"April 23.—The natives having collected, we started at 10.5 a.m. I was obliged to walk, as my good horse, 'Greedy Grey,' is sick.
"The route was through forest and high grass as usual. We marched seventeen miles, and halted at immense groves of bananas at a place called Jon Joke.
"The baggage and cattle arrived after sunset, Morgian Agha having been deserted yesterday by all the carriers. As usual, throughout the route the water is bad.
"Alas! my poor horse, `Greedy Grey,' died to-day. He was the most perfect of all the horses I had brought from Cairo.
"April 24.-As usual, the native carriers have all bolted! Last night a sergeant arrived with a letter addressed to me from Abd-el-Kader, who has carried out my orders at Masindi by disarming the traders' party.
"April 25.-It rained throughout the night. The carriers sent by Kabba Rega arrived early. We started at 8.15 a.m., and marched ten miles, arriving at last at the capital of Unyoro—Masindi.
"This large town is situated on high undulating land with an extensive view, bounded on the west by the range of mountains bordering the Albert N'yanza, about fifty miles distant. The country is open, but covered with high grass. A succession of knolls, all more or less ornamented with park-like trees, characterize the landscape, which slopes gradually down towards the west, and drains into the Albert N'yanza, which is about twenty miles distant.
"The town of Masindi is, as usual throughout Unyoro, exceedingly neglected, and is composed of some thousand large beehive-shaped straw huts, without any arrangement or plan.
"I selected a position beneath a large banian-tree, from the base of which I cleared the herbage, and having pitched the tent, the natives tore up about an acre of the high grass, and we encamped upon the clean ground.
"Kabba Rega sent a present of twenty-nine loads of tullaboon (a small seed, Eleusine Coracan), a quantity of plantains and potatoes, and six goats.
"This spot is in N. lat. 1 deg. 45 min., and is seventy-nine miles, by our route, from the river at Foweera. We are thus 322 miles by route from Ismailia (Gondokoro).
"April 26.-I visited Kabba Rega officially, with the officers and troops in full uniform, and the band playing.
"I found him sitting in his divan; this was a large neatly-constructed hut, ornamented with some very common printed cotton cloths, which had arrived via Zanzibar. Kabba Rega was very well clad, in beautifully made bark-cloth striped with black; he was excessively neat, and appeared to be about twenty years of age. He gave me the same account of the atrocious proceedings of Abou Saood's companies that I had already received from his chiefs, and he expressed his delight at my arrival, and that I had captured Suleiman and some of his people.
"I explained the intentions of the Khedive of Egypt, at the same time I lamented the terrible change that had occurred throughout his country since my former visit. I assured him that the future would be prosperous, and that, under the protection of Egypt, he would never have further cause for alarm. I then summoned the prisoners that had been captured and disarmed by Colonel Abd-el-Kader; and having explained the charges against them, they were publicly flogged in the presence of a multitude of Kabba Rega's people, while Suleiman and Eddrees were led away in shebas, to the astonishment and delight of all beholders.
"The slaves that had been discovered in the possession of Suleiman's people were now brought forward, and having been identified by Kabba Rega and his people as belonging to Unyoro, they were at once released, and I returned both young girls and boys to their country. One woman did not wish to leave the traders, as she had been married to one of the company for some years, and had several children.
"I explained that they were actually FREE—to remain with their captors, or to return to their homes, as they thought proper.
"This was a good opportunity for assuring both Kabba Rega and this people that I should restore all the slaves that had been carried out of their country to the various stations of Abou Saood at Fatiko, Fabbo, Faloro, &c.
"I described to the young king and his chiefs that I was determined to suppress the slave trade, and that I had hitherto forborne to interfere in the release of the slaves at the various stations, as it would have been impossible to have returned them to their distant homes, neither could I have supplied them with food. I was now at Masindi, beyond the farthest station of Abou Saood, and I should certainly insist upon the return of every slave that had been kidnapped from this country. This would at once prove to the inhabitants of Unyoro the benefit of the Khedive's protection. (The subsequent attack made by the slave-traders upon the government troops and myself at Fatiko was due to this declaration that all slaves should be taken away from their captors and returned to their homes. It will be seen later that I sent orders to the commandant of my station at Fatiko to release all slaves, and this command was resisted by Abou Saood and his people.)
"April 27.-Kabba Rega had arranged to return my visit.
"I had ordered a broad roadway to be cleared from Kabba Rega's divan to my tent, which was pitched beneath an enormous fig-tree or banian (Ficus Indica). The troops were lined on either side of this approach in their best uniforms.
"The band was stationed near the tent, which was spread with skins and small carpets, all the sides being open.
"An hour and a half passed away after the first messenger had arrived from Kabba Rega to announce his visit. One after another, messengers had hurried to assure me that the king was just now approaching; but still the troops remained in expectation, and no king made an appearance.
"At length, after this long delay, he sent Rahonka to say that 'if it was all the same to me, he would rather see me at his own house.'
"This unmannerly young cub was actually suspicious of foul play, and was afraid to enter my tent!
"I immediately told Rahonka that his king was evidently not old enough to have learnt good manners, therefore I should at once dismiss the troops, who had already been waiting for nearly two hours to do him honour.
"I ordered the bugler to sound the 'destoor,' and the troops at once obeyed the signal.
"Terrified at the sound of the bugle, which was known to be some mysterious order, Rahonka implored me not to be angry, and he would at once bring Kabba Rega to the tent. The troops resumed their position.
"In a few minutes a great din of horns, drums, and whistles announced his approach, and we observed him walking down the road with an extraordinary gait. He was taking enormous strides, as though caricaturing the walk of a giraffe. This was supposed to be an imitation of M'tese, the king of Uganda, whose ridiculous attempt to walk like a lion has been described by Speke.
"Kabba Rega thus stalked along, followed by his great chiefs, Kittakara, Matonse, Rahonka, Quonga, and a number of others. Upon arrival opposite the band, the bugles and drums suddenly commenced with such a clash of cymbals that he seemed rather startled, and he entered the tent in the most undignified manner, with an air of extreme shyness half concealed by audacity.
"He was trembling with nervous anxiety, and with some hesitation he took his seat upon the divan that had been prepared for him. His principal chiefs sat upon skins and carpets arranged upon the ground.
"A crowd of about 2,000 people had accompanied him, making a terrific noise with whistles, horns, and drums. These were now silenced, and the troops formed a guard around the tent to keep the mob at a respectful distance. Every now and then several men of Kabba Rega's body-guard rushed into the crowd and laid about them with bludgeons five feet long, hitting to the right and left. This always chased the people away for a few minutes, until, by degrees, they resumed their position. Everybody was dressed up for a grand occasion, mostly in new clothes of bark- cloth, and many were in skins of wild animals, with their heads fantastically ornamented with the horns of goats or antelopes. The sorcerers were an important element. These rascals, who are the curse of the country, were, as usual, in a curious masquerade with fictitious beards manufactured with a number of bushy cows' tails.
"Kabba Rega was about five feet ten inches in height, and of extremely light complexion. His eyes were very large, but projected in a disagreeable manner. A broad but low forehead and high cheek-bones, added to a large mouth, with rather prominent but exceedingly white teeth, complete the description of his face. His hands were beautifully shaped, and his finger-nails were carefully pared and scrupulously clean. The nails of his feet were equally well attended to. He wore sandals of raw buffalo-hide, but neatly formed, and turned up round the edges.
"His robe of bark-cloth, which completely covered his body, was exquisitely made, and had been manufactured in Uganda, which country is celebrated for this curious production.
"This was Kabba Rega, the son of Kamrasi, the sixteenth king of Unyoro, of the Galla conquerors, a gauche, awkward, undignified lout of twenty years of age, who thought himself a great monarch. He was cowardly, cruel, cunning, and treacherous to the last degree. Not only had he ordered the destruction of his brother, Kabka Miro, but after his death, he had invited all his principal relations to visit him; these he had received with the greatest kindness, and at parting, he had presented them with gifts, together with an escort of his body-guard, called bonosoora, to see them safe home. These men, by the young king's instructions, murdered them all in the high grass during their return journey. By these means he had got rid of troublesome relations, and he now sat securely upon the throne with only one great enemy; this was Rionga, the stanch and determined foe of his father, who had escaped from every treachery, and still lived to defy him in the north-eastern provinces of Unyoro.
"It was easy to understand that he would welcome my arrival with a force sufficiently large to assist him against Rionga, and at the same time to rid him of Suleiman's party. He made use of the latter force as mercenary troops, to which he was obliged to allow boundless license; otherwise he might be invaded by the whole power of the combined companies of Fabbo, Faloro, Fatiko, and Farragenia. These companies might at any time change sides and ally themselves with Rionga, thus, could I clear the country of such doubtful allies, he would be relieved from all cause of alarm."
Notwithstanding these advantages, the young king sat uneasily upon his divan, and appeared timid and suspicious. According to Turkish etiquette, a handsome chibouque, trimmed with blue silk and gold, was handed to him. He examined the amber mouth-piece but declined to smoke, as "tobacco would blacken his teeth;" this was a curious excuse from a Central African dandy.
I begged him to accept the long pipe as a reminiscence of my arrival. Coffee and sherbet were then handed to him, but he declined both, and insisted upon two of his chiefs drinking the whole; during which operation he watched them attentively, as though in expectation of some poisonous effect.
This was conduct that boded no good for future relations. My wife tried to converse with him through the interpreter, Umbogo. Kabba Rega then explained that he recollected us both, as he was one of a crowd when a boy on the day we started from M'rooli for the Albert N'yanza.
The conversation quickly turned upon Rionga, whom he declared must be either captured or killed, before any improvement could take place in the country. The young king assumed that it was already arranged that I should assist him in this laudable object. I now changed the conversation by ordering a large metal box to be brought in. This had already been filled with an assortment of presents, including a watch. I explained to him that the latter had been intended for his father, Kamrasi; in the recollection of his constant demands for my watch during my former visit. The new toy was ticking loudly, and it was of course handed round and held to the ear of each chief before it was replaced in the box.
Kabba Rega replied that he knew I had been a great friend of his father, Kamrasi, and that I had now brought many valuable presents for him; but I must not forget, that, although the father was dead, the son (himself) was still alive, therefore I might at once hand over to him all that I had intended for his parent.
This was a true son of his father in the art of begging. I replied, that "hens did not lay all their eggs in one day, but continued one by one; and that I hoped, when I should know him better, he would discover the advantage of commerce, as the various goods that had now been introduced were intended to exhibit the manufactures of my own country. These would continue to arrive in Unyoro to be exchanged for ivory."
I then exhibited the large musical box with drums and bells. This was one of the best instruments of its kind, and it played a remarkably good selection of airs, which quite charmed the audience. Among the presents I had given to Kabba Rega was a small musical snuff box. This was now wound up and exhibited, but the greedy young fellow at once asked "Why I did not give him the large box?"
I gave him a regular lecture upon the advantages of commerce that would introduce an important change in this extraordinary country; at the same time I recalled to his recollection, that I had promised his father to open up a commercial route by which the productions and manufactures of the north should arrive in Unyoro, and render that country even more prosperous than Uganda. I had now arrived, as the lieutenant of the Khedive, according to my promise, and the whole of the equatorial Nile basis would be taken under his protection. No unnecessary wars would be permitted, but he (Kabba Rega) would remain as the representative of the government, and the affairs of the country would be conducted through him alone.
I assured him that no country could prosper without industry and a good government; that agriculture was the foundation of a country's wealth; and that war or civil disturbance, which interfered with agricultural employment, would ruin the kingdom. He replied that "Rionga was the sole cause of war; therefore it would be necessary to destroy him before any improvements could be made. If Rionga were killed and the slave-hunters expelled from the country, there might be some hope of progress; but that it was wasting breath to talk of commerce and agriculture until Rionga should be destroyed."
This was Kamrasi's old tune once more dinned into my ears. In my former journey I had been deserted by my carriers and starved for three months at Shooa Moru, simply to induce me to yield to this repeated demand: "Kill Rionga; or give me your men to assist me against him."
From what I had heard I considered that Rionga must be a very fine fellow, and much superior to either Kamrasi or his son.
In my former journey I had accomplished a long and difficult exploration without firing a shot at a human being; and I had studiously avoided meddling in native politics, which is certain to involve a traveller in difficulty. It had always been a source of great satisfaction when I looked back to my past adventures, and reflected that I had never pulled a trigger at a native; thus the arrival of a white man in these countries would be regarded without suspicion.
In my present expedition I had always endeavoured to preserve peace, but, as this work will show, I was in every instance forced to war in absolute self-defence. I was therefore determined not to attack Rionga, unless he should presume to defy the government.
In reply to Kabba Rega and his chiefs, who all had joined in the argument, I declared that I would find means to establish peace, and that Rionga would assuredly come to terms. Nothing would induce me to use force against him or any other person, unless absolutely necessary. I suggested to Kabba Rega that he should for a moment change positions with Rionga. What would his feelings be should I wantonly attack him, simply because I had been requested to do so by his enemy?
No argument was of any avail. Kabba Rega replied, "You were my father's friend and brother: your wife was the same. You drove back the slave-hunters under Wat-el-Mek by hoisting your flag. Since you left us, the slave-hunters have returned and ruined the country. My father is dead; but Rionga is still alive. Now you are my father, and your wife is my mother: will you allow your son's enemy to live?"
It was quite useless to attempt reason with this hardened young fellow, who had not an idea of mercy in his disposition. As he had murdered his own relatives by the foulest treachery, so he would of course destroy any person who stood in his way. I therefore changed the conversation to Abou Saood.
Kabba Rega and his sheiks all agreed that he had arrived here some time ago in a very miserable plight, exceedingly dirty, and riding upon a donkey. He was without baggage of any kind, and he introduced himself by giving a present to Kabba Rega of an old, battered metal basin and jug, in which he washed, together with a very old and worn-out small carpet, upon which he was accustomed to sit. With these magnificent presents he declared that he was "the son of a sultan, who had come to visit the king of Unyoro."
Kabba Rega had replied that "he did not believe it, as he had heard that he was simply a trader."
Reports had reached Unyoro that I had arrived at Gondokoro, and that I was on my way to visit Kamrasi, and to explore the Albert N'yanza; therefore Kabba Rega had questioned Abou Saood concerning me.
"Oh," Abou Saood replied, "that man whom we call 'the traveller'? Oh yes, he was a very good fellow indeed; but he is dead. He died long ago. The Pacha is a very different person; and I hope he will never be able to reach this country. If he does, it will be a bad time for YOU."
"Indeed!" replied Kabba Rega. "I heard that the Pacha and the traveller, the friend of my father, were the same person."
"You have been deceived," said Abou Saood. "The Pacha is not like the traveller, or any other man. He is a monster with three separate heads, in each of which are six eyes—three upon each side. Thus with eighteen eyes he can see everything and every country at once. He has three enormous mouths, which are furnished with teeth like those of a crocodile, and he devours human flesh. He has already killed and eaten the Bari people and destroyed their country. Should he arrive here, he will pull you from the throne and seize your kingdom. You must fight him, and by no means allow him to cross the river at Foweera. My soldiers will fight him on the road from Gondokoro, as will all the natives of the country: but I don't think he will be able to leave Gondokoro, as he has a large amount of baggage, _and I have told the Baris not to transport it:—thus he will have no carriers."
This was the actual report that Abou Saood had given to Kabba Rega, as the dragoman Umbogo had been the interpreter, in the presence of Mohammed, my old Cairo dragoman.
I laughed outright at this absurdity: at the same time it corroborated all that I had already heard of Abou Saood's treachery. I immediately asked Kabba Rega if he was satisfied now that he had seen me? He replied, "Abou Saood is a liar, and you are Kamrasi's friend, and my father: therefore you will, I am sure, assist me, and relieve me from my great enemy, Rionga. I shall then know that you are indeed my true friend."
Once more it was necessary to change the conversation. A number of buffoons that were kept about the court for the amusement of the young king now came forward. The crowd was driven back, and an open space having been thus cleared, they performed a curious theatrical scene, followed by a general fight with clubs, until one man, having knocked down all the party, remained the victor. The scene terminated with an act of disgusting indecency, which created roars of laughter from the immense crowd, who evidently considered this was the great joke of the piece.
"Kabba Rega now took leave, and retired as he had before arrived, with drums, whistles, horns, flageolets, making a horrid din . . . ."
The spot that I had selected for a station was at the southern edge of the town, from which site the land sloped into a valley about a hundred feet below. I had at once commenced clearing away the high grass, and, as usual when first settling, I had broken up a few small plots, and had already sown seeds of English cucumbers, sweet melons, &c.
The soil was wonderfully rich, at the same time it was very easily worked. When the tall rank grass was torn out by the roots, a fine surface was exposed that resembled dark chocolate. This was a vegetable loam, with a minimum of two feet thickness, resting upon a bright red quartz gravel.
The quartz was not rounded, and appeared to be only the residue of decayed rock that had never been subjected to the action of running water. When washed, a handful remained of sharp and clear white fragments.
With such a subsoil the country must be healthy, as the heaviest shower drained rapidly through the gravel.
I employed the prisoners in clearing the grass, while the soldiers commenced cultivation, and dug up the ground with a number of hoes that I borrowed from Kabba Rega.
These implements are nearly the same in shape as those in Gondokoro and throughout the Madi country, but smaller, and the iron is very brittle and inferior. They are not used like the Dutch hoe, with a long handle, but are fixed upon a piece of wood with a bend of natural growth, so the hoe can be used with a downward stroke like a pick-axe.
On 29th April I commenced building a government house and public divan.
The king of Uganda (M'tese) has envoys throughout the countries which surround his dominions. One of these chiefs, who represented M'tese at Masindi, paid me a visit, and gave me a good deal of information.
He described the M'wootan N'zige (Albert N'yanza) as forming the western frontier of Karagwe, from which point it turned westward for a distance unknown. This was a similar description to that given by Kamrasi some years ago.
I gave the envoy a red and yellow handkerchief to tie around his head.
The man was neatly dressed in Indian clothes that had arrived from
Bombay via Zanzibar.
On 30th April, Kabba Rega sent a present of twelve elephants' tusks, forty-one loads of tullaboon, twelve pots of sour plantain cider, and thirty-four cows. At the same time, he complained that some of Abou Saood's people were taking slaves in the neighbourhood of Foweera and Kisoona.
The principal chiefs, together with Kabba Rega, assured me that Abou Saood's people had been in the habit of torturing people to extract from them the secret of the spot in which their corn was concealed. Throughout Unyoro there are no granaries exposed at the present time, as the country has been ravaged by civil war; thus all corn is buried in deep holes specially arranged for that purpose. When the slave-hunters sought for corn, they were in the habit of catching the villagers and roasting their posteriors by holding them down on the mouth of a large earthen water jar filled with gloving embers. If this torture of roasting alive did not extract the secret, they generally cut the sufferer's throat to terrify his companion, who would then divulge the position of the hidden stores to avoid a similar fate. This accusation was corroborated by Mohammed, the Cairo dragoman.
It is difficult to conceive the brutality of these brigands, who, thus relieved from the fear of a government, exhibit their unbridled passions by every horrible crime.
Umbogo, the interpreter, was now regularly installed in a hut within call of my tent. This man appeared to be exceedingly fond of us, and he was the main source of information.
He had a very lovely wife, a Bahooma, who was a light brown colour, with beautiful Abyssinian eyes; she had been given to him by Kabba Rega, with whom he was a great favourite.
Umbogo was very intelligent, and he took a great interest in all my plans for establishing free trade throughout the country: but he told me privately that he thought the idea would be opposed secretly by Kabba Rega, who would wish to monopolize all the ivory trade, in order to keep up the price, and to obtain the whole of the merchandise.
The great variety of goods much astonished him, and he advised me strongly to send for a large supply of soap, for which there would be a great demand, as a light complexion was greatly admired in Unyoro. He said that Mohammed, the Cairo dragoman, was several shades lighter since I had supplied him with soap; this was true, as he had been very filthy before my arrival; but Umbogo was persuaded that the difference between white and black people was caused by the fact of our ancestors having always used soap, while the blacks used only plain water. This ethnological fact having been established, I gave him a small piece, to his great delight, as he expressed his intention to become a white man.
I was always chatting with Umbogo and the various chiefs, especially with my favourite, Kittakara, who was Kabba Rega's most confidential counsellor. They gave me a graphic account of the royal funeral that had taken place a few months ago, when Kamrasi has interred.
When a king of Unyoro dies, the body is exposed upon a framework of green wood, like a gigantic gridiron, over a slow fire. It is thus gradually dried, until it resembles an over-roasted hare.
Thus mummified, it is wrapped in new bark-cloths, and lies in state within a large house built specially for its reception.
The sons fight for the throne. The civil war may last for years, but during this period of anarchy, the late king's body lies still unburied.
At length, when victory has decided in favour of one of his sons, the conqueror visits the hut in which his father's body lies in state. He approaches the corpse, and standing by its side, he sticks the butt-end of his spear in the ground, and leaves it thus fixed near the right hand of the dead king. This is symbolical of victory.
The son now ascends the throne, and the funeral of his father must be his first duty.
An immense pit or trench is dug, capable of containing several hundred people.
This pit is neatly lined with new bark-cloths.
Several wives of the late king are seated together at the bottom, to bear upon their knees the body of their departed lord.
The night previous to the funeral, the king's own regiment or body-guard surround many dwellings and villages, and seize the people indiscriminately as they issue from their doors in the early morning. These captives are brought to the pit's mouth.
Their legs and arms are now broken with clubs, and they are pushed into the pit on the top of the king's body and his wives.
An immense din of drums, horns, flageolets, whistles, mingled with the yells of a frantic crowd, drown the shrieks of the sufferers, upon whom the earth is shovelled and stamped down by thousands of cruel fanatics, who dance and jump upon the loose mould so as to form it into a compact mass; through which the victims of this horrid sacrifice cannot grope their way, the precaution having been taken to break the bones of their arms and legs. At length the mangled mass is buried and trodden down beneath a tumulus of earth, and all is still. The funeral is over.
Upon my return to Egypt I was one day relating this barbarous custom to a friend, when Mr. Kay, of Alexandria, reminded me of the curious coincidence in the description of the travels of Ibn Batuta, written A.D. 1346.
I am indebted to Mr. Kay for the following extract from the work of Ibn Batuta, which will go far to prove the extreme conservatism of Africans in all that regards their rites and customs.
On his arrival at Khan Balik (Pekin), Ibn Batuta found that the khan, or emperor, was absent. His cousin had risen against him, and had been joined by most of the ameers, who accused the khan of having broken the laws of the Yassak, and had called upon him to abdicate.
The emperor marched against the rebels at the head of an army (which, Ibn Batuta says, consisted of a million cavalry and half a million infantry). A battle was fought, in which the khan was defeated and killed.
"This news reached the capital a few days after our arrival. The city was decorated, drums and trumpets were sounded, and games and rejoicings instituted, which continued for the space of a month.
"The dead body of the khan was then brought, together with the bodies of about a hundred men, his relations and followers.
"A large vault was constructed underground. It was spread with magnificent carpets, and the body of the khan was laid in it, along with his weapons and with the gold and silver vessels that were used in his household.
"Four female slaves and six memluks were led into the vault, each provided with a drinking vessel filled with liquid.
"The entrance of the vault was walled up, and earth was heaped on the top until it resembled a large hillock.
"Four horses were then brought and made to gallop in the neighbourhood of the tomb until they stood still with fatigue. A large beam of wood was erected over the tomb, and to this the horses were attached, being impaled with wooden pales, passed longitudinally through their bodies and projecting through their mouths.
"The bodies of the khan's relatives, whom I have previously mentioned, were likewise deposited in vaults, each with his weapons and with the vessels used in his house.
"Those of highest rank were ten in number. Over each of their tombs three horses were impaled, and one horse over each of the others.
"The day was one of public solemnity, and no one abstained from its observance, neither man nor woman, Moslem nor infidel. All arrayed themselves in funeral garments—the infidels wearing white tailasans, and the Moslem white gowns.
"The empresses, wives of the khan, and his chief followers remained in the neighbourhood of the tomb for forty days, living in tents. Some prolonged their stay up to a year, and a market was established at which provisions and every other necessary were sold.
"These are practices of the existence of which among any other people in these present times I have no personal knowledge.
"The Indian infidels and the people of China burn their dead. Others bury them, but without burying living men or women along with the corpse.
"But I was informed in the Soudan, by persons upon whose word full reliance may be placed, that among certain infidels in these countries, on the death of the king, a vault is constructed in which the corpse is laid, and along with it a certain number of his courtiers and servants; as also thirty persons, sons and daughters of the most distinguished men of the country. The fore-arms of these persons are first broken, as also their legs, below the knees, and drinking vessels are deposited with them in the tomb.
"I was informed by a person, one of the chief men of the Masuffahs, who dwelt in the country of Koobar, in the Soudan, and who was a favourite with the sultan, that on the death of the latter the people wished to bury my informant's son in the tomb along with those of their own children who had been chosen for the same purpose. He added: 'I remonstrated, saying, "How can ye do this? The lad is not of your faith, neither is he one of your children." Finally, I ransomed him,' he continued, 'with a heavy payment.'". . . .
This is an interesting fact, that so long ago as the year 1346 such a practice was known to exist in Central Africa.
When the funeral rites of Kamrasi were over, Kabba Rega ascended the throne, and succeeded to all his father's wives, with the exception of his own mother. This is the invariable custom in Unyoro.
The throne is composed partly of copper and of wood. It is an exceedingly small and ancient piece of furniture, and has been handed down for many generations and is considered to be a cojoor, or talisman. There is also an ancient drum, which is regarded with reverence as something uncanny, and the two articles are always jealously guarded by special soldiers, and are seldom used.
Should the throne be lost or stolen, the authority of the king would disappear, together with the talisman, and disorder would reign throughout the country until the precious object should be restored.
CHAPTER XIX.
RESTORATION OF THE LIBERATED SLAVES.
The work had now fairly commenced, and Kabba Rega and his chiefs were assured of a grand reform. Already the slave-hunters had been punished: the vakeel, Suleiman, was secured in the stocks, and the slaves that had been kidnapped had been restored to their homes in Unyoro. I now determined to insist upon the restoration of all the Unyoro slaves that had been carried away from this country, and were captives in the zareebas of Fatiko, Fabbo, Faloro, and Farragenia. From the descriptions of Kabba Rega and his chiefs, I considered that these prisoners amounted to about a thousand persons—women and children.
Umbogo, the interpreter, declared that Abou Saood's companies would attack the government troops, should I insist upon the liberation of the slaves. He had lived with these slave-hunters, and he had frequently heard them declare, that, "should the Pacha ever arrive in this country, and insist upon the suppression of slavery, they would shoot him rather than lose their slaves." I treated this idea as an absurdity.
At the same time that Kabba Rega and his people were eager for the restoration of the numerous women and children that had been stolen from Unyoro, they were themselves great slave-dealers.
M'tese, the powerful King of Uganda, on the southern frontier of Unyoro, was in the habit of purchasing ivory in that country for the merchants of Zanzibar.
These purchases were made by an exchange of slaves, brass-coil bracelets, and long cotton shirts; which were either of British or Indian manufacture, that had arrived via Zanzibar.
M'tese, with his usual sagacity, did not permit the merchants of that country to enter Uganda in force, but he received from them both slaves and merchandise, which he sent into the surrounding countries for the purchase of ivory. He thus monopolized the trade, and kept the price at a minimum.
In Unyoro there was an established value for a healthy young girl. Such a person was equal to a single elephant's tusk of the first class, or to a new shirt. Thus a girl could be purchased for a shirt, and she might be subsequently exchanged for a large elephant's tusk.
In the country of Uganda, where the natives are exceedingly clever as tailors and furriers, needles are in great demand. A handsome girl may be purchased for thirteen English needles! Thus for slave-traders there existed an excellent opening for a profitable business. A girl might be bought for thirteen needles in Uganda, to be exchanged in Unyoro for an elephant's tusk that would be worth twenty or thirty pounds in England.
Abou Saood's brigands had been far too lawless even for this innocent traffic, and in default of the merchandise necessary for such profitable exchanges, they had found it more convenient to kidnap young girls, which saved much trouble in bargaining for needles and shirts.
In every African tribe that I have visited, I found slavery a natural institution of the country. I had at length discovered that it was bad policy to commence a dissertation against the slave trade generally; this attacked local interests, therefore it was more diplomatic to speak against the capture of women and children that belonged to my hearers, but to avoid a discussion upon the moral aspect of the slave trade.
The negro idea of the eighth commandment is: "Thou shalt not steal—from ME;" but he takes a liberal view of the subject when the property belongs to another.
I had been rather startled in the year of my arrival at Gondokoro, when, during the voyage, I landed and conversed with some sheiks of the Shir tribe. One of these headmen was loud in his complaints against the slave-hunters and against the slave trade in particular, from which his tribe had suffered. Many of the women and children had been carried off by a neighbouring tribe, called the Berri, on the east of the Nile. The sheik therefore proposed that I should join him with my troops and capture all the women and children that belonged to his enemies. This was natural enough, and was a simple example of the revenge that is common to uneducated human nature. The sheik and I got on famously, and I found a good listener, to whom I preached a touching sermon upon the horrors of the slave trade, which I was resolved to suppress.
The good man was evidently moved at the allusion to the forcible separation of children from their parents.
"Have you a son?" he asked.
"My sons are, unfortunately, dead," I replied.
"Indeed!" he exclaimed. "I have a son—an only son. He is a nice boy—a very good boy; about so high (showing his length upon the handle of his spear). I should like you to see my boy—he is very thin now; but if he should remain with you he would soon get fat. He's a really nice boy, and always hungry. You'll be so fond of him; he'll eat from morning till night; and still he'll be hungry. You'll like him amazingly; he'll give you no trouble if you only give him plenty to eat. He'll lie down and go to sleep, and he'll wake up hungry again. He's a good boy, indeed; and he's my only son. I'll sell him to you for a molote! (native iron spade)."
The result of my sermon on the slave trade, addressed to this affectionate father, was quite appalling. I was offered his only son in exchange for a spade! and this young nigger knave of spades was warranted to remain always hungry.
I simply give this anecdote as it occurred without asserting that such conduct is the rule. At the same time, there can be no doubt that among the White Nile tribes any number of male children might be purchased from their parents—especially in seasons of scarcity.
Girls are always purchased, if required, as wives. It would be quite impossible to obtain a wife for love from any tribe that I have visited. "Blessed is he that hath his quiver full of them" (daughters). A large family of girls is a source of wealth to the father, as he sells each daughter for twelve or fifteen cows to her suitor. Every girl is certain to marry; thus a dozen daughters will bring a fortune of at least 150 cows to their parents in all pastoral countries.
In Unyoro, cattle are scarce, and they belong to the king; therefore the girls are purchased for various commodities—such as brass-coil bracelets, bark-cloths, cotton shirts, ivory, &c.
I was anxious to establish a new and legitimate system of trade in this country, which would be the first step towards a higher civilization. I accordingly devoted every energy to the completion of the station, in which we were assisted by the natives, under the direction of their various headmen.
The order and organization of Unyoro were a great contrast to the want of cohesion of the northern tribes. Every district throughout the country was governed by a chief, who was responsible to the king for the state of his province. This system was extended to sub-governors and a series of lower officials in every district, who were bound to obey the orders of the lord-lieutenant. Thus every province bad a responsible head, that could be at once cut off should disloyalty or other signs of bad government appear in a certain district.
In the event of war, every governor could appear, together with his contingent of armed men, at a short notice.
These were the rules of government that had been established for many generations throughout Unyoro.
The civil war had ceased, and Kabba Rega having ascended the throne, the country had again fallen into the order that a previous good organization rendered easy.
The various headmen of the district now appeared daily, with their men laden with thatch grass and canes for the construction of the station.
I commenced a government house, and a private dwelling adjoining for myself.
On my first arrival at Masindi I had begged Kabba Rega to instruct his people to clear away about fifty acres of grass around our station, and to break up the ground for cultivation, as I wished my troops to sow and reap their own corn, instead of living at the expense of the natives.
The system, both in Uganda and Unyoro, is bad and unjust.
Should visitors arrive, they are not allowed to purchase food from the people, but they must be fed by the king's order at the cost of the inhabitants. This generally results in their not being fed at all, as the natives quit the neighbourhood.
I had suffered much from hunger in Unyoro, during my former visit, in the reign of Kamrasi; therefore I wished to protect myself against famine by a timely cultivation of the surrounding fertile land, which was now covered with rank grass about nine feet high.
In a military point of view it was impolitic to sit down within a station incircled by a dense grass covert, and although I had not the most remote suspicion of hostility in this country, I preferred a situation whence we could enjoy an extensive landscape.
The Albert N'yanza lay distant about twenty miles on the west, in the deep basin which characterizes this extraordinary sheet of water. Immense volumes of cloud rose in the early morning from the valley which marked the course of the lake, as the evaporation from the great surface of water condensed into mist, when it rose to the cooler atmosphere of the plateau 1,500 feet above the level.
The proposal of farming did not appear to please Kabba Rega. It was explained that the men were not accustomed to labour in the fields, as agricultural work was performed by the women, all of whom were now absent and engaged in preparing their own land.
Although Masindi was a large town, I was struck by the absence of females. The only women that I saw were two, one of whom was the pretty wife of Umbogo the dragoman. It has already been explained, that the absence of women generally denotes hostility, but as the rainy season necessitated hard work, I accepted the explanation.
The corn for the supply of Masindi was brought from a distance of two days' journey, and numbers of people were daily employed in going to and fro for the general provisions of the station.
The slave-hunters belonging to Suleiman, who were now prisoners under a guard, numbered twenty-five men: I employed these people daily to clear away the high grass, which was piled and burnt, the ashes were then spread, and the ground was hoed up and thoroughly prepared by the troops.
It was in vain that I urged upon Kabba Rega and his chiefs the necessity of cultivation for the supply of corn requisite for the troops. Every day they promised to clear away the grass, provided the soldiers would then dig and prepare the ground. This I agreed to do, but the natives showed no intention of working.
I began to suspect that Kabba Rega had an objection to a large open clearing. The tactics of all natives are concealment; if a man is frightened, he hides in the grass; in case of hostilities, the high grass is a fortress to the negro. It became evident that we were to remain surrounded by this dense herbage, which not only obstructed the view, but rendered the station damp and dreary.
I explained to the chiefs the folly of Kabba Rega in thus neglecting such magnificent soil, which, with a little labour, would produce all that we could require, and would save both him and his people the trouble of feeding us. At the same time I set all hands of my own people to clear a large space and to make gardens.
Unyoro had always been a country of cowardice and suspicion, and I could plainly see that we were narrowly watched. Kabba Rega usually sat in his public divan from about two p.m. till 4 daily, to transact public business. This large circular building was extremely neat, and the ground was carefully strewed with the long fringes of the papyrus rush, after the fashion of our ancestors in England, who, before the introduction of carpets, strewed the floor with rushes.
The young king informed me that, as he wished to be in constant communication with me personally, he should build a new divan within a few yards of my residence, so that we could converse upon all occasions without being watched by his people.
This was merely an excuse for erecting a building within fifty yards of my house, from which his guards could watch all that happened, and report everything to their master.
The new building was constructed with wonderful quickness, and prettily walled with canes inside to resemble basket-work.
Kabba Rega came to his new divan, attended by a number of his guards, or bonosoora, armed with guns. To give him confidence, I went to see him unattended, except by Lieutenant Baker and my ever-faithful attendant, Monsoor, who did not at all approve of my going unarmed.
The conversation quickly turned upon guns. Kabba Rega was delighted with the mechanism of Monsoor's snider rifle, which he at once understood and explained to his body-guard. He appeared to have quite lost his shyness; and he begged me to consider him simply in the light of my own son, and to give him all the merchandise AT ONCE that I had brought with me to establish a new trade.
I told him that fathers did not give their sons all their property at once; but that if I saw that he performed his duty to the Khedive, he need not fear. I had both the power and the good-will to reward him.
He continued the conversation precisely according to his late father Kamrasi's style: "I have no one but yourself to regard. Does not a father consider the interests of his son? You were my father's friend; and I have always looked for your return. I knew that Abou Saood was a liar when he spoke against you; I knew that he was an impostor when he announced himself as the son of a sultan. Would the son of a sultan only give me a present of an old carpet and a dirty washing-basin? I always said, 'Wait till the Pacha comes', Mallegge, (Mallegge, or the Man with the Beard, was my nickname in Unyoro during my former journey.) my father's friend. He is truly a great man, who does not travel empty-handed; and he will bring me presents worth my acceptance—things that the impostor, Abou Saood, does not understand the use of.' By the by, there was a magic instrument with which you could find your way without a guide in strange countries, that you PROMISED to send to my father; you have, of course, brought it for me?"
This demand amused me much, as I well remembered how Kamrasi had bothered me for my compass. I pretended that he meant a watch, which I had already given him.
At length I was obliged to promise that if he would clear away the grass and cultivate the neighbouring ground, I would give him a compass.
I now explained the advantages of free trade, and I begged him to order his men to complete the government house without delay, as I could not unpack my numerous boxes until I had some place where I could exhibit the contents. I described the difficulties of the route from Khartoum, and the expense of transport from Gondokoro, owing to the unwillingness of the Baris to carry loads, and I explained my intention of erecting steamers on the Nile which would bring all kinds of merchandise to Unyoro via the Albert N'yanza in exchange for ivory, thus the Zanzibar trade would turn towards the north and the elephants' tusks that were now purchased by M'tese, would remain in Unyoro, until delivered to the Khedive's government in barter for manufactured goods.
The name of M'tese seemed to make him uncomfortable. He replied: "You are my father, and you will stand by your son against his enemies. This M'tese troubles me. In my father Kamrasi's lifetime he frequently attacked us, and carried off our herds together with our women and children. He is too strong to resist single-handed, but now that you are hero I shall have no fear. Don't let us talk about merchandise, that will come in due time; never mind trade; let us talk about guns and gunpowder. You must give me muskets and ammunition in large quantities; I will then arm all my bonosoora (soldiers) and with your assistance I will fight M'tese. I will then fill your large new house with ivory for the Khedive."
"There is no time to lose; you PROMISED to fight Rionga; my troops are all ready, your men have nothing to do. Keep a few here, and send the main force with my army to attack him at once, before he has time to escape to the Langgos."
I could almost have imagined that I had been speaking with Kamrasi, so thoroughly did his son resemble him in his diplomacy.
I answered him with caution, declaring that I could not allow any reckless acts that would plunge the country in confusion. He (Kabba Rega) had nothing to fear; but time was required to ripen my plans. I had promised that I would dismiss Suleiman and his people from Unyoro: at the same time I should liberate all the slaves that had been stolen by Abou Saood's companies, and restore them to their homes. This was my first duty, that would assure the natives of my sincerity, and establish general confidence in the government.
Fatiko was 160 miles distant. I should therefore send Suleiman and his people under an escort direct to Major Abdullah, the commandant, with orders to recover from Abou Saood all the slaves that had been captured from Unyoro.
Major Abdullah would then break up his camp at Fatiko, and march in charge of the slaves, with his detachment of 100 men, together with all effects, and join me at Unyoro. He would, upon arrival at the Victoria Nile, occupy the now deserted station of Suleiman at Foweera; thus he would be within a march of Rionga.
The old enemy of the family (Rionga) would then have an opportunity, either of declaring his allegiance and remaining at peace, or, should he become turbulent, a government force would be at hand to control him.
I therefore arranged that Kabba Rega should supply me with 300 carriers, who would accompany my escort to Fatiko and transport all stores, ammunition, &c., &c., so as to concentrate my force in Unyoro.
This plan seemed to delight Kabba Rega; he declared that the first step necessary was the banishment of Suleiman and his people from the country. The next move would be the attack upon Rionga. I explained to him that it would be quite useless for any enemy to retreat for security to the river islands, as the rockets would search them out in the middle of the dense canes, and they would be only too glad to escape; but at the same time, I should hope that Rionga would come to terms and avoid the necessity of a resort to force.
That evening, after we had dined, and I was smoking my customary chibouque, Kabba Rega astonished me by an impromptu visit; he was as usual attended by some of his followers armed with muskets. He sat down at the table, and having felt the table-cloth, he wished to know "why the table was covered;" he then examined the tumblers, and everything that was present, all of which he seemed to admire. I offered him some gin and water. This he smelt but would not taste, as he suspected poison; accordingly he poured it into wine glasses, and divided it among three of his people, who were obliged to drink it, while their master watched them attentively, in expectation of some ill effects. His people rather approved of the poison, and asked for more. Kabba Rega seemed to think that a larger dose was necessary; but as we could not afford to waste Geneva by experiments upon numerous attendants, all of whom were to be poisoned with our good liquor for the amusement of the king, I sent the bottle away and turned the subject.
Kabba Rega now minutely examined the lamps and glass shades. The principle was explained to him, and the candle was withdrawn from the tube and spring, and again replaced. He expressed a wish to have one, saying that he intended to have everything precisely as I had.
I assured him that this was my object; I wished to create new wants among his people and himself, which would tend to develop commerce. He might have everything in European style, and live in a civilized manner, now that the route was open from the north. Ivory was abundant in this country, and this would provide him with the means of purchasing all that he could desire.
I had ordered Monsoor to arrange a stake in the ground, with a large nail driven in the top at right angles to form a rocket-stand. I now asked Kabba Rega if he would like to see a rocket fired.
The idea delighted him, and a few rockets having been brought, together with port-fires and blue lights, we exhibited the fireworks. There was no wind, thus the rockets did no damage, as they were inclined towards the north, in which direction there were no buildings.
Kabba Rega himself ignited a rocket with a port-fire, and although rather nervous at the great rush of fire, he seemed interested at the fact that a town composed of straw huts could be destroyed from a distance . . . .
On the following morning, Umbogo, the dragoman, told me that the natives had been very much frightened at the rockets, as they said, "the Pacha was going to set the sky on fire."
The station was progressing rapidly. The soil was of such extraordinary richness that the seeds sprang up like magic. On the third day after sowing, the cucumbers, melons, pumpkins, and cotton seeds, showed themselves above ground.
I had made a broad walk of red gravel from Kabba Rega's new divan, to the government house. The roads and approaches were finished, and all neatly laid with fresh gravel stamped firmly down. The borders of all paths and roads were sown with the best quality of Egyptian cotton, known in Egypt as galleen. My large tent was pitched beneath an immense banian-tree, close to which was the new government house. This grand-sounding name was given to a very solid construction of a most simple character. The divan was a building containing only one room twenty-eight feet long by fourteen wide, and about twenty feet high. It was carefully thatched with overhanging eaves, which formed a narrow verandah, and it was entered by a commodious porch; this was arched in the native fashion, and was so large that it formed a lobby, in which we sometimes dined. The inside walls of the divan were neatly made with canes closely lashed together.
There was a back door to this public room which communicated with a separate house by a covered way.
This was our private residence, which also consisted of only one room; but I had arranged it with extreme neatness, in order to excite the admiration of Kabba Rega and his chiefs, who would, I hoped, imitate the manners and customs of civilized life, and thus improve trade.
The room was twenty-four feet long by thirteen wide. The walls were as usual made of canes, but these were carefully hung with scarlet blankets, sewn together and stretched to the ground, so as to form an even surface. The floor was covered with mats. Upon the walls opposite to each other, so as to throw endless reflection, were two large oval mirrors (girandoles) in gilt metal frames. A photograph of her Majesty the Queen stood on the toilet table.
At the extreme end of the room was a very good coloured print, nearly life size, of her Royal Highness the Princess of Wales. The scarlet walls were hung with large coloured prints, life size, of very beautiful women, with very gorgeous dresses, all the jewelry being imitated by pieces of coloured tinsel. A number of sporting prints, very large, and also coloured, were arranged in convenient places on the walls. There were fox-hunting scenes, and German stag-hunts, together with a few quiet landscapes, that always recalled the dear old country now so far away.
The furniture was simple enough: two angarebs, or Arab stretchers, which, during the day, were covered with Persian carpets and served as sofas, while at night they were arranged as beds. The tables were made of square metal boxes piled one upon the other and covered with bright blue cloths. These were arranged with all kinds of odd trinkets of gaudy appearance, but of little value, which were intended to be asked for, and given away. Two native stools curiously cut out of a solid block formed our chairs. The guns and rifles stood in a row against a rack covered with red Turkey cloth; and a large Geneva musical box lay upon a table beneath the Princess of Wales.
Altogether the room was exceedingly pretty. It would have been vulgar if in England; but it was beautifully clean, and it shortly became the wonder of Central Africa.
I had brought the large gilt mirrors from England specially for M'tese, the king of Uganda, and for Kamrasi. I knew that if they were arranged in my own house, the news would be carried to M'tese immediately; and the fact of so great a curiosity and treasure being on the road to him would at once open a communication.
On 8th May, the prisoners of Suleiman's company, numbering twenty-five persons, came to the divan, headed by Ali Genninar, and supplicated forgiveness. They all declared their desire to be registered on the government books as irregular troops.
I had already witnessed an example of their duplicity, therefore I had no confidence in their professions, but at the same time I did not know what to do with them. The fact of their being in custody required twenty soldiers to relieve the necessary guards. I therefore determined to be magnanimous, as I was only too happy to be rid of such bad bargains should they run away. The only man that I trusted was Ali Genninar; he was a clever and plucky fellow that I had known in my former African journey, at which time he belonged to the company of Ibrahim.
After a good lecture I forgave them, and they all received their serkis (certificates) as members of the irregular corps. Ali Genninar was to have the rank of lieutenant.
I told them that it was my intention to hoist the Ottoman flag, and to officially annex the country in the presence of Kabba Rega and his people, therefore I did not wish any subjects of the Khedive to be in disgrace upon such an occasion, excepting only Suleiman, who would be sent to Cairo on the first opportunity, to answer for the murder of the prisoner at Foweera. I therefore divided a few pounds of beads among them for the purchase of new bark-cloths, as I could not allow them to appear in their dirty clothes on the day of the ceremony.
They all went away rejoicing, and swearing fidelity, at the same time confessing their sins, and vowing that I had treated them better than they had deserved.
As usual, our proceedings were narrowly watched by the guards stationed at Kabba Rega's new divan, within fifty yards of my house. These spies immediately ran off to their master with the report that I had forgiven the slave-hunters who were lately prisoners, and that I had actually made them presents of beads. (At that time I had not the slightest idea that the liberation of the prisoners would excite suspicion in the minds of Kabba Rega and his people, but there can be no doubt that this act of clemency on my part destroyed the confidence which had previously existed.)
This report was quickly confirmed, as the new and dirty members of the irregular corps, who were now at liberty, presented themselves in the town with their hands full of beads to purchase the necessary bark-cloths. These cloths are prepared from the bark of a species of fig-tree in a very simple manner, which I have personally witnessed.
A piece of bark about six feet long, and as wide as possible, is detached from the trunk of the tree. The outside rind is pared off by a lance-head used with two hands, like a cooper's drawing-knife. The bark is then laid upon a beam of wood on the ground, on which it is hammered with a mallet grooved in fine cuts, so that the repeated blows stamp the bark with lines somewhat resembling corduroy. This hammering expands the bark, which is repeatedly turned and hammered again, until at length it is beaten into a cloth of rather fine texture. The action of the air colours the material, which, although white when first stripped from the tree, quickly assumes a delicate shade of brown, as a slice of an apple oxydizes upon exposure in our own climate.
The finest cloths are ornamented with patterns in black. These are simply produced by drawing the design with water from iron springs, which combining with the tannin of the bark immediately stains it.
The sheets of bark-cloth are frequently dyed this colour by immersing them for a short time in springs of the same water.
The finest cloths are produced in Uganda, and all that are used for royal wear are brought from that country in exchange for ivory.
My new men, the late slave-hunters, who I hoped were "wicked men that had turned away from their wickedness," had succeeded in purchasing a quantity of new cloths ready for the day of annexation.
That night, at about nine o'clock, just before we were going to bed, we had remarked an extraordinary stillness in the town of Masindi. There was not a whisper to be heard throughout the capital, where generally the night was passed in the uproar of drunken singing and blowing of horns.
Suddenly this extraordinary silence was broken by the deep notes of a nogara or drum. This sounded for a second or two, and ceased. Again all was still as death.
A sudden burst of hellish noise, such as I have never heard before or since, now startled every soldier to his feet, and without orders, every man armed and fell into position!
Colonel Abd-el-Kader, with his sword belted on and a rifle in his hand, came to me for orders on the instant. The ever-ready Monsoor was armed and by my side.
In the mean time the din of very many thousands continued, yelling and shrieking as though maniacs; I should imagine that at least a thousand drums were beating, innumerable horns were blowing, with whistles, fifes, and every instrument that would add to the horrible uproar.
At the same time not a human being was visible.
Mohammed, the dragoman, appeared, together with Umbogo. In reply to my question as to the cause of such a sudden irruption of noise, Umbogo laughed, and said it was "TO MAKE ME AFRAID, and to exhibit the great numbers of people that were collected at Masindi."
This was all. I therefore at once ordered the band to play, as I determined to accept the carefully planned surprise as a compliment that I would return.
The band struck up, the cymbals clashed, the big drum thundered, and the buglers blew their loudest, while the regimental drums rattled away as hard as the sticks could roll upon the skins.
In a short time the noise of the town ceased, and the only sound was occasioned by our own band.
I ordered them to cease playing. Once more there was perfect stillness.
I ordered the sentries to keep a sharp look-out, and we all went to bed.
This was a practical joke that did not please me, as it smacked of distrust and defiance. It took place on the same day upon which I had liberated the slave-hunter's people, and engaged them as irregular troops.
On the following morning I sent several messengers to Kabba Rega to beg him to pay me a visit. They all returned, some saying that he was asleep—others, that he was drunk. It was the usual habit of this young man to get very drunk every night, and to sleep until about 2 p.m., when he dressed and attended at his public divan.
I now heard that native messengers had arrived from the country of Faieera, which formed one of the districts within nine miles of Fatiko, under the charge of the great sheik, Rot Jarma, who had sworn allegiance to the government, and was under the protection of Major Abdullah.
These messengers had brought some guns and ammunition to sell to Kabba
Rega. They wished particularly to see me, as they had important news.
When they appeared in the divan, I at once recognized them as people that I had seen at Fatiko.
They informed me that since my departure, Abou Saood and his people had ridiculed the authority of my commandant, Major Abdullah; and to prove to the natives how powerless he was to protect them, Abou Saood had sent his men to attack Rot Jarma, and they had carried off his cattle and slaves.
The messengers declared that both Rot Jarma and all the natives were delighted with Major Abdullah and his troops, as they were very different from the slave-hunters, but the latter were too numerous and strong for Abdullah to contend against.
I told them that Abdullah was only waiting for orders; but if such was the state of things "why had he not written a letter by this opportunity?"
The natives asserted that the slave-hunters of Abou Saood had lost five of their party, killed in the attack upon Rot Jarma; therefore they (the messengers) were afraid to go near the station of Major Abdullah. They had accordingly travelled fast to bring me the news (160 miles), at the same time they brought the guns for sale to Kabba Rega.
It was the old story of deception and rebellion. Before my face Abou Saood would cringe to the earth, but he became an open rebel in my absence. It was absolutely necessary to place this man under arrest. When the Baris were at open war with the government, he had not only associated with their chief, but he had armed parties of these natives with muskets, which he employed in his zareebas.
He now attacked, in defiance of government protection, those friendly natives of Faieera who had become peaceable subjects of the Khedive. This was the same spirit of defiance that had been exhibited by Suleiman when he slaughtered the prisoner to whom I had granted an asylum.
Unless I should arrest Abou Saood, it would be ridiculous to attempt the establishment of a government. This scoundrel knew the weakness of my military force. He had himself requested Kabba Rega to attack me upon my arrival in his country. He was now plundering and kidnapping in the districts that were under government protection; this would immediately be known to Kabba Rega and his people, who would naturally conclude that my assurances of protection were valueless, and that Abou Saood was stronger than the government of the Khedive.
I determined to send orders to Major Abdullah to arrest Abou Saood if the reports were true concerning Faieera, at the same time he was to insist upon the liberation of all the Unyoro slaves, which he was to escort with his detachment to Foweera on the Victoria Nile.
There was no doubt that this fellow, Abou Saood, was confident of support from some Egyptian authority behind the scenes; he had therefore determined to be humble before my face, to avoid being pounced upon at once, but to have his own way when my back was turned, as he trusted that after the advice he had given to Kabba Rega I should never return from Unyoro. It would then be said that I had been killed by the natives, the affair would be ended, and the official supporters of Abou Saood would reinstate him in his original business for a sufficient CONSIDERATION.
I made arrangements for the departure of my new irregulars. After many invitations I at length succeeded in allaying Kabba Rega's apprehensions, and he promised to pay me a visit on the 11th May. Lieutenant-Colonel Abd-el-Kader went to meet him, and escorted him to the new house.
On arrival in the divan he was much astonished and delighted. The room, twenty-eight feet by fourteen, was arranged with double rows of metal boxes on all sides, so closely packed that they formed either low tables or seats, as might be required. These were all covered with blue blankets, which gave a neat appearance, upon which, at the east end of the room, were exhibited samples of the various goods that I had brought for the establishment of a regular trade in Unyoro. There were tin plates as bright as mirrors, crockery of various kinds, glasses, knives of many varieties, beautiful Manchester manufactures, such as Indian scarfs, handkerchiefs, piece-goods, light blue serge, chintzes, scarlet and blue blankets, blue and crimson cotton cloth, small mirrors, scissors, razors, watches, clocks, tin whistles, triangles, tambourines, toys, including small tin steamers, boats, carriages, Japanese spinning tops, horn snakes, pop-guns, spherical quicksilvered globes, together with assortments of beads of many varieties.