INTRODUCTION
During the last three months of the year 1811, Wellington had been secretly preparing for the siege of Ciudad Rodrigo. Almeida was put into a state of defence, and artillery and siege material and stores of all kinds accumulated in that fortress. Meanwhile General Hill to the south by his movements seemed to threaten Badajos, and kept the enemy in expectation of a third attack in that quarter.
On the 1st of January 1812, Wellington, with 35,000 men, moved suddenly upon Ciudad Rodrigo, which was held by the French with a garrison of nearly 2000 men. On the 8th the redoubt on the great Teson was taken by the 52nd Regiment, and on the 19th, two practicable breaches having been made, the assault was ordered, and the town taken by storm—not, however, without loss of men and Officers, among whom fell Robert Crawfurd, the famous leader of the Light Division.
After securing Ciudad Rodrigo, Wellington lost no time in preparing for the attack on Badajos, which he was determined to take at all cost. A glance at the map shows how with Ciudad Rodrigo and Badajos in the hands of the French, Portugal could not be in any way secure. Before any step could be taken to threaten Madrid, or the northern line of French communications, it was absolutely necessary that both these fortresses should be in the hands of the Allies.
Marshal Beresford, who was now in much better health, reached Elvas on the 6th of March. Within ten days of that date, he had crossed the Guadiana with 15,000 men, and, covered to the east and south-east by the forces under General Hill and General Graham respectively, invested Badajos.
The events of the siege, and the taking of Badajos, are described in the letters, which also are not silent concerning the horrors that followed the assault and capture of the town.
After this success, for which a terrible price had been paid in the loss of nearly 5000 Officers and men killed and wounded, no rest was allowed or indeed possible for the Allies. To the south was Soult with nearly 25,000 men, whose advance, however, upon hearing of the fall of Badajos, was checked, and his attention diverted from the allied army, by the movements of Spanish forces in Andalusia and the necessity of saving Seville. To the east was King Joseph with 20,000 men protecting Madrid, from whom, however, there was not for the moment much to fear. But to the north was Marmont with nearly 70,000 men threatening Ciudad Rodrigo. As usual, the movements of the French armies were hampered by the impossibility of finding subsistence in regions already desolated and exhausted by warfare; while combination between them became increasingly difficult, owing to the jealousies and dissensions which reigned among their chiefs. The Emperor himself was now far away, and fully occupied with his designs upon Russia.
Upon hearing that Marmont was moving westwards, Wellington hastened from Badajos by forced marches to the north, securing his right flank by the destruction of the bridge over the Tagus at Almaraz, which was effected by General Hill on the 18th of May.
It was now the turn of the Allies to take the offensive in the field, and Wellington determined to attack the so-called army of Portugal under Marmont, whose forces, however, were at the time greater than he supposed.
Accordingly, on the 13th of June, the allied army entered Castile, with Salamanca as its objective.
Marshal Marmont, who was expecting reinforcements, retired before the Allies, and on the 16th of June evacuated Salamanca, leaving, however, some forts, the guns of which commanded the bridge over the Tormes, garrisoned by about 800 men. As the letters show, the strength of these forts was much underrated by the Allies, and they were a cause of considerable annoyance. Their reduction was not effected till the 27th of June.
After this Marmont retired behind the Douro, across which he desired to draw Wellington. The manœuvres which followed are difficult to describe, or indeed to understand. The armies marched and countermarched, till at last by a skilful manœuvre Marmont was able to throw his force across the Tormes and to threaten Wellington’s line of retreat upon Ciudad Rodrigo. This attempt culminated on the afternoon of 22nd July in the battle of Salamanca. At the moment when Marmont pushed forward his left under Thomières to gain the high ground, which would enable him to command the road leading to the south-west through Miranda, Wellington, detecting his mistake, launched his attack on the French army. The battle, which is graphically described in the letters, resulted in the total defeat of the French, with the loss of guns and Eagles, and Colours, and many Generals. Marmont himself was badly wounded, and lost 6000 men killed and wounded, besides 7000 prisoners.
Nor was the loss of the Allies other than severe. General le Marchant was killed, and five Generals, including Beresford, wounded, while the death-roll included 41 Officers and 658 men, and the other casualties amounted to 253 Officers and 4273 men wounded or missing.
When his Marshal was wounded, his A.D.C. remained and carried him off the field, and with some difficulty conveyed him to Salamanca, where he nursed him through his illness, and accompanied him when convalescent to Lisbon.
With the battle of Salamanca the letters come to a conclusion. Major Warre returned to England, and, having received a Staff appointment at the Cape, proceeded thither in 1813.
LETTERS
Torres Novas, Jany. 4, 1812.
My Dear Father,
We are at length clear of Lisbon, and thus far on our journey to the Army. We were to have gone to Abrantes, but the heavy rain has prevented us, and we must therefore make the best of our very indifferent quarters, which are perhaps better than we shall often have, and at least the Marshal has a fire in his room. He is much better, and, so long as he is comfortable, we cannot mind how we A.D.C.’s are off. We are pretty well used to rough it, and must expect hereafter seldom to meet with even such quarters as these. I am very well in health.
Coimbra, 10th Jany., 1812.
Dearest Mother,
... We arrived here the day before yesterday after a tolerably pleasant journey, though we had a good deal of rain the first days. Latterly the weather though very cold has been very fine. And, as we came by the route by which the enemy retreated last year, and the Marshal was very communicative and pointed everything out to us, it was extremely interesting. But it was impossible to pass through a country so completely devastated without feelings of horror and pity for suffering humanity. Nothing can exceed the wanton cruelty and barbarity of those wretches. We passed many formerly fine towns nearly entirely burnt or destroyed, and scarcely saw a house or village but shewed evident proofs of their barbarous wanton cruelty and destruction. It is quite impossible to give people in England an adequate idea of the sufferings of these unhappy people. We even at this period saw many people and children absolutely starving and living upon nettles and herbs they gathered in the fields.
We leave this the day, and are to go by the route the French turned our position at Busaco, before, last year, which with the Marshal will be highly interesting. The siege of Ciudad Rodrigo is determined upon and will begin about this time. It will be a very instructive lesson to us, and will, I hope, be managed better than that of Badajos. We want experience in these matters, and I am very glad we shall have something to do. If we can succeed in making the French assemble their army at this season and distressed as they are for provisions and transport, we shall gain a great point, as we shall draw them off from the Asturias, Aragon, the neighbourhood of Madrid, and Estremadura, which will be a great diversion in favour of the Spaniards, and as the loss to the enemy must be very great, even if we are obliged to retreat, and to raise the siege, we shall have gained a great deal, and if they let us take the place, which I do not expect, the advantage is evident, as it secures that frontier and gives us an entrance into Castile. According as they collect a greater or less number we shall fight them, I suppose, or not, and in my humble opinion the whole of this movement is highly judicious, as well as Hill’s advance into Estremadura, which will draw off, I trust, Soult’s attention from Ballasteros.
We are all quite well, and I think the journey has done the Marshal good, as he is in high spirits. The fine weather seems likely to continue, and that we shall join the army without any more wettings, which, though they have done us no harm, are not pleasant, as the weather is very cold....
Wm. W.
Gallegos, Jany. 20, 1812.
My Dearest Father,
I have only just time to tell you that Ciudad Rodrigo is ours. It was taken by storm yesterday evening at 7 o clock. The Batteries had been firing away from 30 24-pounders since the morning of the 14th, and before yesterday evening two breaches, one a very extensive one, and a lesser, were deemed practicable, and the 3rd (Picton’s) and the Light Divn. (Crawfurd’s) were ordered to storm, supported by an attack on the opposite side of the town from Pack’s Portuguese Brigade, who were to escalade the wall and take the enemy in the rear. They were quite prepared, but nothing could resist the ardour and impetuosity of our Troops, and in 20 minutes after the storm began they were in full possession of the town, and in less than ¼ of an hour Lord Wn. and the Marshal were in it in perfect safety from the enemy’s resistance. Indeed no part of their Staff were much exposed during the whole time, and we are all safe and perfectly well. The Regts. employed were the 52nd, 45th, 74th, 88th, 43rd, 95th, and some more British, which I cannot now recollect, the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, Caçadores, and 16th and 1st Portuguese Infantry.
Our loss in men has been less than we could possibly have expected, had the garrison made a more vigorous resistance, but the proportion of Officers has been very great. Poor Genl. M’Minnon was killed by the blowing up of a magazine, which killed a great many of our men, and young Beresford of the 88th, the Marshal’s nephew, is wounded by it, but not dangerously. General Crawfurd is wounded, I fear, very badly. General Vandeleur not dangerously, Col. Colborne (52nd) severely, and poor George Napier (52nd), who commanded their storming party, and has been wounded in every action, has lost an arm, but is doing very well. Pray send word to Mrs Gibbs that Gibbs is quite well. Dobbs, poor fellow, is killed. Ewart, young Dawson, and Royds are quite well. Pray send word to their friends. I am so much hurried and fagged I can hardly write, but I do not wish Major Gordon to go without writing a few lines. I remained in Ciudad Rodrigo last night, and it would have been impossible even for me to form an idea of the horrors and misery of a town taken by storm. It was on fire in several places. It was quite impossible to prevent its being plundered. It was quite dreadful, and the scene which presented itself this morning on the breaches, and the streets, beyond my pen to describe. Another magazine blew up to-day and destroyed about 50 of the prisoners and a few of our men.
It is quite out of my power to do justice to the heroism and gallantry of our troops both British and Portuguese. It is not easy to express my admiration. They seemed to surpass their wonted bravery and intrepid contempt of danger. Nor can I describe the awful feelings of suspense and anxiety before or during the storm. There cannot be a grander or more impressive sight, and I had full time to experience the fulness of these feelings as I was little exposed, or was there indeed time for any danger except to the storming parties, as they drove everything before them, and we scarce thought the business begun when the Hurrahs announced their glorious and well-earned victory. The whole siege has been a most interesting and grand sight; and even the French Prisoners this morning cannot help expressing their admiration of the gallantry of our artillery and troops. The 88th and 45th have suffered most.
Pack’s Portuguese had escaladed the walls, and were in the Town, when they heard the Hurrahs of the others. There never was a better planned enterprize or more completely successful. Marmont and Dorsenne were collecting to relieve the place, and would arrive 3 days hence, but it is impossible to guess what they will do, now that the place is taken. They cannot be equal to us, and I do not expect they will attempt to disturb us. If they do, I am sure they will repent it. I have not a doubt of the result.
I am perfectly well, though much harassed and tired, but a night’s rest will set that to rights. I will certainly write again by packet. Yrs., etc.
Wm. W.
I am so bewildered yet that I cannot collect my ideas. Do not therefore pray shew my letter, and excuse such an incoherent scrawl.
Extracts from Letters to Sisters.
Elvas, March 6, 1812.
I avail myself of the departure of an extra courier for Lisbon to thank you for your letter.... We arrived here about an hour ago, all quite well, and think we shall remain for some time, or till the siege of Badajos is over. We came by Villa Viçosa and visited the Palace of the P. R. which is without doors or windows, which the soldiers of all parties have gradually burnt. It is a pity, as in one room there are really some fine pictures, painted on the ceiling, of the Dukes of Braganza, which will be quite spoiled. The Park is very handsome in their way. We should call it rather a forest, and there are a great many deer, which looked very pretty, but the wild boars, being of a more contemplative, solitary turn, kept themselves concealed, for which want of respect one is ordered to be shot for our table. He had better have made his appearance at once, and had the honor of being shot by a Marshal or A.D.C. The weather is very fine and dry, but rather too warm. We have been since the 2nd coming, and had a tolerably pleasant journey, being received everywhere with the greatest Honors, bells ringing, Guards of Honor, illuminations, etc., and never exceeding 5 leagues a day, except the first, so that we were never fatigued, or our horses, and had plenty of time to look about us, and make our observations, and, being with the Marshal, we are at least sure of always having plenty to eat. If I could be in good spirits, I should have perhaps enjoyed this mode of travelling through a country in state very much. As it is, it was rather a bore, and I am glad we are likely to be quiet for a short time anywhere, though a large fortified city full of troops is not exactly the place I should have chosen. The beautiful Quinta we had here last year is pulled down, house and all, when the suburbs were destroyed for being too near the body of the place, which is now very much improved and strengthened by some very fine new works in front of the town, and which makes it highly respectable, but I could not look at the remains of our beautiful shady walks and fountains without great regret.
Ld. Wn. will not, I believe, arrive for a day or two. The Army are on their march, but will not arrive to assemble on this frontier till the 10th or 12th, when I suppose poor old Badajos will be serenaded again. If we succeed as well as we did at Ciudad Rodrigo, we shall do well enough, but a protracted siege is to me the most tiresome thing in the world, and two have quite satisfied my curiosity as far as that goes.
John Campbell is here, very well, but quite disfigured by having his face all covered with his mustachios and whiskers. He is full Colonel in the P. service, and desires to be most kindly remembered to you all. He is a very excellent fellow. I wrote yesterday a very hasty scrawl, and thought I should not have any time to write any more as the courier went off, but to-day Mr Stuart the Envoy, who is here, is sending off one express, and I will therefore not omit to tell you I am in health quite well.
I have just got a note from young Cowell of the Guards, who wants me to obtain leave for him to shoot deer, etc., in the Prince’s Park at Villa Viçosa, a pretty modest request, which I am sorry I cannot comply with, as I cannot obtain leave even for myself.
The style and writing of my letter will shew you the bustle and hurry I am writing in. Every Officer in the Garrison, and all the Authorities, Civil and Military, have been here to be presented and make their bows, I suppose some hundreds, which, added to a long ride in a hot day, has condensed my powers of composition and made me stupider than usual.
Elvas, March 18, 1812.
My Dear Father,
I did not receive your long and kind letter of the 10th Feby. till the 16th inst., the same day on which I received yours of the 8th of March. I have intended thanking you for both for the last two days, but, as the investment of Badajos was begun on the 16th and completed yesterday, I had not a moment’s time, having been almost constantly on horseback. I could wish to have written you a long letter, but I find that at present it is impossible, for though I have remained at home to-day on purpose, I am a good deal fagged and hurried....
I am very much obliged to you for your most interesting ideas and communications on the politics of the day with you. They are to me most interesting, and I am happy to think that generally on these subjects our sentiments are exactly the same. But I have not now time to enter on the subject. I regret Lord Wellesley’s going out, as I have a very high opinion of his talents, and am quite convinced that the surest means of keeping the war ultimately from our own shores, is to persecute it vigorously on the Peninsula, where everything has hitherto been as successful as brilliant both to our interests and national glory. And I fear by his removal from office these exertions may be relaxed, and our brave General not seconded with the zeal he deserves, for I never considered Ld. Castlereagh as a decided public character....
With regard to ...’s letter, I can only say that I should be very sorry to allow any officer to purchase the majority over my head, if I could afford to purchase it. If not, it is no use saying anything on the subject. But if I could, ever so well, I do not think it would be worth my while to enter into Colonel ...’s exorbitant demands, and as I do not wish to be like the dog in the manger, I shall not prevent him from making what arrangements he pleases with ... by exchanges, etc. But could I afford it I most decidedly think that, should such a thing offer as direct purchase, I should do very wrong in not taking it, and trusting to my interest to avoid joining. At present I am literally no more than Captn., and must become an effective Major before I can either purchase or get a Lt.-Colonelcy, except by Brevet, which I assure you is most improbable, and at all events I could exchange to Infantry as Major, if by that means I could remain in the country to the end of the Campaign. I shall answer ... that he may do as he pleases, as it is not worth my while to give so much, beyond the Regulation, for the Majority. But, if you can afford to do it, I should be very sorry that he purchased over my head, should ... from length of service be allowed to sell his commission, which from the style of ...’s letter I rather suspect may be the case. But certainly, even if I had the money, I would not give more than the Regulation, or allow any officer to do it over my head, by informing the Agents that I was ready to purchase at the regulation. But if ... chooses to make any bargain with ... by exchanges, etc., I have no objection.
With regard to any place of emolument, or settled situation in this country, I must frankly tell you that there is no rank that they could give me in their service which would induce me to remain permanently in it, or beyond the Campaign, during which I do not think I can quit it with propriety.
My next situation will probably be the command of some Regiment when, by the obtaining my effective Majority, the Marshal may not be able to keep me on his Personal Staff. In that, as in every other situation, I shall endeavour to do my duty to this country with zeal and assiduity, while I think my services are required, but no longer than that we are on service, and that there is an English army in the country, and, while that is the case, I shall use all my interest to remain, however otherwise unpleasant to me. But you may rely on it that, the moment the law of necessity is removed, there will be but little credit and no pleasure to be gained in the Portuguese service under such a Government.
The siege of Badajos commenced on the 16th, when the place was partly invested by the Marshal, as Ld. Wellington was rather unwell. We had a little skirmishing but of no consequence, and the place was civil enough to fire very little at us, and the lateness of the time the columns arrived prevented the place from being completely invested. Ld. Wn., who is quite well again, thank God, did so yesterday without loss, and yesterday evening they commenced breaking ground in front of the Picorina, a small work in advance of the town, on the other side of the Guadiana, on which side all our attacks seem to be directed and not against St Christopher, which, as well as the town generally, the enemy have greatly improved, and have built a strong redoubt, where our batteries were against St Christopher last year.
The firing this morning has been pretty brisk notwithstanding the heavy rain, which came on last night, and is rather unfortunate for our poor fellows, most of whom, however, have tents. Both Hd. Qrs. were to have encamped yesterday, but by some accident or other, it is put off till to-morrow, when I hope the weather will moderate. Our Hd. Qrs. Camp is about a mile ½ from the town, and quite out of sight under a little hill, where we shall be snug enough if the weather holds up. If not we must have paciencia, and make the best of it. I have a very good tent. I remained at home to-day in order to write to you, but I will add to my letter before the Courier sets off, and let you know how things go on. I have no doubt that, with the great means we have, we shall take the place, if the enemy give us fair time. But in my opinion a general action is almost certain. I do not for a moment doubt the result, but on it the fate of Badajos will probably depend. Our battering train is very complete. We have 16 24-lbers. 20 18-lbs. 16 5½-inch. or 24-lb. Howitzers, with 10 18-lbs. in reserve at Evora. The 3rd, 4th, and Light Divisions and the Algarve Brigade, with the necessary Artillery and Engineers, and 14th Lt. Dns. and 3rd P. Cavalry, are the Armée de Siège, and Graham and Hill, the two worthy new knights, command the Army of observation, which consists of the 1st, 2nd, 9th, 7th, Divisions and some Cavalry Regts., and occupy from Caçeres by Merida, Almendralejo, Los Santos, Zafra, towards Frejenal, having on their right in the Condado de Niebla the Spanish general Morilho, with about 4000 men, in observation. Marmont, it is said, is collecting on the Tagus, and I also expect Soult will move up as many troops as they can bring together from all parts for the relief of the Town. But, I think, we shall have near 60,000 Bayonets, and that is quite enough to beat any force they can collect in a month. The 5th Division is on its march up, but I do not know whether it will join the army of observation or the siege. The 14th Lt. Dns. arrive here to-morrow, and will, with the 3rd P. Cavalry, take the siege duties.
The only casualties to-day are 6 or 7 killed or wounded and 1 French Officer killed. The trench is as much advanced as can be expected, considering the constant heavy rain which had set in and is very unfortunate for our poor fellows.
Both Hd. Qrs. encamp near Badajos to-morrow.
Lord Wellington will be much obliged to you if you would have the Pipe of wine bottled for him, marked with his name, and taken care of for him in a good place till his return, as he wishes to keep it as a bonne bouche! I saw young Cowell the day before yesterday. He was quite well, and is a fine gentlemanly fellow as possible, and seems to like the business very much.
General Leith is very well, and on his march here with his division, the 5th. Pray carefully avoid mentioning the probability of a general action, or the badness of the weather, to my mother. I have merely told her that we were encamped at a distance from Badajos to facilitate our communications, which so far is true, and I think my dear sisters also need know nothing about the matter....
Camp before Badajos, 20th.
We have had most dismal weather since we began the siege. It has rained incessantly. It however goes on very well, and our loss in the trenches not very great.
The enemy made a sortie yesterday about 11 to 12 A.M., with about 2500 men, but were repulsed with loss it is supposed of about 300 men. We have also lost some men, but I do not know exactly how many. Poor Capt. Cuthbert, A.D.C. to General Picton, was killed by a cannon shot. Lt.-Col. Fletcher, Chief Engineer, wounded slightly, and some more Officers. I hear we had 80 men killed. Some of their Dragoons galloped into our Engineer Camp, but of 4, 3 paid the price of their temerity. Hill has taken 4 Officers and some few men at Merida, and, if the weather would but hold up, we should go on famously here. The Prisoners yesterday say that General Verlet commanded the sortie, and I have also heard that they had two Officers killed on 16th. They are keeping up at this moment a brisk fire from the town, which I hope in a few days we shall be able to answer. Our trench runs very near the Fort Picorina. From both parties a pretty brisk fire of musquetry is kept up.
I enclose my answer to ... which, if you approve of, you can deliver; if not, as you know my sentiments on the subject, you can answer for me.
Lord Wellington came into camp yesterday, but we were not able to move till this morning, and have escaped a most boisterous night. I am quite well in health notwithstanding our hard work, and, if the weather would moderate, should be rather glad to be encamped, as it will save some very fatiguing rides. I will send you a return of our forces by my next. At present I have not time, nor after such a long epistle would you wish me to enter into the other subjects of your letter, but I am most happy to find our Politics are exactly the same. I am very sorry for poor Farmer’s death. Poor Vesey is melancholy indeed for his family. C’est la fortune de la guerre. We never allow people’s deaths, who are not nearly connected with us, to disturb us much, or we should always be unhappy.... Yrs., etc.,
Wm. W.
It is not easy to write connectedly with such a noisy serenade, but as we are out of danger, we shall soon be accustomed to the noise. You shall hear from me constantly.
Extracts from Letters to Sisters
Camp before Badajos, March 29, 1812.
I am amused with your complaining of the noise the Parrot makes, which prevents your writing, when I am at this moment, and constantly since the Siege began, serenaded by the roar of cannons and musquetry of both sides. We are out of danger, but have all the advantage of the noise, and if I was to write only when we are quiet, my friends would have reason to complain of me, but habit reconciles us to everything, and we sleep as sound in the uproar now as if in Lisbon. They sometimes disturb us at daybreak when the fire is always heavier, and to-morrow and the next day, when the breaching Batteries open, we shall have an additional bass of near 30 great violoncellos.
Pray give my love to Aunt Jane. She would think ill, though I don’t, of her own countrymen, if she had seen how coolly Pat put all the “Frinch to dith” in the Fort the other night. The Connaughts (88th) have declared that “they will patronise Ld. Welln. no longer if he accepts any “Campititation” from the Governor, “for sure, if they can but get a cavity in the wall, they will get in every bit of them”!...
You must not quiz my spelling or writing, as, please remember, I am writing in a tent on my bed, and that those varlets the French are making more noise than the Parrot. It is really impertinent of them, but they do not know that I am writing to you.
April 3rd.—Quite well.
Camp before Badajos, April 2nd, 1812.
My Dear Father,
Since I wrote to you on the 27th the siege has gone on very well indeed, and the weather has been fine though rather too hot, which has in a great measure made up for the very bad weather we had at the commencement, which certainly retarded us two full days. Our men have worked very hard, notwithstanding the very heavy fire from the place, which the enemy have kept up at times, and which our Ricochet Batteries did not prevent much, and some of them even suffered very considerably themselves, particularly No. 5, and No. 6, which is a Howitzer Battery. They are most to our right, and exposed to a commanding fire from the Castle.
Though our loss has not hitherto been very great considering, we have to lament that of some very valuable Officers, amongst others that of Capt. Mulcaster of the Engineers, Lt. Connell of the Artillery, two most promising young men and universally esteemed. On the 29th poor Major Thomson, the Commg. Officer of the 88th, was killed by my side in the 8 gun breaching Battery. We had been walking together in the trenches and went down to see how far the Battery was advanced, and when it would be ready. The enemy kept up a heavy fire of musquetry on it, as it was only 150 yards from their covered way. We were standing up with Major M’Lean of the 1st Caçadores when they fired at us and hit poor Thomson through the head, and M’Lean had his watch broke. I fortunately jumped down in time and escaped, as they hit instead the sandbag I was leaning against, which did quite as well. These escapes are not at all extraordinary in our trenches, as our 2nd parallel is nowhere more than 400 yards from the covered way of the town, and in many (places) much less. The 6 gun breaching Battery is only 200, and a new one, which is constructing, and will be ready to-morrow morning, much less. But notwithstanding the enemy’s fire of shot, shells, grape and musquetry, it is astonishing the little damage they do, or how few men comparatively are hit. The 8 gun breaching Battery opened on the 30th against the flank of the Bastion of St Maria, with considerable effects, but it drew upon it the whole fire of the Place, and suffered a good deal itself. On the 31st the 12 gun Battery of 24 prs. and the 6 gun By. of 18 prs. opened against the right face of the Bastion of La Trinidad, with excellent effect, and though it has proved a very tough one, the old wall is now coming down very fast, and as it is more forward a great deal than that on the flank of St Maria, the 6 gun Battery was also this morning turned against it, and I have great hopes that on the 4th or 5th at furthest it will be ready for the general assault. It will be a glorious night, and I have not a doubt, though there are great disadvantages to overcome, that we shall take the Town, and the enemy will probably retire into the Castle, which is an old Moorish or Gothic one, and from whence they will be forced to capitulate, as well as the adjacent forts.
Our Artillerymen, both British and Portuguese, have fired extremely well indeed, much better than the enemy, whose fire, though at times very brisk, is very ill directed, and their shells do very little harm, though tolerably well thrown, on account of some mismanagement in their fuses. They either burst too soon, or so late that everybody has time to get out of their way. Yesterday and the day before their fire was heavier than I ever have seen it before in the siege, but to-day it has been very slack indeed on their side. We have lost two very good Portuguese Artillery Officers, Captn. Julio Cæsar D’Amoral and Barceiros, both very gallant good Officers, and Capt. Dundas of the British Artillery, and Lieut. Grimes, badly wounded. The former has lost an arm. Major M’Leod of the Engineers is doing well. He is a very zealous and good Officer.
The conduct of the Portuguese Troops during the whole Siege, and under very trying circumstances, has been most exemplary, particularly their Artillery, which is really very good. It is difficult to say which troops, the British or Portuguese, are the most indifferent to danger. In both it is quite remarkable. But John goes to work more steadily and sullenly, while the Portuguese must be well led, and have his joke. They are great wits in their way, and, without the resolution and impenetrable sang froid of the British, which no danger can disturb, they have more patience and subordination under greater privations and hardship. But the Portuguese has not the bodily strength of the former, is naturally lazy, and is not used to our pickaxes and shovels. Therefore on the working parties the British do their work better in half the time. But both seem equally careless of danger. They agree perfectly well together, and amongst the men there is scarce an instance of disagreement or disturbance.
On the evening of the 30th the Enemy made a small sortie with 2 or 300 men against a working party of 200 men of the Algarve Brigade who were constructing a small Redoubt, on the other side of the Guadiana opposite St Christopher’s Fort Napoleon, and who allowed them to come close up to them, gave them a volley, and drove them in a moment back into their works, leaving their Commanding Officer and some men dead on the field, since which they have never ventured to molest them, though they are only 2600 men, Portuguese, and part of the 3rd P. Cavalry without a British Regiment, the 5th Divn. (Leith’s) having marched to Valverde to be ready to join Graham, should it be necessary, which I much doubt, for I hope we shall be in the place before either Soult or Marmont can possibly arrive to relieve it.
With regard to what they are about, we have so many reports, and so different, that I do not know exactly what to believe, but do not think they can collect a sufficient force in time. I think by the 4th or 5th the breaches will be ready for a general assault. We shall lose a great many men, but I have not a doubt we shall take the Place.
General Graham’s expedition against Drouet did not succeed. The enemy had too good information, or were too vigilant, and they could only come up with their rearguard of cavalry, and there was a little skirmishing.
Ewart is getting on quite well. His wound was slight through the fleshy part of the arm. All our other friends are well. You will of course, my dear Father, not show this letter to ... or mention my being exposed at all. There is no occasion for them to know that I have anything to do with the trenches or Batteries.
April 3rd.
Our new 6 gun Battery (opened) against St Pedro curtain, but I have not yet heard with what effect. An attempt was made last night to blow up the dam which confines the water in the inundation and ditch of the place, but though our fine fellows, Captn. Douglas and Robert Campbell, with their Companies, contrived to creep unperceived to the place which is behind the Ravelin and St Roque, and about 50 yards from the wall of the town, the explosion had not the desired effect, but we had not a man hurt.
General Graham has returned to Villa Franca. Yrs., etc.,
Wm. Warre.
We have a pretty little spot for our Hd. Qrs. opposite the English Troupe D’Orée, under a little hill, which just conceals us from the town, whence they have never molested us, though they sometimes fire along the road 40 yards to our left, and, if we are quite safe, we have at all events all the advantage of the noise, which is at intervals like the rolling of thunder.
Badajos Camp, April 7.
My Dear Father,
I have the happiness of communicating to you the capture of Badajos by assault last night after a most obstinate resistance, and with, I am grieved to add, as a painful counterpoise to the exaltation of victory, very severe loss.
Since I wrote to you on the 3rd the breaches have become daily more practicable, and the day before yesterday a new one, which was begun between the two others, was also very forward and yesterday practicable. It was intended to have stormed the day before, but the enemy’s defences were considered in too perfect a state, and the fire of most of our Batteries was directed for the last two days against the new breach, and to silence and dismount their guns.
The attack took place last night at 10 o’clock. The Light Division was to storm the breach in the flank of the Bastion of St Maria. This consists of 43rd, 52nd, 95th, 1st, and 3rd, P. Caçadores.
The 4th Division (Genl. Colville’s), the 7th, 23rd, 48th, 40th, and 27th, were to storm the main breach, while the 3rd Division (Picton’s), the 5th, 45th, 88th, 74th, 94th, 77th, with 9 and 21 Portuguese, attacked the Castle by escalade, and General Leith’s (the 5th Div.), consisting of the 4th, 9th, 1st, 44th, 30th, 38th, were partly in reserve, and partly escaladed a weak part of the town near the Guadiana.
The advances to the breaches were found much more difficult than was expected, having to descend before the main ditch into a very deep avant fossé, and the enemy perfectly prepared to receive them with mines, shells, entrenchments, in short a most excellent system of defence. Our brave fellows did all that men could do, but they were mown down by hundreds, and their Officers mostly killed or wounded, and, after losing a great many men, they were repulsed, but fortunately the two attacks which were the least probable, by escalade, having succeeded, Picton having got into the old Moorish Castle, which commands the town, and part of Leith’s people (General Walker’s Brigade) on the left, another rush was made at the breaches by part of the Light Division, and, about daybreak, the town and its adjacent forts were in our possession, with Philippon the Governor, a General Weyland, a great many Officers, and about 3500 prisoners.
I dare not enter into the detail of our loss. The papers will too soon publish the painful news. Of all my friends Dawson is the only one I can say is safe, and Hunt. The remainder I know nothing of for certain, but that the loss of 52nd, and of that whole division, very great indeed, as well as of the 4th, Generals Bowes, Colville, and Walker, wounded, and poor Gibbs. Merry 52nd Regt. wounded, but not very badly. Jones, Poole, Madden, killed. I am, thank God, quite well, though very much tired and fagged. I was on horseback all yesterday, (and the weather is dreadfully hot,) and all night, or on foot, and such a night, I think, I never spent of suspense, horror, and expectation. I was sent before daybreak, as soon as our men were in the town, to endeavour to establish a communication, across the Bridge and tête de Pont, with Genl. Bowes, who was on that side. I met Lord Fitzroy Somerset, who was going on nearly the same duty, and at the tête de Pont we found an Officer and 40 men, and in Fort St Christopher, whither we heard he had retreated, the Governor Genl. Philippon, General Weyland, and a great many officers, all of whom surrendered immediately, on our summoning them, and the Chiefs we conducted to Lord Wellington.
It is most extraordinary that, notwithstanding the obstinate defence, and causes of animosity which our men had, and all their previous determinations, they gave quarter to almost every Frenchman, and I really believe their loss in killed and wounded must be comparatively very small to ours. The Marshal and everybody belonging to this Hd. Qrs. escaped unhurt, and are well, as also all Lord Wellington’s Staff. My friends of the 4th Regt. have suffered very much indeed. There was scarce a Regiment engaged that has not, for the fire at the breaches was immense, and from the depth of the ditches, and accumulated means of defence, it appears to me that it was almost impossible for our brave fellows to force them, and it was most fortunate that the side attacks succeeded at the Castle and at the Bastion of St Vincente. I am so tired I can say no more. God Almighty bless you all. My kindest love. Your most affectionate Son,
Wm. Warre.
[Written across the above]
8th April.
My Dearest Father,
I avail myself of the delay of the Officer, who is to carry the despatches, to tell you that I am quite well, notwithstanding the fatigue of the other night which I have nearly got over. I think I never was more completely fagged in my life than I was till I got to bed last night, for mind and body had been on the constant stretch for 36 hours incessantly.
I am just returned from the town, to which I had not been since the night of the storm. The breaches and advance to them present a dreadful spectacle even now that the wounded are removed. Our loss was very great indeed, particularly in Officers. I think, including the losses during the siege, we have upwards of 3000 killed and wounded. Many Regiments (had) almost all their Officers hit in some way or other, though I do not think the proportion of killed equal to that of the wounded. The town also has suffered much from the effect of three sieges within a year, and being taken by assault, when it was almost impossible to restrain the avarice and licentiousness of the soldiery, which so greatly sullies the brilliancy of their conduct and victory, and forces their Officers to blush for the excesses of the very men they before admired as heroes. Fortunately a greater part of the inhabitants had quitted the place previously. Those that remained have paid dearly for their folly, and have but little reason to rejoice in the victory of their friends. However, it is perhaps impossible entirely to prevent these excesses, when the place is taken in the manner this was. And it is also as prudent to hold our tongues, and shut our eyes on miseries it is out of our power to prevent, but must deeply feel, and our hearts and wishes naturally but longingly turn to dear, dear old England, and those beloved friends it contains, as we pray Almighty God to preserve them from the horrid scourge of war as the greatest of human miseries.
The enemy’s defence was admirably prepared at all points, and does great honor to the talents of the Chief Engineer, as well as the great improvements he has made in the works of the place since the last siege. Everything bespeaks of great activity and talent, and in a few months hence the conquest would have been much more difficult. Could one forget what rascals these fellows are, one would admire their gallantry and military abilities as they deserve, but they do nothing from laudable motives, and we are forced from many circumstances to attribute even this obstinate defence rather to fear of their relentless Tyrant, than to any motives of honour and proper military spirit.
Their entrenchments behind the breaches, Chevaux de frise of Sword Blades, etc., were very formidable, and, added to the difficulty of access to the Breaches from heavy fire, made it almost impossible to force them, had not our escalading parties fortunately succeeded. Generals Colville, Walker, Harvey, P. Bowes, and Kemp, are wounded. I had written General Picton, but it was only a contusion from a spent ball and not worth mentioning.
Soult was advancing, but I believe with not sufficient force, to endeavour to relieve the place, and perhaps, in conjunction with Marmont, to have fought us, if necessary, but I now have little doubt that he will retire again towards Seville. His advance was at Villa Franca, but I fear has retired again. We are yet unable to foresee Soult’s intentions. He is within 8 leagues of us, his advance guard. But he has not more than 30 to 35,000 men, and we could fight nearly double that number. I wish to God he would advance.
Marmont was between the Agueda and Coa threatening Almeida and Ciudad Rodrigo, but I trust he will now be forced to retreat. The latter place is but ill provided with provisions, but Spaniards require little, and it would hold out some time. Unless he retreats I suspect part of our Army will march again towards the North. Marmont, however, cannot at all events subsist there long.