On the other hand, the masses of the Polish people cherished very little nationalist sentiment until after the Franco-Prussian War. The fact is that nationalist sentiment among the Slavs, like racial sentiment among the Negroes, has sprung up as the result of a struggle against privilege and discrimination based upon racial distinctions. The movement is not so far advanced among Negroes; sentiment is not so intense, and for several reasons probably never will be.
From what has been said it seems fair to draw one conclusion, namely: under conditions of secondary contact, that is to say, conditions of individual liberty and individual competition, characteristic of modern civilization, depressed racial groups tend to assume the form of nationalities. A nationality, in this narrower sense, may be defined as the racial group which has attained self-consciousness, no matter whether it has at the same time gained political independence or not.
In societies organized along horizontal lines the disposition of individuals in the lower strata is to seek their models in the strata above them. Loyalty attaches to individuals, particularly to the upper classes, who furnish, in their persons and in their lives, the models for the masses of the people below them. Long after the nobility has lost every other social function connected with its vocation the ideals of the nobility have survived in our conception of the gentleman, genteel manners and bearing—gentility.
The sentiment of the Negro slave was, in a certain sense, not merely loyalty to his master but to the white race. Negroes of the older generations speak very frequently, with a sense of proprietorship, of "our white folks." This sentiment was not always confined to the ignorant masses. An educated colored man once explained to me "that we colored people always want our white folks to be superior." He was shocked when I showed no particular enthusiasm for that form of sentiment.
The fundamental significance of the nationalist movement must be sought in the effort of subject races, sometimes consciously, sometimes unconsciously, to substitute, for those supplied them by aliens, models based on their own racial individuality and embodying sentiments and ideals which spring naturally out of their own lives.
After a race has achieved in this way its moral independence, assimilation, in the sense of copying, will still continue. Nations and races borrow from those whom they fear as well as from those whom they admire. Materials taken over in this way, however, are inevitably stamped with the individuality of the nationalities that appropriate them. These materials will contribute to the dignity, to the prestige, and to the solidarity of the nationality which borrows them, but they will no longer inspire loyalty to the race from which they are borrowed. A race which has attained the character of a nationality may still retain its loyalty to the state of which it is a part, but only in so far as that state incorporates, as an integral part of its organization, the practical interests, the aspirations and ideals of that nationality.
The aim of the contending nationalities in Austria-Hungary at the present time seems to be a federation, like that of Switzerland, based upon the autonomy of the different races composing the empire. In the South, similarly, the races seem to be tending in the direction of a bi-racial organization of society, in which the Negro is gradually gaining a limited autonomy. What the ultimate outcome of this movement may be it is not safe to predict.
3. Conflict and Accommodation[217]
In the first place, what is race friction? To answer this elementary question it is necessary to define the abstract mental quality upon which race friction finally rests. This is racial "antipathy," popularly spoken of as "race prejudice." Whereas prejudice means mere predilection, either for or against, antipathy means "natural contrariety," "incompatibility," or "repugnance of qualities." To quote the Century Dictionary, antipathy "expresses most of constitutional feeling and least of volition"; "it is a dislike that seems constitutional toward persons, things, conduct, etc.; hence it involves a dislike for which sometimes no good reason can be given." I would define racial antipathy, then, as a natural contrariety, repugnancy of qualities, or incompatibility between individuals or groups which are sufficiently differentiated to constitute what, for want of a more exact term, we call races. What is most important is that it involves an instinctive feeling of dislike, distaste, or repugnance, for which sometimes no good reason can be given. Friction is defined primarily as a "lack of harmony," or a "mutual irritation." In the case of races it is accentuated by antipathy. We do not have to depend on race riots or other acts of violence as a measure of the growth of race friction. Its existence may be manifested by a look or a gesture as well as by a word or an act.
A verbal cause of much useless and unnecessary controversy is found in the use of the word "race." When we speak of "race problems" or "racial antipathies," what do we mean by "race"? Clearly nothing scientifically definite, since ethnologists themselves are not agreed upon any classification of the human family along racial lines. Nor would this so-called race prejudice have the slightest regard for such classification, if one were agreed upon. It is something which is not bounded by the confines of a philological or ethnological definition. The British scientist may tell the British soldier in India that the native is in reality his brother, and that it is wholly absurd and illogical and unscientific for such a thing as "race prejudice" to exist between them. Tommy Atkins simply replies with a shrug that to him and his messmates the native is a "nigger"; and in so far as their attitude is concerned, that is the end of the matter. The same suggestion, regardless of the scientific accuracy of the parallel, if made to the American soldier in the Philippines, meets with the same reply. We have wasted an infinite amount of time in interminable controversies over the relative superiority and inferiority of different races. Such discussions have a certain value when conducted by scientific men in a purely scientific spirit. But for the purpose of explaining or establishing any fixed principle of race relations they are little better than worthless. The Japanese is doubtless quite well satisfied of the superiority of his people over the mushroom growths of western civilization, and finds no difficulty in borrowing from the latter whatever is worth reproducing, and improving on it in adapting it to his own racial needs. The Chinese do not waste their time in idle chatter over the relative status of their race as compared with the white barbarians who have intruded themselves upon them with their grotesque customs, their heathenish ideas, and their childishly new religion. The Hindu regards with veiled contempt the racial pretensions of his conqueror, and, while biding the time when the darker races of the earth shall once more come into their own, does not bother himself with such an idle question as whether his temporary overlord is his racial equal. Only the white man writes volumes to establish on paper the fact of a superiority which is either self-evident and not in need of demonstration, on the one hand, or is not a fact and is not demonstrable, on the other. The really important matter is one about which there need be little dispute—the fact of racial differences. It is the practical question of differences—the fundamental differences of physical appearance, of mental habit and thought, of social customs and religious beliefs, of the thousand and one things keenly and clearly appreciable, yet sometimes elusive and undefinable—these are the things which at once create and find expression in what we call race problems and race prejudices, for want of better terms. In just so far as these differences are fixed and permanently associated characteristics of two groups of people will the antipathies and problems between the two be permanent.
Probably the closest approach we shall ever make to a satisfactory classification of races as a basis of antipathy will be that of grouping men according to color, along certain broad lines, the color being accompanied by various and often widely different, but always fairly persistent, differentiating physical and mental characteristics. This would give us substantially the white—not Caucasian, the yellow—not Chinese or Japanese, and the dark—not Negro, races. The antipathies between these general groups and between certain of their subdivisions will be found to be essentially fundamental, but they will also be found to present almost endless differences of degrees of actual and potential acuteness. Here elementary psychology also plays its part. One of the subdivisions of the Negro race is composed of persons of mixed blood. In many instances these are more white than black, yet the association of ideas has through several generations identified them with the Negro—and in this country friction between this class and white people is on some lines even greater than between whites and blacks.
Race conflicts are merely the more pronounced concrete expressions of such friction. They are the visible phenomena of the abstract quality of racial antipathy—the tangible evidence of the existence of racial problems. The form of such expressions of antipathy varies with the nature of the racial contact in each instance. Their different and widely varying aspects are the confusing and often contradictory phenomena of race relations. They are dependent upon diverse conditions, and are no more susceptible of rigid and permanent classification than are the whims and moods of human nature. It is more than a truism to say that a condition precedent to race friction or race conflict is contact between sufficient numbers of two diverse racial groups. There is a definite and positive difference between contact between individuals and contact between masses. The association between two isolated individual members of two races may be wholly different from contact between masses of the same race groups. The factor of numbers embraces, indeed, the very crux of the problems arising from contact between different races.
A primary cause of race friction is the vague, rather intangible, but wholly real, feeling of "pressure" which comes to the white man almost instinctively in the presence of a mass of people of a different race. In a certain important sense all racial problems are distinctly problems of racial distribution. Certainly the definite action of the controlling race, particularly as expressed in laws, is determined by the factor of the numerical difference between its population and that of the inferior group. This fact stands out prominently in the history of our colonial legislation for the control of Negro slaves. These laws increased in severity up to a certain point as the slave population increased in numbers. The same condition is disclosed in the history of the ante-bellum legislation of the southern, eastern, New England, and middle western states for the control of the free Negro population. So today no state in the Union would have separate car laws where the Negro constituted only 10 or 15 per cent of its total population. No state would burden itself with the maintenance of two separate school systems with a negro element of less than 10 per cent. Means of local separation might be found, but there would be no expression of law on the subject.
Just as a heavy increase of Negro population makes for an increase of friction, direct legislation, the protection of drastic social customs, and a general feeling of unrest or uneasiness on the part of the white population, so a decrease of such population, or a relatively small increase as compared with the whites, makes for less friction, greater racial tolerance, and a lessening of the feeling of necessity for severely discriminating laws or customs. And this quite aside from the fact of a difference of increase or decrease of actual points of contact, varying with differences of numbers. The statement will scarcely be questioned that the general attitude of the white race, as a whole, toward the Negro would become much less uncompromising if we were to discover that through two census periods the race had shown a positive decrease in numbers. Racial antipathy would not decrease, but the conditions which provoke its outward expression would undergo a change for the better. There is a direct relation between the mollified attitude of the people of the Pacific coast toward the Chinese population and the fact that the Chinese population decreased between 1890 and 1900. There would in time be a difference of feeling toward the Japanese now there if the immigration of more were prohibited by treaty stipulation. There is the same immediate relation between the tolerant attitude of whites toward the natives in the Hawaiian Islands and the feeling that the native is a decadent and dying race. Aside from the influence of the Indian's warlike qualities and of his refusal to submit to slavery, the attitude and disposition of the white race toward him have been influenced by considerations similar to those which today operate in Hawaii. And the same influence has been a factor in determining the attitude of the English toward the slowly dying Maoris of New Zealand.
At no time in the history of the English-speaking people and at no place of which we have any record where large numbers of them have been brought into contact with an approximately equal number of Negroes have the former granted to the latter absolute equality, either political, social, or economic. With the exception of five New England states, with a total Negro population of only 16,084 in 1860, every state in the Union discriminated against the Negro politically before the Civil War. The white people continued to do so—North as well as South—as long as they retained control of the suffrage regulations of their states. The determination to do so renders one whole section of the country practically a political unit to this day. In South Africa we see the same determination of the white man to rule, regardless of the numerical superiority of the black. The same determination made Jamaica surrender the right of self-government and renders her satisfied with a hybrid political arrangement today. The presence of practically 100,000 Negroes in the District of Columbia makes 200,000 white people content to live under an anomaly in a self-governing country. The proposition is too elementary for discussion that the white man when confronted with a sufficient number of Negroes to create in his mind a sense of political unrest or danger either alters his form of government in order to be rid of the incubus or destroys the political strength of the Negro by force, by evasion, or by direct action.
In the main, the millions in the South live at peace with their white neighbors. The masses, just one generation out of slavery and thousands of them still largely controlled by its influences, accept the superiority of the white race as a race, whatever may be their private opinion of some of its members. And, furthermore, they accept this relation of superior and inferior as a mere matter of course—as part of their lives—as something neither to be questioned, wondered at, or worried over. Despite apparent impressions to the contrary, the average southern white man gives no more thought to the matter than does the Negro. As I tried to make clear at the outset, the status of superior and inferior is simply an inherited part of his instinctive mental equipment—a concept which he does not have to reason out. The respective attitudes are complementary, and under the mutual acceptance and understanding there still exist unnumbered thousands of instances of kindly and affectionate relations—relations of which the outside world knows nothing and understands nothing. In the mass, the southern Negro has not bothered himself about the ballot for more than twenty years, not since his so-called political leaders let him alone; he is not disturbed over the matter of separate schools and cars, and he neither knows nor cares anything about "social equality."
But what of the other class? The "masses" is at best an unsatisfactory and indefinite term. It is very far from embracing even the southern Negro, and we need not forget that seven years ago there were 900,000 members of the race living outside of the South. What of the class, mainly urban and large in number, who have lost the typical habit and attitude of the Negro of the mass, and who, more and more, are becoming restless and chafing under existing conditions? There is an intimate and very natural relation between the social and intellectual advance of the so-called Negro and the matter of friction along social lines. It is, in fact, only as we touch the higher groups that we can appreciate the potential results of contact upon a different plane from that common to the masses in the South. There is a large and steadily increasing group of men, more or less related to the Negro by blood and wholly identified with him by American social usage, who refuse to accept quietly the white man's attitude toward the race. I appreciate the mistake of laying too great stress upon the utterances of any one man or group of men, but the mistakes in this case lie the other way. The American white man knows little or nothing about the thought and opinion of the colored men and women who today largely mold and direct Negro public opinion in this country. Even the white man who considers himself a student of "the race question" rarely exhibits anything more than profound ignorance of the Negro's side of the problem. He does not know what the other man is thinking and saying on the subject. This composite type which we poetically call "black," but which in reality is every shade from black to white, is slowly developing a consciousness of its own racial solidarity. It is finding its own distinctive voice, and through its own books and papers and magazines, and through its own social organizations, is at once giving utterance to its discontent and making known its demands.
And with this dawning consciousness of race there is likewise coming an appreciation of the limitations and restrictions which hem in its unfolding and development. One of the best indices to the possibilities of increased racial friction is the Negro's own recognition of the universality of the white man's racial antipathy toward him. This is the one clear note above the storm of protest against the things that are, that in his highest aspirations everywhere the white man's "prejudice" blocks the colored man's path. And the white man may with possible profit pause long enough to ask the deeper significance of the Negro's finding of himself. May it not be only part of a general awakening of the darker races of the earth? Captain H. A. Wilson, of the English army, says that through all Africa there has penetrated in some way a vague confused report that far off somewhere, in the unknown, outside world, a great war has been fought between a white and a yellow race, and won by the yellow man. And even before the Japanese-Russian conflict, "Ethiopianism" and the cry of "Africa for the Africans" had begun to disturb the English in South Africa. It is said time and again that the dissatisfaction and unrest in India are accentuated by the results of this same war. There can be no doubt in the mind of any man who carefully reads American Negro journals that their rejoicing over the Japanese victory sounded a very different note from that of the white American. It was far from being a mere expression of sympathy with a people fighting for national existence against a power which had made itself odious to the civilized world by its treatment of its subjects. It was, instead, a quite clear cry of exultation over the defeat of a white race by a dark one. The white man is no wiser than the ostrich if he refuses to see the truth that in the possibilities of race friction the Negro's increasing consciousness of race is to play a part scarcely less important than the white man's racial antipathies, prejudices, or whatever we may elect to call them.
III. INVESTIGATIONS AND PROBLEMS
1. The Psychology and Sociology of Conflict, Conscious Competition, and Rivalry
Consciousness has been described as an effect of conflict—conflict of motor tendencies in the individual, conflict of sentiments, attitudes, and cultures in the group. The individual, activated in a given situation by opposing tendencies, is compelled to redefine his attitude. Consciousness is an incident of this readjustment.
Frequently adjustment involves a suppression of one tendency in the interest of another, of one wish in favor of another. Where these suppressions are permanent, they frequently result in disorders of conduct and disorganization of the personality. The suppressed wish, when suppression results in disturbances of the conscious life, has been called by psychoanalysts a complex. Freud and his colleagues have isolated and described certain of these complexes. Most familiar of these are the Oedipus complex, which is explained as an effect of the unconscious conflict of father and son for the love of the mother; and the Electra complex, which similarly has as its source the unconscious struggle of mother and daughter for the affection of the father. Adler, in his description of the "inferiority" complex, explains it as an effect of the conflict growing out of the contrast between the ideal and the actual status of the person. Other mental conflicts described by the psychoanalysts are referred to the "adopted child" complex, the Narcissus complex, the sex shock, etc. These conflicts which disturb the mental life of the person are all the reflections of social relations and are to be explained in terms of status and the rôle of the individual in the group.
Emulation and rivalry represent conflict at higher social levels, where competition has been translated into forms that inure to the survival and success of the group. Research in this field, fragmentary as it is, confirms the current impression of the stimulation of effort in the person through conscious competition with his fellows. Adler's theory of "psychic compensation" is based on the observation that handicapped individuals frequently excel in the very fields in which they are apparently least qualified to compete. Demosthenes, for example, became a great orator in spite of the fact that he stuttered. Ordahl presents the only comprehensive survey of the literature in this field.
Simmel has made the outstanding contribution to the sociological conception of conflict. Just as the attitudes of the individual person represent an organization of antagonistic elements, society, as he interprets it, is a unity of which the elements are conflicting tendencies. Society, he insists, would be quite other than it is, were it not for the aversions, antagonisms, differences, as well as the sympathies, affections, and similarities between individuals and groups of individuals. The unity of society includes these opposing forces, and, as a matter of fact, society is organized upon the basis of conflict.
Conflict is an organizing principle in society. Just as the individual, under the influences of contact and conflict with other individuals, acquires a status and develops a personality, so groups of individuals, in conflict with other groups, achieve unity, organization, group consciousness, and assume the forms characteristic of conflict groups—that is to say, they become parties, sects, and nationalities, etc.
2. Types of Conflict
Simmel, in his study of conflict, distinguished four types—namely, war, feud and faction, litigation, and discussion, i.e., the impersonal struggles of parties and causes. This classification, while discriminating, is certainly not complete. There are, for example, the varied forms of sport, in which conflict assumes the form of rivalry. These are nevertheless organized on a conflict pattern. Particularly interesting in this connection are games of chance, gambling and gambling devices which appeal to human traits so fundamental that no people is without example of them in its folkways.
Gambling is, according to Groos, "a fighting play," and the universal human interest in this sport is due to the fact that "no other form of play displays in so many-sided a fashion the combativeness of human nature."[218]
The history of the duel, either in the form of the judicial combat, the wager of battle of the Middle Ages, or as a form of private vengeance, offers interesting material for psychological or sociological investigation. The transition from private vengeance to public prosecution, of which the passing of the duel is an example, has not been completed. In fact, new forms are in some cases gradually gaining social sanction. We still have our "unwritten laws" for certain offenses. It is proverbially difficult to secure the conviction, in certain parts of the country, Chicago, for example, of a woman who kills her husband or her lover. The practice of lynching Negroes in the southern states, for offenses against women, and for any other form of conduct that is construed as a challenge to the dominant race, is an illustration from a somewhat different field, not merely of the persistence, but the gradual development of the so-called unwritten law. The circumstances under which these and all other unwritten laws arise, in which custom controls in contravention of the formal written code, have not been investigated from the point of view of sociology and in their human-nature aspects.
Several studies of games and gambling, in some respects the most unique objectivations of human interest, have been made from the point of view of the fundamental human traits involved, notably Thomas' article on The Gaming Instinct, Groos's chapter on "Fighting Play," in his Play of Man, and G. T. W. Patrick's Psychology of Relaxation, in which the theory of catharsis, familiar since Aristotle, is employed to explain play, laughter, profanity, the drink habit, and war.
Original materials exist in abundance for the study of feud, litigation, and war. No attempt seems to have been made to study feud and litigation comparatively, as Westermarck has studied marriage institutions. Something has indeed been done in this direction with the subject of war, notably by Letourneau in France and by Frobenius in Germany. Sumner's notable essay on War is likewise an important contribution to the subject. The literature upon war, however, is so voluminous and so important that it will be discussed later, separately, and in greater detail.
Quite as interesting and important as that of war is the natural history of discussion, including under that term political and religious controversy and social agitation, already referred to as impersonal or secondary conflict.
The history of discussion, however, is the history of freedom—freedom, at any rate, of thought and of speech. It is only when peace and freedom have been established that discussion is practicable or possible. A number of histories have been written in recent years describing the rise of rationalism, as it is called, and the rôle of discussion and agitation in social life. Draper's History of the Intellectual Development of Europe and Lecky's History of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit of Rationalism in Europe are among the earlier works in this field. Robertson's History of Free Thought is mainly a survey of religious skepticism but contains important and suggestive references to the natural processes by which abstract thought has arisen out of the cultural contacts and conflicts among peoples, which conquest and commerce have brought into the same universe of discourse. What we seem to have in these works are materials for the study of the communal processes through which thought is formulated. Once formulated it becomes a permanent factor in the life of the group. The rôle of discussion in the communal process will be considered later in connection with the newspaper, the press agent, propaganda, and the various factors and mechanisms determining the formation of public opinion.
3. The Literature of War
The emphasis upon the struggle for existence which followed the publication of Darwin's The Origin of Species, in 1859, seemed to many thinkers to give a biological basis for the necessity and the inevitability of war. No distinction was made by writers of this school of thought between competition and conflict. Both were supposed to be based on instinct. Nicolai's The Biology of War is an essay with the avowed design of refuting the biological justification of war.
Psychological studies of war have explained war either as an expression of instinct or as a reversion to a primordial animal-human type of behavior. Patrick, who is representative of this latter school, interprets war as a form of relaxation. G. W. Crile has offered a mechanistic interpretation of war and peace based on studies of the chemical changes which men undergo in warfare. Crile comes to the conclusion, however, that war is an action pattern, fixed in the social heredity of the national group, and not a type of behavior determined biologically.
The human nature of war and the motives which impel the person to the great adventure and the supreme risk of war have not been subjected to sociological study. A mass of material, however, consisting of personal documents of all types, letters, common-sense observation, and diaries is now available for such study.
Much of the literature of war has been concentrated on this problem of the abolition of war. There are the idealists and the conscientious objectors who look to good will, humanitarian sentiment, and pacificism to end war by the transformation of attitudes of men and the policies of nations. On the other hand, there are the hard-headed and practical thinkers and statesmen who believe, with Hobbes, that war will not end until there is established a power strong enough to overawe a recalcitrant state. Finally, there is a third group of social thinkers who emphasize the significance of the formation of a world public opinion. This "international mind" they regard of far greater significance for the future of humanity than the problem of war or peace, of national rivalries, or of future race conflicts.
4. Race Conflict
A European school of sociologists emphasizes conflict as the fundamental social process. Gumplowicz, in his book Die Rassenkampf, formulated a theory of social contacts and conflicts upon the conception of original ethnic groups in terms of whose interaction the history of humanity might be written. Novicow and Ratzenhofer maintain similar, though not so extreme, theories of social origins and historical developments.
With the tremendous extension of communication and growth of commerce, the world is today a great community in a sense that could not have been understood a century ago. But the world, if it is now one community, is not yet one society. Commerce has created an economic interdependence, but contact and communication have not resulted in either a political or a cultural solidarity. Indeed, the first evidences of the effects of social contacts appear to be disruptive rather than unifying. In every part of the world in which the white and colored races have come into intimate contact, race problems have presented the most intractable of all social problems.
Interest in this problem manifests itself in the enormous literature on the subject. Most of all that has been written, however, is superficial. Much is merely sentimental, interesting for the attitudes it exhibits, but otherwise adding nothing to our knowledge of the facts. The best account of the American situation is undoubtedly Ray Stannard Baker's Following the Color Line. The South African situation is interestingly and objectively described by Maurice Evans in Black and White in South East Africa. Steiner's book, The Japanese Invasion, is, perhaps, the best account of the Japanese-American situation.
The race problem merges into the problem of the nationalities and the so-called subject races. The struggles of the minor nationalities for self-determination is a phase of racial conflict; a phase, however, in which language rather than color is the basis of division and conflict.
5. Conflict Groups
In chapter i conflict groups were divided into gangs, labor organizations, sects, parties, and nationalities.[219] Common to these groups is an organization and orientation with reference to conflict with other groups of the same kind or with a more or less hostile social environment, as in the case of religious sects.
The spontaneous organizations of boys and youths called gangs attracted public attention in American communities because of the relation of these gangs to juvenile delinquency and adolescent crime. An interesting but superficial literature upon the gang has developed in recent years, represented typically by J. Adams Puffer The Boy and his Gang. The brief but picturesque descriptions of individual gangs seem to indicate that the play group tends to pass over into the gang when it comes into conflict with other groups of like type or with the community. The fully developed gang appears to possess a restricted membership, a natural leader, a name—usually that of a leader or a locality—a body of tradition, custom and a ritual, a rendezvous, a territorial area which it holds as a sort of possession and defends against invasion by other groups. Attention was early called, as by Mr. Brewster Adams in an article The Street Gang as a Factor in Politics, to the facility with which the gang graduates into a local political organization, representing thus the sources of political power of the typical American city.
Although the conflict of economic groups is not a new nor even a modern phenomenon, no such permanent conflict groups as those represented by capital and labor existed until recent times. Veblen has made an acute observation upon this point. The American Federation of Labor, he states, "is not organized for production but for bargaining." It is, in effect, an organization for the strategic defeat of employers and rival organizations, by recourse to enforced unemployment and obstruction; not for the production of goods and services.[220]
Research in the labor problem by the Webbs in England and by Commons, Hoxie, and others in this country has been primarily concerned with the history and with the structure and functions of trade unions. At present there is a tendency to investigate the human-nature aspects of the causes of the industrial conflict. The current phrases "instincts in industry," "the human factor in economics," "the psychology of the labor movement," "industry, emotion, and unrest" indicate the change in attitude. The essential struggle is seen to lie not in the conflict of classes, intense and ruthless as it is, but more and more in the fundamental struggle between a mechanical and impersonal system, on the one hand, and the person with his wishes unsatisfied and insatiable on the other. All attempts to put the relations of capital and labor upon a moral basis have failed hitherto. The latest and most promising experiment in this direction is the so-called labor courts established by the Amalgamated Clothing Workers and their employees.
The literature upon sects and parties has been written for the most part with the purpose of justifying, to a critical and often hostile public, the sectarian and partisan aims and acts of their several organizations. In a few works such as Sighele's Psychologie des sectes and Michels' Political Parties an attempt has been made at objective description and analysis of the mechanisms of the behavior of the sect and of the party.
The natural history of the state from the tribe to the modern nation has been that of a political society based on conflict. Franz Oppenheimer maintains the thesis in his book The State: Its History and Development Viewed Sociologically, that conquest has been the historical basis of the state. The state is, in other words, an organization of groups that have been in conflict, i.e., classes and castes; or of groups that are in conflict, i.e., political parties.
A nationality, as distinct from a nation, as for instance the Irish nationality, is a language and cultural group which has become group conscious through its struggle for status in the larger imperial or international group. Nationalism is, in other words, a phenomenon of internationalism.
The literature upon this subject is enormous. The most interesting recent works on the general topic are Dominian's The Frontiers of Language and Nationality in Europe, Pillsbury's The Psychology of Nationality and Internationalism, and Oakesmith's Race and Nationality.
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
I. PSYCHOLOGY AND SOCIOLOGY OF CONFLICT
A. Conflict and Social Process
(1) Simmel, Georg. "The Sociology of Conflict." Translated from the German by Albion W. Small. American Journal of Sociology, IX (1903-4), 490-525; 672-89; 798-811.
(2) Gumplowicz, Ludwig. Der Rassenkampf. Sociologische Untersuchungen. Innsbruck, 1883.
(3) Novicow, J. Les Luttes entre sociétés humaines et leurs phases successives. Paris, 1893.
(4) Ratzenhofer, Gustav. Wesen und Zweck der Politik. Als Theil der Sociologie und Grundlage der Staatswissenschaften. 3 vols. Leipzig, 1893.
(5) ——. Die sociologische Erkenntnis. Positive Philosophie des Socialen Lebens. Leipzig, 1898.
(6) Sorel, Georges. Reflections on Violence. New York, 1914.
B. Conflict and Mental Conflict
(1) Healy, William. Mental Conflicts and Misconduct. Boston, 1917.
(2) Prince, Morton. The Unconscious. The fundamentals of personality, normal and abnormal. Chap. xv, "Instincts, Sentiments, and Conflicts," pp. 446-87; chap, xvi, "General Phenomena Resulting from Emotional Conflicts," pp. 488-528. New York, 1914.
(3) Adler, Alfred. The Neurotic Constitution. Outlines of a comparative individualistic psychology and psychotherapy. Translated by Bernard Glueck and John E. Lind. New York, 1917.
(4) Adler, Alfred. A Study of Organ Inferiority and Its Psychical Compensation. A contribution to clinical medicine. Translated by S. E. Jelliffe. "Nervous and Mental Disease Monograph Series," No. 24. New York, 1917.
(5) Lay, Wilfrid. Man's Unconscious Conflict. A popular exposition of psychoanalysis. New York, 1917.
(6) Blanchard, Phyllis. The Adolescent Girl. A study from the psychoanalytic viewpoint. Chap. iii, "The Adolescent Conflict," pp. 87-115. New York, 1920.
(7) Weeks, Arland D. Social Antagonisms. Chicago, 1918.
C. Rivalry
(1) Baldwin, J. Mark, editor. Dictionary of Philosophy and Psychology. Article on "Rivalry." Vol. II, pp. 476-78.
(2) Vincent, George E. "The Rivalry of Social Groups," American Journal of Sociology, XVI (1910-11), 469-84.
(3) Ordahl, George. "Rivalry: Its Genetic Development and Pedagogy," The Pedagogical Seminary, XV (1908), 492-549. [Bibliography.]
(4) Ely, Richard T. Studies in the Evolution of Industrial Society. Chap. ii, "Rivalry and Success in Economic Life," pp. 152-63. New York, 1903.
(5) Cooley, Charles H. Personal Competition: Its Place in the Social Order and Effect upon Individuals; with Some Considerations on Success. "Economic Studies," Vol. IV, No. 2. New York, 1899.
(6) Triplett, Norman. "The Dynamogenic Factors in Pacemaking and Competition," American Journal of Psychology, IX (1897-98), 507-33.
(7) Baldwin, J. Mark. "La Concurrence sociale et l'individualisme," Revue Internationale de sociologie, XVIII (1910), 641-57.
(8) Groos, Karl. The Play of Man. Translated with author's co-operation by Elizabeth L. Baldwin with a preface by J. Mark Baldwin. New York, 1901.
D. Discussion
(1) Bagehot, Walter. Physics and Politics. Or thoughts on the application of the principles of "Natural Selection" and "Inheritance" to political society. Chap. v, "The Age of Discussion," pp. 156-204. New York, 1875.
(2) Robertson, John M. A Short History of Free Thought, Ancient and Modern. 2 vols. New York, 1906.
(3) Windelband, Wilhelm. Geschichte der alten Philosophie. "Die Sophistik und Sokrates," pp. 63-92. München, 1894.
(4) Mackay, R. W. The Progress of the Intellect as Exemplified in the Religious Development of the Greeks and Hebrews. 2 vols. London, 1850.
(5) Stephen, Sir Leslie. History of English Thought in the Eighteenth Century. 2d ed., 2 vols. London, 1881.
(6) Damiron, J. Ph. Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire de la philosophie au 18ième siècle. 3 vols. Paris, 1858-64.
(7) Draper, J. W. History of the Intellectual Development of Europe. Rev. ed., 2 vols. New York, 1904.
(8) ——. History of the Conflict between Religion and Science. New York, 1873.
(9) Lecky, W. E. H. History of the Rise and Influence of the Spirit of Rationalism in Europe. Rev. ed., 2 vols. New York, 1903.
(10) White, Andrew D. History of the Warfare of Science with Theology. An expansion of an earlier essay, "The Warfare of Science," 2d. ed., 1877. 2 vols. New York, 1896.
(11) Haynes, E. S. P. Religious Persecution. A study in political psychology. London, 1904.
II. TYPES OF CONFLICT
A. War
1. Psychology and Sociology of War:
(1) Darwin, Charles. The Descent of Man. Chaps. xvii and xviii. "Secondary Sexual Characters of Mammals," pp. 511-67. (Gives account of the fighting instinct in males and the methods of fighting of animals.) 2d rev. ed. New York, 1907.
(2) Johnson, George E. "The Fighting Instinct: Its Place in Life," Survey, XXXV (1915-16), 243-48.
(3) Thorndike, Edward L. The Original Nature of Man. "Fighting," pp. 68-75. New York, 1913.
(4) Hall, G. Stanley. "A Study of Anger," American Journal of Psychology, X (1898-99), 516-91.
(5) Patrick, G. T. W. The Psychology of Social Reconstruction. Boston, 1920.
(6) ——. The Psychology of Relaxation. Chap. vi, "The Psychology of War," pp. 219-52. Boston, 1916.
(7) Pillsbury, W. B. The Psychology of Nationalism and Internationalism. New York, 1919.
(8) Trotter, W. Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War. London, 1916.
(9) La Grasserie, R. de. "De l'intolerance comme phénomène social," Revue International de Sociologie, XVIII (1910), 76-113.
(10) Percin, Alexandra. Le Combat. Paris, 1914.
(11) Huot, Louis, and Voivenel, Paul. Le Courage. Paris, 1917.
(12) Porter, W. T. Shock at the Front. Boston, 1918.
(13) Lord, Herbert Gardiner. The Psychology of Courage. Boston, 1918.
(14) Hall, G. Stanley. Morale, the Supreme Standard of Life and Conduct. New York, 1920.
(15) Roussy, G., and Lhermitte, J. The Psychoneuroses of War. Translated by W. B. Christopherson. London, 1918.
(16) Babinski, J. F., and Froment, J. Hysteria or Pithiatism, and Reflex Nervous Disorders in the Neurology of the War. Translated by J. D. Rolleston, with a preface by E. Farquhar Buzzard. London, 1918.
2. The Natural History of War:
(1) Sumner, William G. War and Other Essays. Edited with an introduction by Albert Galloway Keller. New Haven, 1911.
(2) Letourneau, Ch. La Guerre dans les diverses races humaines. Paris, 1895.
(3) Frobenius, Leo. Weltgeschichte des Krieges. Unter Mitwirkung von Oberstleutnant a. D. H. Frobenius u. Korvetten-Kapitän a. D. E. Kohlhauer. Hannover, 1903.
(4) Bakeless, John. The Economic Causes of Modern Wars. A study of the period 1878-1918. New York, 1921.
(5) Crosby, Oscar T. International War, Its Causes and Its Cure. London, 1919.
(6) Sombart, Werner. Krieg und Kapitalismus. Studien zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des modernen Kapitalismus. Vol. II, München, 1913.
(7) Lagorgette, Jean. Le Rôle de la guerre. Étude de sociologie générale. Préface de M. Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu. Paris, 1906.
(8) Steinmetz, S. R. Der Krieg als sociologisches Problem. Pp. 21 ff. Amsterdam, 1899.
(9) ——. Die Philosophie des Krieges. "Natur- und kultur-philosophische Bibliothek," Band VI. Leipzig, 1907.
(10) Constantin, A. Le rôle sociologique de la guerre et le sentiment national. Suivi de la guerre comme moyen de sélection collective, par S. R. Steinmetz. "Bibliothèque scientifique internationale," Tome CVIII. Paris. 1907.
(11) Keller, Albert G. Through War to Peace. New York, 1918.
(12) Worms, René, editor. "Les luttes sociales." Études et paroles de E. Levasseur, Lord Avebury, René Worms, J. Novicow, Lester F. Ward, A. P. Xénopol, Louis Gumplowicz, Ferdinand Tönnies, Raoul de la Grasserie, Simon Halpércine, Ludwig Stein, Émile Worms, Charles M. Limousin, Frederick Harrison, C. L. Loch, G. Arcoleo, R. Garofalo, J. K. Kochanowski, Léon Phillipe, Alfredo Niceforo, N. A. Abrikossof, Adolphe Landry. Annales de l'institut international de sociologie. Tome XI. Paris, 1907.
(13) Fielding-Hall, H. Nature of War and Its Causes. London, 1917.
(14) Oliver, Frederick S. Ordeal by Battle. London, 1915.
3. War and Human Nature:
(1) Petit-Dutaillis, C. E. "L'Appel de guerre en Dauphiné Ier 2 août 1914," Annales de l'Université de Grenoble, XXVII (1915), 1-59. [Documents consisting of letters written by instructors and others describing the sentiments with which the declaration of war was received.]
(2) Wood, Walter, editor. Soldiers' Stories of the War. London, 1915.
(3) Buswell, Leslie. Ambulance No. 10: Personal Letters from the Front. Boston, 1916.
(4) Kilpatrick, James A. Tommy Atkins at War as Told in His Own Letters. New York, 1914.
(5) Fadl, Said Memun Abul. "Die Frauen des Islams und der Weltkrieg," Nord und Süd, CLV (Nov. 1915), 171-74. [Contains a letter from a Turkish mother to her son at the front.]
(6) Maublanc, René. "La guerre vue par des enfants (septembre, 1914)." (Recits par des enfants de campagne.) Revue de Paris, XXII (septembre-octobre, 1915), 396-418.
(7) Daudet, Ernest, editor. "L'âme française et l'âme allemande." Lettres de soldats. Documents pour l'histoire de la guerre. Paris, 1915.
(8) "Heimatsbriefe an russische Soldaten." (Neue philologische Rundschau; hrsg. von dr. C. Wagener und dr. E. Ludwig in Bremen, jahrg. 1886-1908.) Die neue Rundschau, II (1915), 1673-83.
(9) "The Attack at Loos," by a French Lieutenant. "Under Shell-Fire at Dunkirk," by an American Nurse. "The Winter's War," by a British Captain. "The Bitter Experience of Lorraine," by the Prefect of Meurthe-et-Moselle. Atlantic Monthly, CXVI (1915), 688-711.
(10) Böhme, Margarete. Kriegsbriefe der Familie Wimmel. (Personal experiences in the Great War). Dresden, 1915.
(11) Chevillon, André. "Lettres d'un soldat," Revue de Paris, XXII (juillet-août, 1915), 471-95.
(12) Boutroux, Pierre. "Les soldats allemands en campagne, d'après leur correspondance," Revue de Paris, XXII (septembre-octobre, 1915), 323-43; 470-91
(13) West, Arthur Graeme. The Diary of a Dead Officer. Posthumous papers. London, 1918.
(14) Mayer, Émile. "Emotions des chefs en campagne," Bibliothèque universelle et Revue Suisse, LXIX (1913), 98-131.
(15) Wehrhan, K. "Volksdichtung über unsere gefallenen Helden," Die Grenzboten, LXXIV (No. 28, July 14, 1915), 58-64. [Calls attention to growth of a usage (anfangs, wagte sich der Brauch nur schüchtern, hier und da, hervor) of printing verses, some original, some quoted, in the death notices.]
(16) Naumann, Friedrich. "Der Kriegsglaube," Die Hilfe, XXI (No. 36, Sept. 9, 1915), 576. [Sketches the forces that have created a war creed, in which all confessions participate, immediately and without formalities.]
(17) Roepke, Dr. Fritz. "Der Religiöse Geist in deutschen Soldatenbriefen," Die Grenzboten, LXXIV (No. 30, July 28, 1915), 124-28. [An interesting analysis of letters which are not reproduced in full.]
(18) Wendland, Walter, "Krieg und Religion," Die Grenzboten, LXXIV (No. 33, Sept. 11, 1915), 212-19. [Reviews the literature of war and religion.]
(19) Bang, J. P. Hurrah and Hallelujah. The teaching of Germany's poets, prophets, professors, and preachers; a documentation. From the Danish by Jessie Bröchner. London and New York, 1917.
B. Race Conflict
1. Race Relations in General:
(1) Bryce, James. The Relations of the Advanced and the Backward Races of Mankind. Oxford, 1903.
(2) Simpson, Bertram L. The Conflict of Colour. The threatened upheaval throughout the world, by Weale, B. L. P. [pseud.]. London, 1910.
(3) Steiner, Jesse F. The Japanese Invasion. A study in the psychology of inter-racial contacts. Chicago, 1917.
(4) Stoddard, T. Lothrop. The Rising Tide of Color against White World-Supremacy. New York, 1920.
(5) Blyden, Edward W. Christianity, Islam, and the Negro Race. London, 1888.
(6) Spiller, G., editor. Papers on Inter-racial Problems. Communicated to the First Universal Races Congress, London, 1911, pp. 463-77. Boston, 1911. [Bibliography on Race Problems.]
(7) Baker, Ray Stannard. Following the Color Line. An account of Negro citizenship in the American democracy. New York, 1908.
(8) Miller, Kelly. Race Adjustment. Essays on the Negro in America. New York, 1908.
(9) Stephenson, Gilbert T. Race Distinctions in American Law. New York, 1910.
(10) Mecklin, John M. Democracy and Race Friction. A study in social ethics. New York, 1914.
(11) Evans, Maurice. Black and White in South East Africa. London, 1911.
(12) ——. Black and White in the Southern States. A study of the race problem in the United States from a South African point of view. London, 1915.
(13) Brailsford, H. N. Macedonia: Its Races and Their Future. London, 1906.
(14) Means, Philip A. Racial Factors in Democracy. Boston, 1918.
2. Race Prejudice:
(1) Crawley, Ernest. The Mystic Rose. A study of primitive marriage. Pp. 33-58; 76-235. London, 1902. [Taboo as a mechanism for regulating contacts.]
(2) Thomas, W. I. "The Psychology of Race-Prejudice," American Journal of Sociology, IX (1903-4), 593-611.
(3) Finot, Jean. Race Prejudice. Translated from the French by Florence Wade-Evans. London, 1906.
(4) Pillsbury, W. B. The Psychology of Nationality and Internationalism. Chap. iii, "Hate as a Social Force," pp. 63-89. New York, 1919.
(5) Shaler, N. S. "Race Prejudices," Atlantic Monthly, LVIII (1886), 510-18.
(6) Stone, Alfred H. Studies in the American Race Problem. Chap. vi, "Race Friction," pp. 211-41. New York, 1908.
(7) Mecklin, John M. Democracy and Race Friction. A study in social ethics. Chap v, "Race-Prejudice," pp. 123-56. New York, 1914.
(8) Bailey, T. P. Race Orthodoxy in the South. And other aspects of the negro question. New York, 1914.
(9) Parton, James. "Antipathy to the Negro," North American Review, CXXVII (1878), 476-91.
(10) Duncan, Sara Jeannette. "Eurasia," Popular Science Monthly, XLII (1892), 1-9.
(11) Morse, Josiah. "The Psychology of Prejudice," International Journal of Ethics, XVII (1906-7), 490-506.
(12) McDougall, William. An Introduction to Social Psychology. Chap. xi, "The Instinct of Pugnacity," pp. 279-95; "The Instinct of Pugnacity and the Emotion of Anger," pp. 49-61. 4th rev. ed. Boston, 1912.
(13) Royce, Josiah. Race Questions, Provincialism, and Other American Problems. Chap. i, "Race Questions and Prejudices," pp. 1-53. New York, 1908.
(14) Thomas, William I. "Race Psychology: Standpoint and Questionnaire, with Particular Reference to the Immigrant and the Negro," American Journal of Sociology, XVII (1912-13), 725-75.
(15) Bryce, James. Race Sentiment as a Factor in History. A lecture delivered before the University of London, February 22, 1915. London, 1915.
3. Strikes:
(1) Schwittau, G. Die Formen des wirtschaftlichen Kampfes, Streik, Boykott, Aussperung, usw. Eine volkswirtschaftliche Untersuchung auf dem Gebiete der gegenwärtigen Arbeitspolitik. Berlin, 1912. [Bibliography.]
(2) Hall, Frederick S. Sympathetic Strikes and Sympathetic Lockouts. "Columbia University Studies in Political Science." Vol. X. New York, 1898. [Bibliography.]
(3) Bing, Alexander M. War-time Strikes and Their Adjustment. With an introduction by Felix Adler. New York, 1921.
(4) Egerton, Charles E., and Durand, E. Dana. U. S. Industrial Commission Reports of the Industrial Commission on Labor Organizations. "Labor Disputes and Arbitration." Washington, 1901.
(5) Janes, George M. The Control of Strikes in American Trade Unions. Baltimore, 1916.
(6) United States Strike Commission, 1895. Report on the Chicago Strike of June-July, 1894, by the United States Strike Commission. Washington, 1895.
(7) Warne, Frank J. "The Anthracite Coal Strike," Annals of the American Academy, XVII (1901), 15-52.
(8) Anthracite Coal Strike Commission, 1902-3. Report to the President on the Anthracite Coal Strike of May-October, 1902, by the Anthracite Coal Strike Commission. Washington, 1903.
(9) Hanford, Benjamin. The Labor War in Colorado. New York, 1904.
(10) Rastall, B. M. The Labor History of the Cripple Creek District. A study in industrial evolution. Madison, Wis., 1908.
(11) United States Bureau of Labor. Report on Strike at Bethlehem Steel Works, South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. Prepared under the direction of Charles P. Neill, commissioner of labor. Washington, 1910.
(12) Wright, Arnold. Disturbed Dublin. The story of the great strike of 1913-14, with a description of the industries of the Irish Capital. London, 1914.
(13) Seattle General Strike Committee. The Seattle General Strike. An account of what happened in the Seattle labor movement, during the general strike, February 6-11, 1919. Seattle, 1919.
(14) Interchurch World Movement. Report on the Steel Strike of 1919. New York, 1920.
(15) U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. Report in Regard to the Strike of Mine Workers in the Michigan Copper District. Bulletin No. 139. February 7, 1914.
(16) ——. Strikes and Lockouts, 1881-1905. Twenty-first annual report, 1906.
(17) Foster, William Z. The Great Steel Strike and Its Lessons. New York, 1920.
(18) Wolman, Leo. "The Boycott in American Trade Unions," Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science, Vol. XXXIV. Baltimore, 1916.
(19) Laidler, Harry W. Boycotts and the Labor Struggle. Economic and legal aspects. With an introduction by Henry R. Seager. New York and London, 1914.
(20) Hunter, Robert. Violence and the Labour Movement. New York, 1914. [Bibliography.]
4. Lynch Law and Lynching:
(1) Walling, W. E. "The Race War in the North," Independent, LXV (July-Sept. 1908), 529-34.
(2) "The So-Called Race Riot at Springfield," by an Eye Witness. Charities, XX (1908), 709-11.
(3) Seligmann, H. J. "Race War?" New Republic, XX (1919), 48-50. [The Washington race riot.]
(4) Leonard, O. "The East St. Louis Pogrom," Survey, XXXVIII (1917), 331-33.
(5) Sandburg, Carl. The Chicago Race Riots, July, 1919. New York, 1919.
(6) Chicago Commission on Race Relations. Report on the Chicago Race Riot. [In Press.]
(7) Cutler, James E. Lynch-Law. An investigation into the history of lynching in the United States. New York, 1905.
(8) National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. Thirty Years of Lynching in the United States, 1889-1918. New York, 1919.
(9) ——. Burning at Stake in the United States. A record of the public burning by mobs of six men, during the first six months of 1919, in the states of Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Mississippi, and Texas. New York, 1919.
C. Feuds
(1) Miklosich, Franz. Die Blutrache bei den Slaven. Wien, 1887.
(2) Johnston, C. "The Land of the Blood Feud," Harper's Weekly, LVII (Jan. 11, 1913), 42.
(3) Davis, H., and Smyth, C. "The Land of Feuds," Munseys', XXX (1903-4), 161-72.
(4) "Avenging Her Father's Death," Literary Digest, XLV (November 9, 1912), 864-70.
(5) Campbell, John C. The Southern Highlander and His Homeland. Pp. 110-13. New York, 1921.
(6) Wermert, Georg. Die Insel Sicilien, in volkswirtschaftlicher, kultureller, und sozialer Beziehung. Chap. xxvii, "Volkscharacter und Mafia." Berlin, 1901.
(7) Heijningen, Hendrik M. K. van. Het Straf- en Wraakrecht in den Indischen Archipel. Leiden, 1916.
(8) Steinmetz, S. R. Ethnologische Studien zur ersten Entwicklung der Strafe, nebst einer psychologischen Abhandlung über Grausamkeit und Rachsucht. 2 vols. Leiden, 1894.
(9) Wesnitsch, Milenko R. Die Blutrache bei den Südslaven. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Strafrechts. Stuttgart, 1889.
(10) Bourde, Paul. En Corse. L'esprit de clan—les mœurs politiques—les vendettas—le banditisme. Correspondances adressées au "Temps." Cinquième édition. Paris, 1906.
(11) Dorsey, J. Owen. "Omaha Sociology," chap. xii, "The Law," sec. 310, "Murder," p. 369. In Third Annual Report of the U.S. Bureau of American Ethnology, 1881-82. Washington, 1884.
(12) Woods, A. "The Problem of the Black Hand," McClure's, XXXIII (1909), 40-47.
(13) Park, Robert E., and Miller, Herbert A. Old World Traits Transplanted. New York, 1921. [See pp. 241-58 for details of rise and decline of Black Hand in New York.]
(14) White, F. M. "The Passing of the Black Hand," Century, XCV, N. S. 73 (1917-18), 331-37.
(15) Cutrera, A. La Mafia e i mafiosi. Origini e manifestazioni. Studio di sociologia criminale, con una carta a colori su la densità della Mafia in Sicilia. Palermo, 1900.
D. The Duel and the Ordeal of Battle
(1) Millingen, J. G. The History of Duelling. Including narratives of the most remarkable personal encounters that have taken place from the earliest period to the present time. 2 vols. London, 1841.
(2) Steinmetz, Andrew. The Romance of Duelling in All Times and Countries. London, 1868.
(3) Sabine, Lorenzo. Notes on Duels and Duelling. Boston, 1855.
(4) Patetta, F. Le Ordalie. Studio di storia del diritto e scienza del diritto comparato. Turino, 1890.
(5) Lea, Henry C. Superstition and Force. Essays on the wager of law, the wager of battle, the ordeal, torture. 4th ed., rev., Philadelphia, 1892.
(6) Neilson, George. Trial by Combat. In Great Britain. Glasgow and London, 1890.
E. Games and Gambling
(1) Culin, Stewart. "Street Games of Boys in Brooklyn, N.Y.," The Journal of American Folk-Lore, IV (1891), 221-37.
(2) ——. Korean Games. With notes on the corresponding games of China and Japan. Philadelphia, 1895.
(3) ——. "Games of the North American Indians," Twenty-fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1902-3. Washington, 1907.
(4) Steinmetz, Andrew. The Gaming Table: Its Votaries and Victims, in all Times and Countries, Especially in England and in France. London, 1870.
(5) Thomas, W. I. "The Gaming Instinct," American Journal of Sociology, VI (1900-1901), 750-63.
(6) O'Brien, Frederick. White Shadows in the South Seas. Chap. xxii, pp. 240-48. [Memorable Game for Matches in the Cocoanut Grove of Lano Kaioo].
III. CONFLICT GROUPS
A. Gangs
(1) Johnson, John H. Rudimentary Society Among Boys. "Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science," 2d series, XI, 491-546. Baltimore, 1884.
(2) Puffer, J. Adams. The Boy and His Gang. Boston, 1912.
(3) Sheldon, H. D., "Institutional Activities of American Children," American Journal of Psychology, IX (1899), 425-48.
(4) Thurston, Henry W. Delinquency and Spare Time. A study of a few stories written into the court records of the City of Cleveland. Cleveland, Ohio., 1918.
(5) Woods, Robert A., editor. The City Wilderness. A settlement study by residents and associates of the South End House. Chap. vi, "The Roots of Political Power," pp. 114-47. Boston, 1898.
(6) Hoyt, F. C. "The Gang in Embryo," Scribner's, LXVIII (1920), 146-54. [Presiding justice of the Children's Court of the city of New York.]
(7) Boyhood and Lawlessness. Chap. iv, "His Gangs," pp. 39-54. Russell Sage Foundation, New York, 1914.
(8) Culin, Stewart. "Street Games of Boys in Brooklyn, N.Y.," The Journal of American Folklore, IV (1891), 221-37. [For observations on gangs see p. 235.]
(9) Adams, Brewster. "The Street Gang as a Factor in Politics," Outlook LXXIV (1903), 985-88.
(10) Lane, W. D. "The Four Gunmen," The Survey, XXXII (1914), 13-16.
(11) Rhodes, J. F. "The Molly Maguires in the Anthracite Region of Pennsylvania," American Historical Review, XV (1909-10) 547-61.
(12) Train, Arthur. "Imported Crime: The Story of the Camorra in America," McClure's, XXXIX (1912), 82-94.
B. Sects
(1) Nordhoff, Charles. The Communistic Societies of the United States from Personal Visit and Observation. Including chapters on "The Amana Society," "The Separatists of Zoar," "The Shakers," "The Oneida and Wallingford Perfectionists," "The Aurora and Bethel Communes." New York, 1875.
(2) Gillin, John L. The Dunkers: A Sociological Interpretation. New York, 1906. [Columbia University dissertation, V, 2.]
(3) Milmine, Georgine. The Life of Mary Baker G. Eddy and the History of Christian Science. New York, 1909.
(4) Gehring, Johannes. Die Sekten der russischen Kirche, 1003-1897. Nach ihrem Ursprunge und inneren Zusammenhange dargestellt. Leipzig, 1898.
(5) Grass, K. K. Die russischen Sekten. I, "Die Gottesleute oder Chlüsten"; II, "Die weissen Tauben oder Skopzen." Leipzig, 1907-9.
(6) Lea, Henry Charles. The Moriscos of Spain. Their conversion and expulsion. Philadelphia, 1901.
(7) Friesen, P. M. Geschichte der alt-evangelischen mennoniten Brüderschaft in Russland (1789-1910) im Rahmen der mennonitischen Gesamtgeschichte. Halbstadt, 1911.
(8) Kalb, Ernst. Kirchen und Sekten der Gegenwart. Unter Mitarbeit verschiedener evangelischer Theologen. Stuttgart, 1905.
(9) Mathiez, Albert. Les origines des cultes révolutionnaires. (1789-92). Paris, 1904.
(10) Rossi, Pasquale. Mistici e Settarii. Studio di psicopatologia collettiva. Milan, 1900.
(11) Rohde, Erwin. Psyche: Seelencult und Unsterblichkeitsglaube der Griechen. Freiburg, 1890.
C. Economic Conflict Groups
(1) Webb, Sidney and Beatrice. Industrial Democracy. London, 1897.
(2) ——. The History of Trade Unionism. (Revised edition extended to 1920.) New York and London, 1920.
(3) Commons, John R., editor. Trade Unionism and Labor Problems, Boston, 1905.
(4) ——. History of Labor in the United States. 2 vols. New York, 1918.
(5) Groat, George G. An Introduction to the Study of Organized Labor in America. New York, 1916.
(6) Hoxie, Robert F. Trade Unionism in the United States. New York, 1917.
(7) Marot, Helen. American Labor Unions. By a member. New York, 1914.
(8) Carlton, Frank T. Organized Labor in American History. New York, 1920.
(9) Levine, Louis. Syndicalism in France. 2d rev. ed. of The Labor Movement in France. New York and London, 1914.
(10) Brissenden, Paul Frederick. The I.W.W., A Study of American Syndicalism. New York, 1919. [Bibliography.]
(11) Brooks, John Graham. American Syndicalism; the I.W.W. New York, 1913.
(12) ——. Labor's Challenge to the Social Order. Democracy its own critic and educator. New York, 1920.
(13) Baker, Ray Stannard. The New Industrial Unrest. Reasons and remedies. New York, 1920.
(14) Commons, John R. Industrial Democracy. New York, 1921.
(15) Brentano, Lujo. On the History and Development of Gilds and the Origin of Trade Unions. London, 1870.
D. Parties
(1) Bluntschli, Johann K. Charakter und Geist der politischen Parteien. Nördlingen, 1869.
(2) Ostrogorskïi, Moisei. Democracy and the Organization of Political Parties. Translated from the French by F. Clarke with a preface by Right Hon. James Bryce. New York and London, 1902.