated in favor of the French. At the head of it was Occonostota, or the Great-Warrior, a man whose extraordinary prowess procured him his title, and whose memory is to this day warmly cherished among his countrymen. Pursuing our comparison, he should remind us of Pipe; but the suggestion does him injustice. He was not only for war, but a warrior—in truth, a "great warrior." He fought, and bled, and led on, where the other appeared only in that capacity of bear-hunter with dogs, which White-Eyes imputed to him. He was sincere to enthusiasm in his principles, and frank and fearless almost to fool-hardiness in professing and pursuing them. He had as much talent as Pipe, and far more virtue.
"Occonostota," says a respectable authority of a date a little subsequent to that just mentioned, "is returned again from the French fort with powder and ball, accompanied with some Frenchmen—how many I cannot learn." And again, soon afterwards,—"Since Occonostota returned from the French with the goods and ammunition, and has had those assurances from the Creeks, he says, 'What nation, or what people am I afraid of? I do not fear all the forces which the great King George can send against me among these mountains.'" [FN] And yet the Great-Warrior was not rash, as we shall soon learn from the sequel.
[FN] We refer to Charleston, (S. C.) papers.
A strong excitement followed the provocation already mentioned; and although the elder part of the nation remained calm, and Attakullakulla and Occonostota were both against instant war, the French emissaries wrought so effectually on the younger warriors, that parties of them took the field, and the English frontiers became the scene of a horrid series of devastation and massacre. The Governor of South Carolina prepared for active hostilities, and the militia of the whole Province were summoned to meet at Congarees.
But no sooner did the Cherokees hear of this movement than they sent thirty-two of their chief men, among whom was the Great-Warrior, to settle all differences at Charleston. A conference ensued, the burthen of which however was assumed by the Governor alone; for when,—after he had made a long speech of accusations, and concluded with saying that the Deputies must follow his troops, or he would not be answerable for their safety,—Occonostota gravely rose to reply, the Governor interrupted him and forbade him to proceed. He was determined that nothing should prevent his military expedition; and at all events "he would hear no talk in vindication of the Orator's countrymen, nor any proposals with regard to peace." [FN]
[FN] Ramsay's History of South Carolina.
The Great-Warrior was indignant, and his companions were still more so than himself. It must be allowed, that the Governor's deportment on this occasion, independently of his treatment of the Deputies out of Council, was in the highest degree insulting. The Warrior felt it the more keenly, because he had been appointed to speak, and had prepared himself. The Cherokees were conscious, too, that the English had originally occasioned the war. The sacred respect attached in their view,—as it is in that of the Indians quite generally even now,—to the dignity of their orators, may be gathered from the well-authenticated anecdote of the Virginian Chieftain who was rashly interrupted in a Conference with the English by one of his own subjects. He split the offender's head with a tomahawk at a single blow, and then calmly proceeded with his speech. [FN]
[FN] Beverly.
The Deputies were detained several days, at the end of which they accompanied the Governor and his troops to Congarees, where were collected fourteen hundred men. Accompanied, we say,—but not freely; they were even made prisoners, to prevent their escaping, (as two had already done,) and a Captain's guard was set over them. No longer, says the historian, could they conceal their resentment; sullen and gloomy countenances showed that they were stung to the heart. To make the matter worse, on reaching Fort Prince-George, on the borders of their own territory, they were all confined in a miserable hut scarcely sufficient to accommodate a tenth part of their number.
But the troops becoming discontented and mutinous, the Governor dared not advance any farther against the enemy. He therefore sent for Attakullakulla, as being "esteemed the wisest man in the nation, and the most steady friend to the English." [FN] The summons was promptly obeyed, and a conference took place on the 17th of December, (1759.) The Governor made a long speech as before, to the effect that the Great King would not suffer his people to be destroyed without satisfaction; that he was determined to have it; and that twenty-four Cherokee murderers, whom he named, must be given up in the outset, for which he would graciously allow the term of twenty-four hours.
[FN] Ramsay.
The Little-Carpenter very calmly replied;—He remembered the treaties alluded to by the Governor, because he had helped to make them. He owned the good conduct of South Carolina, as also alleged, but complained of Virginia, as having caused the present misunderstanding. He could not forbear adding, that the Governor did not treat all the tribes alike, any more than all the whites treated the Cherokees alike; he remembered that, when several Carolinians were killed a few years before by the Choctaws, satisfaction was neither demanded nor given. Finally, he desired the release of some of the Deputies, that they might assist him in endeavoring to procure the performance of the Governor's terms, though he was by no means confident that they either would or could be complied with.
Agreeably to this suggestion, the Governor released the Great-Warrior, together with Fiftoe and Saloueh, the Chief-Men of the towns of Keowee and Estatoe. The latter, on the day ensuing, surrendered two Indians, who were immediately put in irons. But all the Cherokees in the vicinity now fled, through fear of the same fate, and it became impossible to complete the required number. Attakullakulla abruptly commenced his return home in despair; but the moment the Governor ascertained his departure, messengers were sent to induce him to turn back. The good Chief again obeyed the summons. A treaty was negotiated, the result of which was that twenty-six of the deputies were detained "until as many of the murderers should be given up," nominally by their free consent, but in fact by force. One more Indian was surrendered, making three in all, and all three soon after died in confinement at Charleston. The small-pox breaking out in the army about the same time, the troops dispersed in disorder,—the expedition having already cost the province £25,000,—and the Governor returned "in triumph" to his capital.
But the rejoicings on account of the peace were scarcely over, when news arrived that the Cherokees had killed fourteen whites within a mile of Fort George. The Commandant at that station, Captain Coytmore, had become peculiarly odious to the Indians, and the continued imprisonment of the Deputies, above all, incensed them beyond endurance. From this moment, indeed, Occonostota was the fierce enemy of the Province; and he resolved, much as he despised treachery, to avail himself of the first opportunity of revenge. With a strong party, he surrounded Fort George, and kept the garrison confined; but finding that no impression could be made on the works, he resorted to stratagem.
He placed a party of savages in a dark thicket by the river-side, and then sent an Indian woman, whom he knew to be always welcome at the fort, to inform the Commander that he had something of consequence to communicate and would be glad to speak with him near the water. Coytmore imprudently consented, and without any suspicions of danger walked down towards the river, accompanied by Lieutenants Bell and Foster. Occonostota, appearing upon the opposite side, told him he was going to Charleston, to procure a release of the prisoners, and would be glad to have white men accompany him as a safeguard. To cover his dark design he had a bridle in his hand, and added he would go and hunt for a horse. Coytmore replied that he should have a guard, and wished he might find a horse, as the journey was very long. Upon this, the Indian, turning about, swung the bridle thrice round his head as a signal to the savages placed in ambush, who instantly fired on the officers, shot the Captain dead, and wounded his two companions. Orders were riven to put the hostages in irons, to prevent any further danger from them, which, while the soldiers were attempting to execute, the Indians stabbed one and wounded two more of them. The garrison then fell on the unfortunate hostages, and butchered all of them in a manner too shocking to relate.
There were few men in the Cherokee nation that did not lose a friend or relative by this massacre, and therefore with one voice all immediately declared for war. The leaders in every town seized the hatchet; "the spirits of their murdered brothers were hovering around them and calling out for vengeance on, their enemies." Large parties of warriors took the field. Burning with impatience to imbue their hands in the blood of their enemies, they rushed down among innocent and defenceless families on the frontiers of Carolina; and there men, women and children, without distinction, fell a sacrifice to their merciless fury. Such as fled to the woods and escaped the scalping-knife, perished with hunger; and those whom they made prisoners were carried into the wilderness, where they suffered inexpressible hardships. Every day brought fresh accounts of their ravages and murders.
Great alarm prevailed throughout the Province, and corresponding efforts were made for defence. Seven troops of rangers were raised to protect the frontiers. Application was made to Virginia and North Carolina for aid; as also to General Amherst, Commander-in-Chief of the British forces in America, who immediately despatched twelve companies to the theatre of hostilities. The various detachments mustered at Congarees in May, 1760, and the campaign began with a rapid invasion of the Cherokee territory. Considerable ravages were speedily made, including the destruction of Estatoe and Keowee, (the latter of which contained two hundred houses,) and the army then marched to relieve Fort George.
And now the war grew fervid. Saloueh and Fiftoe had sworn vengeance over the ashes of their homes, and the soul of the Great-Warrior was hot within him. The invaders were suffered to pursue their hazardous and difficult march, through dark thickets and deep defiles, and over mountains, rivers and swamps, till they came within five miles of Etchoe. Here was a low valley, covered so thick with bushes that the soldiers could scarcely see three yards before them. The army was obliged to pass through it, and that in such a manner as to permit but few of the troops to act together. An officer was ordered to advance, and scour the thicket with a company of rangers. He obeyed, but a sudden discharge from unseen fire-arms laid him dead on the spot, with several of his soldiers. The light-infantry and grenadiers now charged their enemy,—a heavy fire commenced on both sides,—and the woods around rang with the warrior's whoop, the shouts of the soldiery, and the cries of the dying. The action lasted more than an hour,—the English losing about twenty men killed and eighty wounded,—when, the Indians slowly retreated and disappeared, carrying off the bodies of their slain. "Upon viewing the ground," (says our historian,) "all were astonished to see with what judgment they had chosen it. Scarcely could the most experienced officer have fixed upon a spot more advantageous for attacking an enemy." Orders were immediately given for an expeditious retreat.
Thus Occonostota succeeded in the field. But his heart still thirsted for blood, and he found means to gratify his revenge in another quarter. Fort Loudon, (built, like Fort George, on the frontier,) with a garrison of twenty men, was surrounded by the enraged enemy, and reduced to the extremities of famine. Under these circumstances Captain Stuart, a gentleman well known to the Cherokees during a long official and private intercourse with them, obtained leave to go to Choteh, the town of the Great-Warrior,—who was sometimes called "Prince of Choteh." A capitulation was agreed upon with him. The arms of the garrison were surrendered on the faith of it; and they marched out, on their way towards Fort George, under the escort of an Indian detachment headed by the Prince himself. Having gone fifteen miles, they encamped at night near an Indian town. All the escort left them, but still they remained unmolested. At length, about day-break, a guard came running in with intelligence that the woods and bushes around them were full of hideously painted savages, who had already enclosed them. In a moment after, the enemy rushed upon them, and fired, and thirty of their number fell dead. The residue either fled or were captured; and the latter, including Stuart, were pinioned and sent back to Fort Loudon.
And now Attakullakulla came forward. He had taken no part in the war, on either side, but Stuart had been his best friend in former times, and he could not think of seeing him a prisoner and in peril of his life. He hastened to the fort, and purchased him of his Indian master, giving his rifle, clothes, and all he could command as a ransom; and then took him into his own family, and shared with him the provisions which his table afforded.
Occonostota, meanwhile, had formed the design of attacking Fort George, and sent messengers throughout the Cherokee country to collect his warriors for that purpose. At this juncture, a quantity of ammunition was found in Fort Loudon (where the English captives were still confined) which the garrison had buried before leaving it, The discovery had nearly cost Stuart his life, but his protector again rescued him. The Indians, indeed, found occasion for his services. At a great Council held at Choteh, whither he was carried, the warrior told him they had resolved to march against Fort George with a quantity of English cannon, to be managed by men under his (Stuart's) command, and they wished him previously to write letters for them to the Commandant, demanding a surrender. If he refused, they intended to burn his companions, one by one, before his face.
Captain Stuart was now really uneasy in his situation, and he determined from this moment to make his escape or perish in the attempt. He privately communicated his feelings to Attakullakulla, and appealed to his magnanimity. The old Warrior took him by the hand. "Be calm," said he, "be calm, my son; I am your friend—trust me." He went forward, and claimed the Englishman for his prisoner; and then gave out word among his countrymen, that he intended to "go a-hunting" for a few days, and to take his Englishman with him.
They set out together, accompanied by the warrior's wife, his brother, and two others. For provisions they depended on what they might kill by the way. The distance to the frontier settlements was great, and the utmost expedition necessary to prevent any surprise from Indians pursuing them. They traveled nine days and nights through a dreary wilderness, shaping their course for Virginia, by the light and guidance of the heavenly bodies. On the tenth they arrived at the banks of Holstein river; where they fortunately fell in with a party of three thousand men, sent out by Colonel Bird for the relief of such soldiers as might make their escape that way from Fort Loudon.
Here the Chieftain was content to relinquish his charge. He bade his friend farewell, and, as composedly as if the whole transaction were a matter of course, turned back into the wilderness, and retraced his long and wearisome journey.
Such was the issue of the first campaign. The spring of 1761 opened with new efforts on the part of Carolina. A new provincial regiment was raised; fresh reinforcements of regulars arrived from the north; and numbers of the Chickasaw and Catawba Indians were induced to give their assistance—so that, on the 27th of May, an army of two thousand six hundred men mustered at Fort George.
Latinac, a French officer, was at this time among the Cherokees, and he proved an indefatigable instigator to mischief. He persuaded them, that the English would be satisfied with nothing less than to exterminate them, man, woman, and child, from the face of the earth. He gave them arms, too, and urged them to war. At a grand meeting of the nation, he brandished his hatchet, and, striking it furiously into a log of wood, cried out—"Who is the man that will take this up for the King of France? Where is he? Let him come forth!" Saloueh, the young Warrior of Estatoe, instantly leaped forward, laid hold of it, and cried out—"I will take it up. I am for war. The spirits of the slain call upon us; I will avenge them; and who will not? He is no better than a woman that refuses to follow me." Many a fierce look, and many a lifted tomahawk answered the appeal of the Orator, and again did the war-torrent rush down upon the frontiers.
The Great-Warrior too, more a general, and not less a soldier, was again ready for his enemy. They commenced their march into the interior on the 7th of June, and advanced unmolested as far as the well remembered battle-ground of the year previous; but there, the Indian scouts in front observed a large body of Cherokees posted upon a hill on the right flank of the army. Immediately the savages, rushing down, began to fire on the advanced guard, which being supported repulsed them; but they recovered their heights. Colonel Grant ordered a party to march up the hills, and drive the enemy from them. The engagement became general, and was fought on both sides with great bravery. The situation of the troops was in several respects deplorable—fatigued in a tedious march in rainy weather—surrounded with woods so that they could not discern the enemy—galled by the scattering fire of savages who when pressed always fell back, but rallied again and again. No sooner was any advantage gained over them in one quarter than they appeared in another. While the attention of the Commander was occupied in driving the enemy from their lurking-place on the river's side, his rear was attacked, and so vigorous an effort made for the flour and cattle, that he was obliged to order a party back to the relief of the rear-guard. From eight o'clock in the morning until eleven, the savages continued to keep up an irregular and incessant fire, sometimes from one place and sometimes from another, while the woods resounded with hideous war-whoops frequently repeated, but in different directions. At length the Cherokees gave way and were pursued.
Such is the account of this famous engagement given by history. The English lost between fifty and sixty killed and wounded. The loss of the Cherokees was uncertain, as that of an Indian army always is,—they carried off the slain.
And now commenced a scene of devastation scarcely paralleled in the annals of the continent. For thirty days, the English army employed themselves in burning and ravaging the country and settlements of the enemy. "Heaven has blest us," says a letter-writer from the camp, under date of July 10th, "with the greatest success; we have finished our business as completely as the most sanguine of us could have wished. All their towns, fifteen in number, beside many little villages and scattered houses, have been burnt; upwards of fourteen hundred acres of corn, according to a moderate computation, entirely destroyed; and near five thousand Cherokees, men, women and children, driven to the mountains to starve—their only sustenance for some time past being horseflesh." [FN]
[FN] Charleston Paper of 1761.
The result of these measures was decisive. A great part of the Cherokee nation became desirous of procuring peace upon any terms; and the army had no sooner reached Fort George, than a deputation of about twenty chiefs visited the camp. Neither the Great-Warrior nor his staunch aid-de-camp, Saloueh, was among them; but the Man-Killer, came, and the Raven, and Old Cesar of Hywassih, and at the head of all the Little Carpenter himself.
On the 28th of August they waited upon Colonel Grant, who had prepared a bower for their reception. Having seated themselves in grave array, the Little Carpenter was asked, if he had come to sue for peace. He answered in the affirmative. "Have you authority from the whole nation?" demanded the Colonel; to which all the chiefs replied that they would confirm whatever the Carpenter should agree to. The latter then delivered his talk.—
"You live at the water-side," said he, "and are in light. We are in darkness; but hope all will yet be clear. I have been constantly going about doing good, and though I am tired, yet I am come to see what can be done for my people, who are in great distress." Here he produced the strings of wampum he had received from the different towns, denoting their earnest desire of peace, and added,—"As to what has happened, I believe it has been ordered by our Father above. We are of a different color from the white people. They are superior to us. But one God is father of us all, and we hope what is past will be forgotten. God Almighty made all people. There is not a day but some are coming into, and others going out of the world. The Great King told me the path should never be crooked, but open for every one to pass and repass. As we all live in one land, I hope we shall all love as one people."
This account is taken partly from news-papers of the period under consideration. Ramsay only adds, that peace was formally ratified; and that the ancient friendship of the parties being renewed, both expressed their hope that it would last as long as the sun might shine and the rivers run. Some little difficulty appears to have occurred in the adjustment, which should mentioned to the credit of Little-Carpenter. He consented to every requisition excepting that which demanded the surrender of four Cherokees, to be put to death in front of the camp. This he would not promise. The Colonel gave him a day to think of it, but he still refused. Finally, it was thought advisable to refer him to the Governor, and he undertook a journey to Charleston, several hundred miles distant, for the express purpose of procuring a mitigation of the treaty of peace in regard to the single obnoxious provision.
His perseverance and firmness were rewarded as they deserved. "This day," says a Charleston paper of September 23d, "Attakullakulla had his last public audience, when he signed the treaty of peace, and received an authenticated copy under the great seal. . . . He earnestly requested that Captain John Stuart might be made Chief White-Man [Indian Agent] in their nation. He said, 'all the Indians love him; and there would never be any uneasiness if he were there.' This faithful Indian afterwards dined with his Honor the Governor, and tomorrow sets out for his own country. He has received several presents as a mark of the regard this government has for him."
Thus ended the Cherokee war. That its conduct did no discredit to the talents of the Great-Warrior, we need not argue. As to the principles upon which it was fought, we may content ourselves with the comment of an impartial historian. "In the review of the whole," says Ramsay, "there is much to blame, and more to regret. The Cherokees were the first aggressors by taking horses from the Virginians; but by killing them for that offence the balance of injury was on their side. Then treachery begat treachery, and murder produced murder. The lives of those men who came originally as messengers of peace, though afterwards retained as hostages, were barbarously taken away without any fault of theirs, other than their obeying the laws of nature in resisting a military order for putting their persons in irons. A deadly hatred and a desolating war was the consequence."
We do not meet with frequent mention of either of the Chieftains named in this chapter, after the campaign of 1761. They fought against the neighboring tribes occasionally, but with the English they preserved a firm peace of at least fifteen years. The character of the contest between England and the Colonies appears to have confused them, and their embarrassment was not at all relieved by the unsparing efforts made to instigate them to hostilities against the latter. The result was a division of opinion, and a diversity of practice, as in the case of their Northern neighbors. A part of the nation took up arms for the English,—probably the younger warriors;—but the whole were compelled to suffer in consequence. A powerful army from South Carolina invaded their territory, and after a severe struggle, peace was once more enforced at the point of the bayonet.
It is doubtful whether the Great-Warrior was living at this period, for his name does not appear in the history of the conflict or the treaty. Little-Carpenter still survived, but, as usual, took no part in the war. Indeed he must now have been nearly disabled from very active service by his advanced age,—as well as disinclined for better reasons,—for he is believed to have been one of the seven Cherokees who visited England and were introduced to George II, as early as 1730. But this cannot be affirmed with certainty.
We shall close our imperfect sketch of this wise and worthy Chieftain, with the characteristic account of an interview with him, given by Bertram, author of the well-known Southern Travels. It occurred early in the Revolution:—
"Soon after crossing this large branch of the Tanase, [in Upper Georgia,] I observed, descending the heights at a distance, a company of seven Indians, all well mounted on horseback. They came rapidly forward. On their nearer approach I observed a Chief at the head of the caravan, and apprehending him to be the Little Carpenter, Emperor or Grand Chief of the Cherokees, as they came up I turned off from the path to make way, in token of respect. The compliment was accepted, and returned, for his Highness, with a gracious and cheerful smile, came up to me, and clapping his hand on his breast, offered it to me, saying, 'I am Attakullaculla,' and heartily shook hands with me, and asked me 'If I knew it.' I answered, that the Good Spirit who goes before me, spoke to me and said, 'That is the great Attakullaculla,' and added that I was of the tribe of the white men of Pennsylvania, who esteem themselves brothers and friends to the Red Men, but particularly to the Cherokees, and that the name of Attakullaculla was dear to his white brethren. After this compliment, which seemed to be acceptable, he inquired 'if I came lately from Charleston, and if John Stuart was well,' [the agent,] saying that he was going to see him. I replied that I had come lately from Charleston, on a friendly visit to the Cherokees; that I had seen the Superintendent, the Beloved Man, &c. The Great Chief was pleased to answer, that I was welcome in their country, as a friend and brother, and then shaking hands heartily he bade me farewell, and his retinue confirmed it by a united voice of assent."
CHAPTER XI.
The Cayuga Chief, Logan—Some account of his father, Shikellimus—Residence of Logan—His friendship for the whites interrupted by their provocations—His family misfortunes—The Shawanee Silver-Heels—Logan joins in a war of revenge against the "Long-Knives"—Battle of the Kenhawa—Treaty of Peace with Governor Dunmore—Logan's celebrated speech—His history completed—Buckongahelas, the Delaware head War-Chief—His intercourse with the Christian Indians—Part which he takes in the Revolution—Defeated by Wayne, in 1794—Anecdotes of him—Death and character.
Few Indians names have been oftener repeated than that of Logan, and yet of scarcely any individual of his race is the history which has reached us less complete. He was a chief of the Six-Nations—a Cayuga—but resided during most of his life in a western settlement, either at Sandusky or upon a branch of the Scioto—there being at the former location, a few years before the Revolution, about three hundred warriors, and about sixty at the latter.
Logan was the second son of Shikellimus; and this is the same person whom Heckewelder describes as "a respectable chief of the Six Nations, who resided at Shamokin (Pennsylvania,) as an agent, to transact business between them and the Government of the State." In 1747, at a time when the Moravian Missionaries were the object of much groundless hatred and accusation, Shikellimus invited some of them to settle at Shamokin, and they did so. When Count Zinzendorff and Conrad Weiser visited that place, several years before, they were very hospitably entertained by the Chief, who came out to meet them (says Loskiel,) with a large fine melon, for which the Count politely gave him his fur cap in exchange; and thus commenced an intimate acquaintance. He was a shrewd and sober man,—not addicted to drinking, like most of his countrymen, because "he never wished to become a fool." Indeed, he built his house on pillars for security against the drunken Indians, and used to ensconce himself within it on all occasions of riot and outrage. He died in 1749, attended in his last moments by the good Moravian Bishop Zeisberger, in whose presence, says Loskiel, "he fell happily asleep in the Lord."
Logan inherited the talents of his father, but not his prosperity. Nor was this altogether his own fault. He took no part except that of peace-making in the French and English war of 1760, and was ever before and afterwards looked upon as emphatically the friend of the white man. But never was kindness rewarded like his.
In the spring of 1774, a robbery and murder occurred in some of the white settlements on the Ohio, which were charged to the Indians, though perhaps not justly, for it is well known that a large number of civilized adventurers were traversing the frontiers at this time, who sometimes disguised themselves as Indians, and who thought little more of killing one of that people than of shooting a buffalo. A party of these men, land-jobbers and others, undertook to punish the outrage in this case, according to their custom, as Mr. Jefferson expresses it, in a summary way. [FN]
[FN] Notes on Virginia.
Colonel Cresap, a man infamous for the many murders he had committed on those much injured people, collected a party, and proceeded down the Kenhawa in quest of vengeance. Unfortunately, a canoe of women and children, with one man only, was seen coming from the opposite shore, unarmed, and not at all suspecting an attack from the whites. Cresap and his party concealed themselves on the bank of the river, and the moment the canoe reached the shore, singled out their objects, and, at one fire, killed every person in it This happened to be the family of Logan. [FN]
[FN] Jefferson.
It was not long after this that another massacre took place, under still more aggravated circumstances, not far from the present site of Wheeling, Virginia,—a considerable party of the Indians being decoyed by the whites, and all murdered, with the exception of a little girl. Among these, too, was both a brother of Logan, and a sister, and the delicate situation of the latter increased a thousand fold both the barbarity of the crime and the race of the survivors of the family.
The vengeance of the Chieftain was indeed provoked beyond endurance; and he accordingly distinguished himself by his daring and bloody exploits in the war which now ensued, between the Virginians on the one side, and a combination mainly of Shawanees, Mingoes and Delawares on the other. The former of these tribes were particularly exasperated by the unprovoked murder of one of their favorite chiefs, Silver-Heels, who had in the kindest manner undertaken to escort several white traders across the woods from the Ohio to Albany, a distance of nearly two hundred miles. [FN]
[FN] Heckewelder's History.
The civilized party prevailed, as usual. A decisive battle was fought upon the 10th of October, of the year last named, on Point Pleasant at the mouth of the Great Kenhawa in West-Virginia, between the Confederates, commanded by Logan, and one thousand Virginian riflemen constituting the left wing of an army led by Governor Dunmore against the Indians of the North-West. This engagement has by some annalists,—who however have rarely given the particulars of it—been called the most obstinate ever contested with the natives, and we therefore annex an official account of it which has fortunately been brought to light within a few years.
"Monday morning, [the 10th,] about half an hour before sun-rise, two of Capt. Russell's company discovered a large party of Indians about a mile from camp; one of which was shot down by the Indians. The other made his escape and brought in the intelligence; two or three minutes after, two of Capt. Shelby's men came in and confirmed the account.
"Col. Andrew Lewis being informed thereof, immediately ordered out Col. Charles Lewis to take the command of one hundred and fifty men, of the Augusta troops; and with him went Capt. Dickinson, Capt. Harrison, Capt. Wilson, Capt. John Lewis of Augusta, and Capt. Lockridge, which made the first division; Col. Fleming was ordered to take command of one hundred and fifty more, consisting of Botetrout, Bedford and Fincastle troops—viz: Capt. Bufort of Bedford, Capt. Love of Botetrout, and Capt. Shelby and Capt. Russell of Fincastle, which made the second division. Col. Charles Lewis's division marched to the right some distance from the Ohio; Col. Fleming, with his division, up the bank of the Ohio, to the left. Col. Lewis's division had not marched quite half a mile from camp, when about sun-rise, an attack was made on the front of his division, in a most vigorous manner, by the united tribes of Indians, Shawanees, Delawares, Mingoes, Iaways, and of several other nations, in number not less than eight hundred, and by many thought to be a thousand. In this heavy attack Col. Lewis received a wound which in a few hours occasioned his death, and several of his men fell on the spot; in fact the Augusta division was forced to give way to the heavy fire of the enemy. In about a minute after the attack on Col. Lewis's division, the enemy engaged the front of Col. Fleming's division, on the Ohio; and in a short time the Colonel received two balls through his left arm, and one through his breast, and after animating the officers and soldiers, in a spirited manner, to the pursuit of victory, retired to camp.
"The loss of the brave Colonels from the field was sensibly felt by the officers in particular; but the Augusta troops being shortly after reinforced from camp by Col. Fields with his company, together with Capt. McDowel, Capt. Mathews and Capt. Stuart, from Augusta, and Capt. Arbuckle and Capt McClenahan, from Botetrout, the enemy, no longer able to maintain their ground, was forced to give way till they were in a line with the troops of Col. Fleming, left in action on the bank of Ohio. In this precipitate retreat Col. Field was killed. Capt. Shelby was then ordered to take the command. During this time, it being now twelve o'clock, the action continued extremely hot. The close underwood, and many steep banks and logs, greatly favored their retreat, and the bravest of their men made the best use of them, whilst others were throwing their dead into the Ohio and carrying off their wounded.
"After twelve o'clock the action, in a small degree, abated; but continued, except at short intervals, sharp enough till after one o'clock. Their long retreat gave them a most advantageous spot of ground, from whence it appeared to the officers so difficult to dislodge them that it was thought most advisable to stand as the line was then formed, which was about a mile and a quarter in length, and had till then sustained a constant and equal weight of the action, from wing to wing. It was till about half an hour of sunset they continued firing on us scattering shots, which we returned to their disadvantage; at length night coming on, they found a safe retreat. They had not the satisfaction of carrying off any of our men's scalps, save one or two stragglers, whom they killed before the engagement. Many of their dead they scalped rather than we should have them; but our troops scalped upwards of twenty of those who were first killed. It is beyond a doubt their loss in number far exceeds ours, which is considerable." [FN]
[FN] Niles's Register, Vol. XII.
The Virginians lost in this action two of their Colonels, four Captains, many subordinate officers, and about fifty privates killed, besides a much larger number wounded. The Governor himself was not engaged in the battle, being at the head of the right wing of the same army, a force of fifteen hundred men, who were at this time on their expedition against the towns of some of the hostile tribes in the North-West.
It was at the treaty ensuing upon this battle that the following speech was delivered,—sufficient to render the name of Logan famous for many a century. It came by the hand of a messenger, sent, (as Mr. Jefferson states,) that the sincerity of the negotiation might not be distrusted on account of the absence of so distinguished a warrior as himself.
"I appeal to any white man to say, if he ever entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat; if he ever came cold and naked, and he clothed him not. During the course of the last long and bloody war, Logan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, 'Logan is the friend of white men.' I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Colonel Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murdered all the relations of Logan, not sparing even my women and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it; I have killed many; I have fully glutted my vengeance. For my country, I rejoice at the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan?—Not one."
Of this powerful address, Mr. Jefferson says, "I may challenge the whole orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, and of any more eminent orator, if Europe has furnished more eminent, to produce a single passage, superior to the speech of Logan;" and an American statesman and scholar, scarcely less illustrious than the author of this noble eulogium, has expressed his readiness to subscribe to it. [FN] It is of course unnecessary for any humbler authority to enlarge upon its merits. Indeed, they require no exposition; they strike home to the soul.
[FN] Clinton's Historical Discourse: 1811.
The melancholy history of Logan must be dismissed with no relief to its gloomy colors. He was himself a victim to the same ferocious cruelty which had already rendered him a desolate man. [FN] Not long after the treaty a party of whites murdered him, as he was returning from Detroit to his own country. It grieves us to add, that towards the close of his life, misery had made him intemperate. No security and no solace to Logan, was the orator's genius or the warriors glory.
[FN] Drake's Biography.
Campbell, in his Gertrude of Wyoming, has appropriated the affecting sentiment of Logan to an Indian hero of his own, but the sin of the transfer may be excused for its skill.
. . . "He left of all my tribe Nor man nor child, nor thing of living birth; No! not the dog, that watched my household hearth, Escaped, that night of blood, upon our plains! All perished! I alone am left on Earth! To whom nor relative nor blood remains, No!—not a kindred drop that runs in human veins!"
A more noted personage in his own time than even Logan, was the Delaware Buckongahelas, who rose from the station of a private warrior to be, as Heckewelder calls him, the head war-chief of his nation. That writer speaks of meeting him at Tuscaroras as early as 1762: and the Chieftain accordingly reminded him of the fact when, in 1781, he visited the settlement of the Christian Indians in Ohio. His deportment on that occasion was singularly characteristic of the man; for all writers agree in representing him as fearless, frank and magnanimous. It should be premised, that he lived on the Miami, and being rather in the British interest, was disposed to watch quite closely the movements of the peace-party. What he did, however, he did openly, and he never hesitated to explain himself with the same freedom.
One morning, late in the season last named, two Christian Indians of Gnadenhutten having gone out to look in the woods for strayed horses, were met by a chieftain at the head of eighty warriors, who without ceremony made them both captives. "Then," says Heckewelder, "taking a course through the woods, until they had come within a short distance of Gnadenhutten, they rested until nearly break of day, guarding the Brethren, that they might not escape and give information of them. The day approaching, they moved on, and having surrounded the town completely, hailed the inhabitants, to deliver into their hands the chief, Gelelemend, (Kill-Buck) with the other chiefs and councilors; whom they must have either alive or dead." [FN] The party being informed, that not one of those they were in search of, was here at the time, but had all gone to Pittsburg some time past, they then searched every house, stable and cellar; and being finally satisfied that they had been told the truth, they demanded that deputies, consisting of the principal men of the three towns, should be called together, to hear what they had to say to them. The principal men assembled from Salem and Shonbrun; and Buckongahelas, for such they discovered him to be, addressed them as follows:
[FN] Their object was, to take these off to a place where they would have them under their control, and prevent them from governing the nation while the war lasted; it being a custom with the Indians, that as soon as the peace-chief has gave his consent to war measures, his office ceases, and the power is vested in the head captains of the nation, until his services, in making peace are again wanted.
"Friends!—Listen to what I say to you! You see a great and powerful nation divided! You see the father fighting against the son, and the son against the father!—The father has called on his Indian children, to assist him in punishing his children, the Americans, who have become refractory!—I took time to consider what I should do—whether or not I should receive the hatchet of my father, to assist him!—At first I looked upon it as a family quarrel, in which I was not interested—However, at length it appeared to me, that the father was in the right; and his children deserved to be punished a little!—That this must be the case, I concluded from the many cruel acts his off-spring had committed from time to time, on his Indian children; in encroaching on their land, stealing their property, shooting at, and murdering without cause, men, women and children—Yes! even murdering those, who at all times had been friendly to them, and were placed for protection under the roof of their father's house—The father himself standing centry at the door, at the time."
The writer here referred to a number of Pennsylvanian Indians, murdered in a jail, where they were placed for security against the whites. The sentry was the jailer. He continued thus:
"Friends! Often has the father been obliged to settle, and make amends for the wrongs and mischiefs done to us, by his refractory children, yet these do not grow better! No! they remain the same, and will continue to be so, as long as we have any land left us! Look back at the murders committed by the Long-Knives on many of our relations, who lived peaceable neighbors to them on the Ohio! Did they not kill them without the least provocation?—Are they, do you think, better now than they were then?—No, indeed not; and many days are not elapsed since you had a number of these very men at your doors, who panted to kill you, but fortunately were prevented from so doing by the Great Sun, [FN] who, at that time, had been ordained by the Great Spirit to protect you!"
[FN] The name the Indians had given to Col. Daniel Broadhead.
"Friends and relatives!—Now listen to me, and hear what I have to say to you.—I am myself come to bid you rise and go with me to a secure place! Do not, my friends, covet the land you now hold under cultivation. I will conduct you to a country [FN] equally good, where your fields shall yield you abundant crops, and where your cattle shall find sufficient pasture; where there is plenty of game; where your women and children, together with yourselves, will live in peace and safety; where no Long Knife shall ever molest you!—Nay! I will live between you and them, and not even suffer them to frighten you!—There, you can worship your God without fear!—Here, where you are, you cannot do this!—Think on what I have now said to you, and believe, that if you stay where you now are, one day or another the Long-Knives will, in their usual way, speak fine words to you, and at the same time murder you!"
[FN] The Miami country.
To this speech the Brethren replied by civilly declining the proposition of the Orator; and he then offered a new one,—that they should permit all who wished to leave them, to do so. Thus the matter was settled. Buckongahelas then proceeded to another village of the Christian Delawares, Salem, before entering which place he cautioned his warriors to leave their arms behind them, "lest the women and children should be frightened." "And destroy nothing," he added, "which belongs to our friends; no, not even one of their chickens." The conference which ensued with the Salem authorities is thus stated by Mr. Heckewelder, who was present.
"The Christian Indians," said the Chieftain, "were a happy people; and he would never trouble them on account of their not joining in the war.—Indeed, they could not with propriety join in wars, without first renouncing praying, [meaning Christianity].—And every Indian, or body of Indians, had a right to choose for themselves, whom they would serve!—For him, he had hired himself to his father, the king of England, for the purpose of fighting against his refractory children, the Long-Knives; whilst his friends and relations, the Christian Indians, had hired themselves to the Great Spirit, solely for the purpose of performing prayers!" [meaning, attending to religion]—"He added, that both were right in their way, though both employments could not be connected together. And only yesterday they were told, whilst at Gnadenhutten, that God had instructed all Christian people to love their enemies—and even to pray for them!—These words, he said, were written in the large book that contained the words and commandments of God!—Now, how would it appear, were we to compel our friends, who love and pray for their enemies, to fight against them!—compel them to act contrary to what they believe to be right!—force them to do that by which they would incur the displeasure of the Great Spirit, and bring his wrath upon them!—That it would be as wrong in him to compel the Christian Indians to quit praying and turn out to fight and kill people, as it would be in them to compel him to lay fighting aside, and turn to praying only!—He had often heard it stated, that the believing Indians were slaves to their teachers, and what these commanded them to do, they must do, however disagreeable to them!—Now, (said he) how can this be true, when every Indian is a free man, and can go where he pleases!—Can the teacher stop him from going away?—No! he cannot!—well! how can he then be made a slave by the teacher!—When we come here among our friends, we see how much they love their teachers.—This looks Well!—Continue, my friends, (said he to the national assistants) in loving your teachers, and in doing all good things; and when your friends and relations come to see you, satisfy their hunger as you have done to us this day!" [FN]
[FN] Narrative of the Christian Indians.
Having taken leave of all who were in the house, he proceeded to the middle of the street, from whence he addressed the inhabitants of the place and thanked them for their hospitality, assuring them of his regard and good wishes for them, and adding, that "If at any time they should hear it said, that Pachgantschihilas was an enemy to the believing [Christian] Indians; they should consider such words as lies!"
The reasoning of the Chieftain speaks for itself. His predictions in regard to the fate of the Christian Delawares, were but too speedily accomplished. But it was no fault of his; and indeed, in 1783, when Captain Pipe sent word to him not to suffer any of them to leave his territory, he returned answer, with his usual spirit, that he never would prevent them from going to their teachers. "And why did you expect them?" he added. "Did I not tell you beforehand, that if you drove the teachers off, the believing Indians would follow them? But you would not listen to me, and now we lose both! Who, think you, is the cause of all the disasters, which have befallen these people! I say you!—You! who threatened them with destruction! You, who instigated the Wyandots to act the treacherous part they did,—agreeing with them, that, as a recompense for their services, they should be entitled to all the plunder they could lay hold of!"
In Dawson's Memoirs of Harrison, Buckongahelas is mentioned as being present at a council of the chiefs of various tribes, called at Fort Wayne in 1803, for the purpose of ratifying a negotiation for land, already proposed in a former one which met at Vincennes. The Governor carried his point, chiefly by the aid of an influential Miami chief and by being "boldly seconded in every proposition" by the Pottawatamies, who (as Mr. Dawson states,) "were entirely devoted to the Governor." It is not our intention here to discuss at length the character of this transaction, which rather belongs to the general history of the period. How the Delaware Chief and the Shawanees understood it, and how they expressed their sentiments, may be inferred from the following statement of Dawson:—
"When the transaction at the council of Vincennes was mentioned, it called forth all the wrath of the Delawares and the Shawanees. The respected Buckongahelas so far forgot himself that he interrupted the Governor, and declared with vehemence, that nothing that was done at Vincennes was binding upon the Indians; that the land which was there decided to be the property of the United States, belonged to the Delawares; and that he had then with him a chief who had been present at the transfer made by the Piankishaws to the Delawares of all the country between the Ohio and White rivers, more than thirty years before. The Shawanees went still further, and behaved with so much insolence, that the Governor was obliged to tell them that they were undutiful and rebellious children, and that he would withdraw his protection from them until they had learnt to behave themselves with more propriety. These Chiefs immediately left the council house in a body."
Subsequently the Shawanees submitted, though it does not appear that Buckongahelas set them the example; and thus, says the historian, the Governor overcame all opposition, and carried his point.
But he did not gain the good will, or subdue the haughty independence of the War-Chief of the Delawares, who, as long as he lived, was at least consistent with himself in his feelings towards the American people. Nor yet was he in the slightest degree servile in his attachment to the British. He was not their instrument or subject, but their ally; and no longer their ally, than they treated him in a manner suitable to that capacity and to his own character.
He was indeed the most distinguished warrior in the Indian confederacy, and as it was the British interest which had induced the Indians to commence, as well as to continue the war, Buckongahelas relied on their support and protection. This support had been given, so far as relates to provisional arms, and ammunition; and in the celebrated engagement, on the 20th of August, 1794, which resulted in a complete victory by General Wayne over the combined hostile tribes, there were said to be two companies of British militia from Detroit on the side of the Indians. [FN-1] But the gates of Fort Mimms being shut against the retreating and wounded Indians, after the battle, opened the eyes of Buckongahelas, and he determined upon an immediate peace with the United States, and a total abandonment of the British. He assembled his tribe and embarked them in canoes, with the design of proceeding up the river, and sending a flag of truce to Fort Wayne. Upon approaching the British fort, he was requested to land, and he did so. "What have you to say to me?" said he, addressing the officer of the day. It was replied, that the commanding officer wished to speak with him. "Then he may come here," was the reply. "He will not do that," said the officer, "and you will not be suffered to pass the fort if you do not comply." "What shall prevent me?" said the intrepid Chief. "These," said the officer, pointing to the cannon of the fort. "I fear not your cannon," replied the Chief. "After suffering the Americans to defile [FN-2] your spring, without daring to fire on them, you cannot expect to frighten Buckongahelas;" and he ordered the canoes to push off, and passed the fort.
[FN-1] Dawson's Memoirs.
[FN-2] This was spoken metaphorically, to express the contempt and insult with which the garrison had been treated by the Americans, for their treachery towards the Indians who had been their allies.
Never after this would he, like the other chiefs, visit the British, or receive presents from them. "Had the great Buckongahelas lived," says Mr. Dawson, alluding to these circumstances, "he would not have suffered the schemes projected by the Prophet (brother of Tecumseh) to be matured." And the same writer states, that on his death-bed he earnestly advised his tribe to rely on the friendship of the United States, and desert the cause of the British. This was in 1804.
It is said of Buckongahelas, that no Christian knight ever was more scrupulous in performing all his engagements. Indeed he had all the qualifications of a great hero. His perfect Indian independence,—the independence of a noble nature, unperceived to itself, and unaffected to others,—is illustrated by an authentic anecdote which will bear repetition.
In the year 1785, he was present, with many other chiefs of various tribes, at a treaty negotiated by order of Congress at Fort McIntosh on the Ohio river. When the peace-chiefs had addressed the Commissioners of the United States, who were George Rogers Clark, Arthur Lee, and Richard Butler, the two latter of whom he did not deign to notice, approaching General Clark and taking him by the hand, he thus addressed him: "I thank the Great Spirit for having this day brought together two such great warriors as Buckongahelas and General Clark." [FN] The sentiment reminds one of the Little-Carpenter's address to Mr. Bartram:—"I am Attakullakulla;—did you know it?"
[FN] Dawson's Memoirs.