The speech being finished, Red-Jacket and several others, intending to suit the action to the word, came forward to exchange a farewell greeting with their visitor. This however he declined, and the Indians quietly withdrew.

The civility of the old orator was in somewhat singular contrast with his obstinacy on many other occasions. A young clergyman once made a strong effort to enlighten him, through the medium of an Indian interpreter named Jack Berry [FN]—for Red-Jacket spoke very little of the English language. The result was discouraging. "Brother!"—said Jack, at length, for the Chief,—"If you white people murdered 'the Saviour,' make it up yourselves. We had nothing to do with it. If he had come among us we should have treated him better." This was gross heathenism, truly, but it was not aggravated by insolence. The Chieftain made a sincere acknowledgment of the clergyman's kindness, and paid him some deserved compliments upon other scores.

[FN] Jack called himself a chief, too, though his importance was owing mainly to his speaking bad English, and to a bustling shrewdness which enabled him to play the factotum to some advantage. Jack made himself first marshal at the funeral of Farmer's-Brother.

During the last war with England, a gallant officer of the American Army, [FN] stationed on the Niagara frontier, shewed some peculiarly gratifying attentions to Red-Jacket. The former being soon afterwards ordered to Governor's Island, the Chief came to bid him farewell. "Brother,"—said he, "I hear you are going to a place called Governor's Island. I hope you will be a Governor yourself. I am told you whites consider children a blessing. I hope you will have one thousand at least. Above all, wherever you go, I hope you will never find whiskey more than two shillings a quart."

[FN] Colonel Snelling. For several of the anecdotes in the text we are under obligations to the author of "Tales of the North-West." He was present at the interview when Berry acted as Interpreter.

The last of these benevolent aspirations was perhaps the highest possible evidence which Red-Jacket could give of his good will, for we are under the mortifying necessity of placing this talented Chieftain in the same class, as relates to his personal habits, with Uncas, Logan, and Pipe. In a word, he gradually became, in his latter days, a confirmed drunkard. Temptation and association proved too strong for him, and the pride of the Confederates made himself but too frequently a laughing-stock for the blackguards of Buffalo.

Unfortunately for his political as well as personal interests, he indulged his weakness to such an extent as not unfrequently to incapacitate him for the discharge of his public duties. This was an advantage which his opponents shrewdly considered, and, in 1827, they took a favorable opportunity to deprive him of his civil rank. The document issued from the Seneca council-house on this singular occasion, under date of September 15th, is too extraordinary to be omitted. The following is a literal translation, made by an intelligent American who was present.

"We, the Chiefs [FN-1] of the Seneca tribe, of the Six Nations, say to you, Yaugoyawathaw, [FN-2] that you have a long time disturbed our councils; that you have procured some white men to assist you in sending a great number of false stories to our father the President of the United States, and induced our people to sign those falsehoods at Tonnawanta as Chiefs of our tribe, when you knew that they were not Chiefs; that you have apposed the improvement of our nation, and made divisions and disturbances among our people; that you have abused and insulted our great father the President; that you have not regarded the rules which make the Great Spirit love us, and which make his red children do good to each other; that you have a bad heart, because, in a time of great distress, when our people were starving, you took and hid the body of a deer you had killed, when your starving brothers should have shared their proportion of it with you; that the last time our father the President was fighting against the king, across the great waters, you divided us, you acted against our father the President and his officers, and advised with those who were no friends; that you have always prevented and discouraged our children from going to school, where they could learn, and abused and lied about our people who were willing to learn, and about those who were offering to instruct them how to worship the Great Spirit in the manner Christians do; that you have always placed yourself before those who would be instructed, and have done all you could to prevent their going to schools; that you have taken goods to your own use, which were received as annuities, and which belonged to orphan children and to old people; that for the last ten years you have often said the communications of our great father to his red children were forgeries, made up at New-York by those who wanted to buy our lands; that you left your wife, because she joined the Christians and worshiped the Great Spirit as they do, knowing that she was a good woman; that we have waited for nearly ten years for you to reform, and do better; but are now discouraged, as you declare you never will receive instruction from those who wish to do us good, as our great father advises, and induce others to hold the same language."

[FN] Several of them were soi-disant functionaries.

[FN] A variation of Saguoaha, which is the orthography adopted by Governor Clinton.

"We might say a great many other things, which make you an enemy to the Great Spirit, and also to your own brothers,—but we have said enough, and now renounce you as a chief, and from this time you are forbid to act as such. All of our nation will hereafter regard you as a private man; and we say to them all, that every one who shall do as you have done, if a chief will, in like manner be disowned, and set back where he started from by his brethren." [FN]

[FN] Buffalo Emporium.

Several of these charges, it is fair to presume, were dictated by party spirit, and those who subscribed the deposition cared but little about proving them, could they but prostrate their great antagonist. The signatures are twenty-six, and most of them are well-known Anti-Pagans; though with Young-King, Pollard, and Little-Billey, who led the subscription, we also find the names of Twenty-Canoes, Doxtateri, Two-Guns, Barefoot, and some other partizans of the fallen orator in his better days.

But Red-Jacket was not yet prepared to submit patiently to his degradation, especially when he knew so well the true motives of those who effected it. Nor was he by any means so much under the control of his bad habits as not to feel occasionally, perhaps generally, both the consciousness of his power and the sting of his shame. "It shall not be said of me,"—thought the old Orator, with the gleam of a fiery soul in his eye,—"It shall not be said that Saguoaha lived in insignificance and died in dishonor. Am I too feeble to revenge myself of my enemies? Am I not as I have been?" In fine, he roused himself to a great effort. Representations were made to the neighboring tribes,—for he knew too well the hopelessness of a movement confined to his own,—and only a month had elapsed since his deposition, when a Grand Council of the chiefs of the Six Nations assembled together at the upper council-house of the Seneca-village reservation.

The document of the Christian party was read, and then Half-Town rose, and, in behalf of the Catteraugus (Seneca) Indians, said there was but one voice in his nation, and that was of general indignation at the contumely cast on so great a man as Red-Jacket. Several other chiefs addressed the council to the same effect. The condemned orator rose slowly, as if grieved and humiliated, but yet with his ancient air of command.

"My Brothers!"—he said, after a solemn pause,—You have this day been correctly informed of an attempt to make me sit down and throw off the authority of a chief, by twenty-six misguided chiefs of my nation. You have heard the statements of my associates in council, and their explanations of the foolish charges brought against me. I have taken the legal and proper way to meet these charges. It is the only way in which I could notice them, charges which I despise, and which nothing would induce me to notice but the concern which many respected Chiefs of my nation feel in the character of their aged comrade. Were it otherwise, I should not be before you. I would fold my arms, and sit quietly under these ridiculous slanders.

"The Christian party have not even proceeded legally, according to our usages, to put me down. Ah! it grieves my heart, when I look around me and see the situation of my people,—in old times united and powerful, now divided and feeble. I feel sorry for my nation. When I am gone to the other world,—when the Great Spirit calls me away,—who among my people can take my place? Many years have I guided the nation."

Here he introduced some artful observations on the origin of the attack made upon him. He then alluded to the course taken by the Christians, as ruinous and disgraceful, especially in their abandonment of the religion of their fathers, and their sacrifices, for paltry considerations, of the lands given them by the Great Spirit. As for the "Black-Coats," Mr. Calhoun had told him at Washington, four years before, that the Indians must treat with them as they thought proper; the Government would not interfere. "I will not consent,"—he concluded, sagaciously identifying his disgrace with his opposition to the Christians,—"I will not consent silently to be trampled under foot. As long as I can raise my voice, I will oppose such measures. As long as I can stand in my moccasins, I will do all that I can for my nation." It is scarcely necessary to add, that the result of the conference was the triumphant restoration of the Orator to his former rank.

Red-Jacket visited the Atlantic cities repeatedly and for the last time, as late as the spring of 1829. He was, oh these occasions, and especially on the latter, the object of no little curiosity and attention. [FN] He enjoyed both, and was particularly careful to demean himself in a manner suited to the dignity of his rank and reputation. His poetical friend does him but justice in thus alluding to his Washington medal, his forest costume, and the fine carriage which the Chieftain still gallantly sustained.

[FN] Of more indeed than he was probably aware. Witness the following advertisement in the Boston papers:—

"Red-Jacket.—This celebrated Indian Chief, who has recently attracted so much attention at New-York and the Southern cities, has arrived in this city, and has accepted an invitation of the Superintendent to visit the New-England Museum, this evening, March 21, in his full Indian costume, attended by Captain Johnson, his interpreter, by whom those who wish it can be introduced and hold conversation with him."

Thy garb—though Austria's bosom-star would frighten That medal pale, as diamonds, the dark mine, And George the Fourth wore, in the dance at Brighton, A more becoming evening dress than thine;

Yet 'tis a brave one, scorning wind and weather, And fitted for thy couch on field and flood, As Rob Roy's tartans for the highland heather, Or forest green for England's Robin Hood.

Is strength a monarch's merit?—like a whaler's— Thou art as tall, as sinewy, and as strong As earth's first kings—the Argo's gallant sailors— Heroes in history, and gods in song.

Those strictly personal attractions which most subserved his forensic success, are not unfairly delineated by the same elegant observer. And this is not the only civilized authority to the same effect, for one of the most distinguished public men of the State in which the Chieftain resided, was wont to say that the latter reminded him strongly of the celebrated orator of Roanoke, in his best estate, and that they two were the only orators of nature he had ever heard or seen. "Who will believe?"—-asks the poet—

. . . that, with a smile whose blessing Would, like the patriarch's, sooth a dying hour With voice as low, as gentle, and caressing, As e'er won maiden's lip in moonlight bower;

With look, like patient Job's, eschewing evil; With motions, graceful as a bird's in air; Thou art, in sober truth, the veriest devil That e'er clenched fingers in a captive's hair!

That in thy veins there springs a poison fountain, Deadlier than that which bathes the Upas tree; And in thy wrath a nursing cat o'mountain Is calm as her babe's sleep, compared with thee?

And underneath that face, like summer's ocean's— Its lip as moveless, and its cheek as clear,— Slumbers a whirlwind of the heart's emotions, Love, hatred, pride, hope, sorrow—all, save fear.

Love—for thy land, as if she were thy daughter; Her pipes in peace, her tomahawk in wars; Hatred—of missionaries and cold water; Pride—in thy rifle-trophies and thy scars;

Hope—that thy wrongs will be by the Great Spirit Remembered and revenged, when thou art gone; Sorrow—that none are left thee to inherit Thy name, thy fame, thy passions, and thy throne.

In the last of these stanzas is an allusion to the melancholy domestic circumstances of the subject of them. He had been the father of thirteen children, during his life-time, and had buried them all.

Red-Jacket is said to have understood English quite well, although he would never converse in it. We have often heard it from a gentleman well acquainted with him, that he once met him hastening out of Buffalo when all the neighboring country was eagerly rushing in to witness the execution of three culprits; and that the Chieftain recognized him, and made him understand by signs, that he was hurrying away from the horrid spectacle which so many thousand had already assembled to enjoy. Levasseur states, that, in his conference with Lafayette, he evidently comprehended every thing uttered in his presence, while he would speak only Indian; and that his former high opinion of the General seemed to be much increased by a few chance-medley Seneca words, which the latter had the good fortune to remember, and the courtesy to repeat. We also have been informed that, many years since, when the notorious Jemima Wilkinson compassed the country in the business of making proselytes to her doctrines, she invited some of the Senecas to a conference. Red-Jacket attended, and listened patiently to the end of a long address. Most of it he probably understood, but instead of replying to the argument in detail, he laid the axe at the root of her authority. Having risen very gravely, and spoken a few words in Seneca, he observed his adversary to enquire what he was talking about? "Ha!"—he exclaimed, with an arch look,—"She inspired,—she Jesus Christ,—and not know Indian?" The solidity of her pretensions was at once decided in the minds of at least the heathen part of her audience.

At the date of his last-mentioned visit to the Atlantic cities, the Chieftain was more than seventy years of age, and though then habitually temperate, excess had already hastened the work of time. He died in January, 1830, at the Seneca village, near Buffalo, where his funeral took place on the 21st of the month. It was attended by all parties of his own tribe, and by many Americans, drawn together by a curiosity to witness the obsequies. His body was removed from his cabin into the mission-house, where religious services were performed. In these the Pagans took but little interest. Wrapped in profound and solemn thought, they however patiently awaited their termination. Some of them then arose, and successively addressed their countrymen in their own language. They recounted the exploits and the virtues of him whose remains they were now about to bear to his last home. They remembered his own prophetic appeal—"Who shall take my place among my people?" They thought of the ancient glory of their nation, and they looked around them on its miserable remnant. The impression was irresistible. Tears trickled down the cheeks of the grave comrades of the dead.

Well might they weep! He that lay before them was indeed the "Last of the Senecas." The strong warrior's arm was mouldering into dust, and the eye of the orator was cold and motionless forever.

APPENDIX.

NO. I.

Uncas.—The author is indebted to the Committee of the Historical Society of Massachusetts for an opportunity to examine a valuable document recently forwarded to them by Mr. Williams, of Lebanon, Connecticut, and originally, we believe, a part of the Trumbull collection.

According to this account, which purports to have been "made by Uncas" himself, that Chieftain was wholly of the royal blood of the Pequots. Tatobam was another name for Sassacus, and Uncas married the daughter of that Sachem (from whom he afterwards revolted,) about ten years before the Pequot War. The Pequots and "Moheags," as they are here called, jointly agreed to this match in a grand Indian Council, for the purpose of keeping their land entire. "Upon this his right to the Pequot Country was good and unquestionable." . . . "Quinebauge [New-Haven] Indians and Nipmugs [in Worcester County, Massachusetts] not allowed to marry in the Royal Blood—agreed to keep the Royal blood within the Realm of ye Mohegan and Pequots."

In this genealogy, which is regularly derived, as accurately as possible, from remote ancestors on both sides, Uncas himself is styled the Sachem of Mohegan, and Mohegan is said to have been the Sepulchre or Burial-Place of both the Pequot and Mohegan Sachems.

The father of Tatobam was the Sachem Wopegwosit. The father of Uncas was Oweneco; his father, Wopequand, a Pequot Sachem. His mother and grandmother were both named Mukkunump; and the latter was daughter of Weroum, a great Narragansett Sachem, and of a Squaw of the royal Pequot Blood named Kiskhechoowatmakunck. One of his great-grandfathers, Nuckquuntdowaus, was Chief-Sachem of the Pequots; and one of his great-grandmothers, Au-comp-pa-hang-sug-ga-muck, (as nearly as we are able to decipher it,) was "a Great Queen, and lived at Moheage."

The son of Uncas, (mentioned in the text,) was Oweneco. Several of his other descendants who inherited the Sachemdom were named Ben Uncas,—one of them Major Ben. The last of the Sachems (also mentioned in the text,) was Isaiah,—a grandson of Oweneco or Oneco. (He was a pupil in Dr. Wheelock's Charity School,—"a fat fellow, of dull intellectual parts."—Mass. His. Coll.)

The document before us gives an account of the cession of the Pequot Country from Uncas by deed, dated Sept. 28, 1740. The following remarkable passage ought not to be omitted, as it adds new confirmation to the estimate of the Sachem's character which the author has given in the text.

"Afterwards sufficient planting ground was provided for him, being friendly to the English, though only to serve his own purposes."

NO. II.

Correspondence between General Wayne and Major Campbell.

(I)

Miamis River, Aug. 21, 1794.

Sir,

An army of the United States of America, said to be under your command, having taken post on the banks of the Miamis, for upwards of the last twenty-four hours, almost within the reach of the guns of this fort, being a post belonging to His Majesty the King of Great Britain, occupied by His Majesty's troops, and which I have the honor to command, it becomes me to inform myself, as speedily as possible, in what light I am to view your making such near approaches to this garrison.

I have no hesitation on my part to say that I know of no war existing between Great Britain and America.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM CAMPBELL, Major 24th Reg't commanding a British post on the banks of the Miamis.

To Major General Wayne, &c. &c.

(II)

Camp on the Banks of the Miamis, }
21st August, 1794. }

Sir,

I have received your letter of this date, requiring from me the motives which have moved the army under my command to the position they at present occupy, far within the acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States of America.

Without questioning the authority, or the propriety, sir, of your interrogatory, I think I may, without breach of decorum, observe to you, that were you intitled to an answer, the most full and satisfactory one was announced to you from the muzzles of my small arms yesterday morning in the action against hordes of savages in the vicinity of your post, which terminated gloriously to the American arms. But had it continued until the Indians, &c. were driven under the influence of the post and guns you mention, they would not have much impeded the progress of the victorious army under my command; as no such post was established at the commencement of the present war between the Indians and the United States.

I have the honor to be, sir, &c.

(Signed) ANTHONY WAYNE, Major General and Commander in Chief of the Federal army.

To Major Wm. Campbell, &c.

(III)

Fort Miamis, Aug. 22, 1791.

Sir,

Although your letter of yesterday's date fully authorizes me to any act of hostility against the army of the United States of America in this neighborhood under your command, yet, still anxious to prevent that dreadful decision, which perhaps is not intended to be appealed to by either of our countries, I have forborne for these two days past to resent those insults which you have offered to the British flag flying at this fort, by approaching it within pistol-shot of my works, not only singly, but in numbers, with arms in their hands.

Neither is it my wish to wage war with individuals. But should you after this continue to approach my post in the threatening manner you are at this moment doing, my indispensable duty to my King and Country, and the honor of my profession, will oblige me to have recourse to those measures which thousands of either nation may hereafter have cause to regret, and which I solemnly appeal to God I have used my utmost endeavors to arrest.

I have the honor to be, sir, &c. (Signed) WM. CAMPBELL.

To Major General Wayne, &c.

[No other notice was taken of this letter than what is expressed in the following letter. The fort and works were however reconnoitered in every direction, at some points possibly within pistol-shot. It was found to be a regular, strong work, the front covered by a wide river, with four guns mounted in that face. The rear, which was the most susceptible of approach, had two regular bastions furnished with eight pieces of artillery, the whole surrounded with a wide deep ditch. From the bottom of the ditch to the top of the parapet was about twenty feet perpendicular. The works were also surrounded by an abbatis, and furnished with a strong garrison.]

(IV)

Sir,

In your letter of the 21st inst. you declare, "I have no hesitation on my part to say that I know of no war, existing between Great Britain and America."

I, on my part, declare the same; and the only cause I have to entertain a contrary idea at present is, the hostile act you are now in commission of,—that is, recently taking post far within the well known and acknowledged limits of the United States, and erecting a fortification in the heart of the settlements of the Indian tribes now at war with the United States.

This, sir, appears to be an act of the highest aggression, and destructive to the peace and interest of the Union. Hence, it becomes my duty to desire, and I do hereby desire and demand, in the name of the President of the United States, that you immediately desist from any further act of hostility or aggression, by forbearing to fortify, and by withdrawing the troops, artillery, and stores under your orders and direction, forthwith, and removing to the nearest post occupied by His Britannic Majesty's troops at the peace of 1783—and which you will be permitted to do unmolested by the troops under my command.

I am, with very great respect, &c. (Signed) ANTHONY WAYNE.

To Major Wm. Campbell, &c.

(V)

Fort Miamis, 22d Aug. 1794.

Sir,

I have this moment the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of this date. In answer to which I have only to say, that being placed here in the command of a British post, and acting in, a military capacity only, I cannot enter into any discussion either on the right or impropriety of my occupying my present position. Those are matters that I conceive will be best left to the ambassadors of our different nations.

Having said this much, permit me to inform you, that I certainly will not abandon this post at the summons of any power whatever, until I receive orders from those I have the honor to serve under, or the fortune of war should oblige me.

I must still adhere, sir, to the purport of my letter this morning, to desire that your army, or individuals belonging to it, will not approach within reach of my cannon without expecting the consequences attending it.

Although I have said in the former part or my letter, that my situation here is totally military, yet let me add, sir, that I am much deceived if His Majesty the King of Great Britain had not a post on this river at and prior to the period you mention.

I have the honor to be, &c.

(Signed) WM. CAMPBELL. Major of the 24th Regiment, commanding at Fort Miamis.

To Major General Wayne, &c

[The only notice taken of this letter was in immediately setting fire to and destroying every thing within view of the fort, and even under the muzzles of the guns.]

Boston Chronicle, October 13, 1774.

NO. III.

Corn-Planter's Letter to the Governor of Pennsylvania, dated "Allegheny river, 2d mo. 2d, 1822," and probably written by his interpreter. From Buchanan's Sketches.

"I feel it my duty to send a speech to the governor of Pennsylvania at this time, and inform him the place where I was from—which was Conewaugus, on the Genesee river.

"When I was a child, I played with the butterfly, the grasshopper and the frogs. As I grew up, I began to pay some attention and play with the Indian boys in the neighborhood, and they took notice of my skin being a different color from theirs, and spoke about it. I enquired of my mother the cause, and she told me that my father was a residenter in Albany. I eat still my victuals out of a bark dish—I grew up to be a young man, and married me a wife, but I had no kettle or gun. I then knew where my father lived, and went to see him, and found he was a white man, and spoke the English language. He gave me victuals while I was at his house, but when I started to return home, he gave me no provision to eat on the way. He gave me neither kettle nor gun, neither did he tell me that the United States were about to rebel against the government of England.

"I will now tell you, brothers, who are in session of the legislature of Pennsylvania, that the Great Spirit has made known to me that I have been wicked; and the cause thereof was the revolutionary war in America. The cause of Indians having been led into sin, at that time, was that many of them were in the practice of drinking and getting intoxicated. Great Britain requested us to join with them in the conflict against the Americans, and promised the Indians land and liquor. I, myself, was opposed to joining in the conflict, as I had nothing to do with the difficulty that existed between the two parties. I have now informed you how it happened that the Indians took a part in the Revolution, and will relate to you some circumstances that occurred after the close of the war. Gen. Putnam, who was then at Philadelphia, told me there was to be a council at fort Stanwix, and the Indians requested me to attend on behalf of the Six Nations, which I did, and there met with three commissioners, who had been appointed to hold the council. They told me they would inform me of the cause of the revolution, which I requested them to do minutely. They then said that it had originated on account of the heavy taxes that had been imposed upon them by the British government, which had been for fifty years increasing upon them; that the Americans had grown weary thereof, and refused to pay, which affronted the king. There had likewise a difficulty taken place about some tea, which they wished me not to use, as it had been one of the causes that many people had lost their lives. And the British government now being affronted, the war commenced, and the cannons began to roar in our country. General Putnam then told me at the council at fort Stanwix, that by the late war the Americans had gained two objects: they had established themselves an independent nation, and had obtained some land from Great Britain to live upon, the division line of which ran through the lakes. I then spoke, and said that I wanted some land for the Indians to live on, and General Putnam said that it should be granted, and I should have land in the state of New York, for the Indians. Gen. Putnam then encouraged me to use my endeavors to pacify the Indians generally; and as he considered it an arduous task to perform, wished to know what I wanted to pay therefor? I replied to him, that I would use my endeavors to do as he had requested with the Indians, and for pay thereof, I would take land. I told him not to pay me money or dry goods, but land. And for having attended thereto I received the tract of land on which I now live, which was presented to me by governor Mifflin. I told general Putnam, that I wished the Indians to have the exclusive privilege of the deer and wild game, which he assented to.

"The treaty that was made at the aforementioned council has been broken by some of the white people, which I how intend acquainting the governor with. Some white people are not willing that Indians should hunt any more, whilst others are satisfied therewith; and those white people who reside near our reservation, tell us that the woods are theirs, and they have obtained them from the governor. The treaty has been also broken by the white people using their endeavors to destroy all the wolves, which was not spoken about in the council at fort Stanwix, by General Putnam, but has originated lately.

"It has been broken, again, which is of recent origin. White people wish to get credit from Indians, and do not pay them honestly, according to their agreement.

"In another respect it has also been broken by white people, who reside near my dwelling; for when I plant melons and vines in my field, they take them as their own. It has been broken again by white people using their endeavors to obtain our pine trees from us. We have very few pine trees on our land, in the state of New York; and white people and Indians often get into dispute respecting them. There is also a great quantity of whiskey brought near our reservation by white people, and the Indians obtain it and become drunken.

"Another circumstance has taken place which is very trying to me, and I wish the interference of the Governor. The white people who live at Warren, called upon me sometime ago, to pay taxes for my land, which I objected to, as I had never been called upon for that purpose before; and having refused to pay, the white people became irritated, called upon me frequently, and at length brought four guns with them and seized our cattle. I still refused to pay, and was not willing to let the cattle go. Afler a long dispute, they returned home and I understood the militia was ordered out to enforce the collection of the tax. I went to Warren, and, to avert the impending difficulty, was obliged give my note for the tax, the amount of which was forty-three dollars and seventy-nine cents. It is my desire that the governor will exempt me from paying taxes for my land to white people; and also cause that the money I am now obliged to pay, may be refunded to me, as I am very poor. The governor is the person who attends to the situation of the people, and I wish him to send a person to Allegheny, that I may inform him of the particulars of our situation, and he be authorised to instruct the white people in what manner to conduct themselves towards the Indians.

"The governor has told us that when any difficulties arose between the Indians and white people, he would attend to having them removed. We are now in a trying situation, and I wish the governor to send a person, authorised to attend thereto, the fore part of the next summer, about the time that grass has grown big enough for pasture.

"The governor formerly requested me to pay attention to the Indians, and take care of them. We are now arrived at a situation that I believe Indians cannot exist, unless the governor should comply with my request, and send a person authorised to treat between us and the white people, the approaching summer. I have now no more to speak."

NO. IV.

Corn-Planter's Speech at the Court-House at Warren, (N. Y.) June 4th, 1822, after an explanation, by two state Commissioners, of a law exonerating him from the payment of certain taxes. From the Venango Herald.

"Brothers!—Yesterday was appointed for us all to meet here. The talk which the Governor sent us pleased us very much. I think that the Great Spirit is very much pleased that the white people have been induced so to assist the Indians as they have done, and that he is pleased also to see the great men of this State and of the United States so friendly to us. We are much pleased with what has been done.

"The Great Spirit first made the world and next the flying animals, and found all things good and prosperous. He is immortal and everlasting. After finishing the flying animals, he came down on earth and there stood. Then he made different kinds of trees, and weeds of all sorts, and people of every kind. He made the spring and other seasons, and the weather suitable for planting. These he did make. But stills, to make whiskey to be given to Indians, he did not make. The Great Spirit bids me tell the white people not to give Indians this kind of liquor. When the Great Spirit had made the earth and its animals, he went into the great lakes, where he breathed as easily as any where else, and then made all the different kinds of fish. The Great Spirit looked back on all that he had made. The different kinds he made to be separate, and not to mix with and disturb each other. But the white people have broken his command by mixing their color with the Indians. The Indians have done better by not doing so.—The Great Spirit wishes that all wars and fightings should cease.

"He next told us that there were three things for people to attend to. First, we ought to take care of our wives and children. Secondly, the white people ought to attend to their farms and cattle. Thirdly, the Great Spirit has given the bears and deers to the Indians. He is the cause of all things that exist, and it is very wicked to go against his will. The Great Spirit wishes me to inform the people that they should quit drinking intoxicating drink, as being the cause of diseases and death. He told us not to sell any more of our lands, for he never sold lands to any one. Some of us now keep the seventh day; but I wish to quit it, for the Great Spirit made it for others, but not for the Indians, who ought every day to attend to their business. He has ordered me to quit drinking any intoxicating drink, and not to lust after women but my own, and informed me that by doing so I should live the longer. He made known to me that it is very wicked to tell lies. Let no one suppose this I have said now is not true.

"I have now to thank the Governor for what he has done. I have informed him what the Great Spirit has ordered me to cease from, and I wish the Governor to inform others of what I have communicated. This all I have at present to say."

NO. V.

Mr. Brandt, whose death has been recently announced, was the son of the celebrated Indian chief of that name, and distinguished himself as a lieutenant in our service during the late war. Some years ago he visited England, and under the patronage of the Duke of Northumberland, was introduced to the Duke of Wellington, Lord Teignmouth, and other influential personages, and from his peculiar urbanity of manners and highly cultivated acquirements, speedily became known and esteemed. His exertions, upon that occasion, in vindicating the humanity of his father's character from the unjust aspersions cast upon it by the author of "Gertrude of Wyoming," were acknowledged by the accomplished poet, and the next edition of that work rectified the error Mr. Campbell had acknowledged. As a gentleman of strict honor and morality, Mr. Brandt has left but few equals; and as head-chief and superintendent of the Six Nations, his loss will be seriously felt by the numerous tribes to whose civilization and moral improvement he had devoted his time and talents.—Kingston, U. C. Chronicle.

NO. VI.

Letter of Farmer's-Brother, and others, to the Hon. W. Eustis, Secretary of War. Niles' Register, Vol. II.

"Brother!—The sachems and chief warriors of the Seneca nation of Indians, understanding you are the person appointed by the great council of your nation to manage and conduct the affairs of the several nations of Indians with whom you are at peace and on terms of friendship, come at this time, as children to a father, to lay before you the trouble which we have on our minds.

"Brother!—We do not think best to multiply words. We will therefore tell you what our complaint is.

"Brother!—Listen to what we say. Some years since we held a treaty at Big-tree, near the Genesee river. This treaty was called by our great father, the President of the United States. He sent an agent, Colonel Wadsworth, to attend this treaty, for the purpose of advising us in the business, and seeing that we had justice done us. At this treaty we sold to Robert Morris the greatest part of our country. The sum he gave us was one hundred thousand dollars.

"Brother!—The Commissioner who was appointed on your part, advised us to place this money in the hands of our great father, the President of the United States. He told us our father loved his red children, and would take care of our money, and plant it in a field where it would bear seed forever, as long as trees grow or waters run. Our money has heretofore been of great service to us. It has helped us to support our old people, and our women and children. But we are told the field where our money was planted is become barren.

"Brother!—We do not understand your way of doing business. This thing is heavy on our minds. We mean to hold our white brethren of the United States by the hand. But this weight lies heavy. We hope you will remove it.

"Brother!—We have heard of the bad conduct of our brothers towards the setting sun. We are sorry for what they have done. But you must not blame us. We have had no hand in this bad business. They have had bad people among them. It is your enemies have done this.

"We have persuaded our agent to take this talk to your great council. He knows our situations, and will speak our minds.

"N. B. The foregoing speech was delivered in Council by Farmer's-Brother, at Buffalo Creek, December 19, 1811, and subscribed in my presence, by the Chiefs whose names are annexed.

"(Signed) ERASTUS GRANGER."